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The Lost Book of Enki.Pdf
L0ST BOOK °f6NK1 ZECHARIA SITCHIN author of The 12th Planet • . FICTION/MYTHOLOGY $24.00 TH6 LOST BOOK OF 6NK! Will the past become our future? Is humankind destined to repeat the events that occurred on another planet, far away from Earth? Zecharia Sitchin’s bestselling series, The Earth Chronicles, provided humanity’s side of the story—as recorded on ancient clay tablets and other Sumerian artifacts—concerning our origins at the hands of the Anunnaki, “those who from heaven to earth came.” In The Lost Book of Enki, we can view this saga from a dif- ferent perspective through this richly con- ceived autobiographical account of Lord Enki, an Anunnaki god, who tells the story of these extraterrestrials’ arrival on Earth from the 12th planet, Nibiru. The object of their colonization: gold to replenish the dying atmosphere of their home planet. Finding this precious metal results in the Anunnaki creation of homo sapiens—the human race—to mine this important resource. In his previous works, Sitchin com- piled the complete story of the Anunnaki ’s impact on human civilization in peacetime and in war from the frag- ments scattered throughout Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Hittite, Egyptian, Canaanite, and Hebrew sources- —the “myths” of all ancient peoples in the old world as well as the new. Missing from these accounts, however, was the perspective of the Anunnaki themselves What was life like on their own planet? What motives propelled them to settle on Earth—and what drove them from their new home? Convinced of the existence of a now lost book that formed the basis of THE lost book of ENKI MFMOHCS XND PKjOPHeCieS OF XN eXTfCXUfCWJTWXL COD 2.6CHXPJA SITCHIN Bear & Company Rochester, Vermont — Bear & Company One Park Street Rochester, Vermont 05767 www.InnerTraditions.com Copyright © 2002 by Zecharia Sitchin All rights reserved. -
Cun Cuneiform
1159 Cun 1160 Cun represents an object or an idea. However, the signs Cun (Heb. kûn; Vg.: Chun). According to 1 Chr 18 : 8, could also be used with phonetic value, e.g., to help Cun is a Syrian town from which David seized a choose the correct reading of the word and indicate large amount of bronze which Solomon later used its pronunciation (phonetic complement), or as a for the temple. Josephus took the name of the town grammatical element helping to conjugate a verb or to be Μων, that is, reading the mem in Hebrew decline a noun. mkwn as part of the name rather than the preposi- From the first half of the 3rd millennium BCE, tion “from” (Ant. 7.105). The town is perhaps to be when writing Akkadian (a Semitic language), the identified with Berothai in 2 Sam 8 : 8. scribes maintained the cuneiform signs used in Su- Choon-Leong Seow merian, but retained only their phonetic value which generally corresponded to one syllable. For instance, the sign denoting “earth,” ki in Sumerian, Cuneiform was used in Akkadian to note down the sound ki in The term “cuneiform” literally means “wedge- all the words which contained it (like kittum, “jus- shaped” (from Lat. cuneus, “wedge”). First used tice,” which was written using the signs ki, it, and around 1700, the term originally denoted the char- tum). At the same time, the Akkadian language con- acters used in inscriptions at Persepolis, which, at served those ideograms inherited from Sumerian that time, were known in Europe through copies. -
Inanna: a Modern Interpretation
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College Spring 2019 Inanna: A Modern Interpretation Erin Butts University of Maine Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Communication Commons, and the Theatre and Performance Studies Commons Recommended Citation Butts, Erin, "Inanna: A Modern Interpretation" (2019). Honors College. 485. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/485 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INANNA: A MODERN INTERPRETATION By Erin Butts A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (Communications, Theatre) The Honors College The University of Maine May 2019 Advisory Committee: Elizabeth Neiman, Associate Professor of English and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, Co-Advisor Mary Jean Sedlock, Lecturer in Theatre, Production Manager, and Technical Director, Co-Advisor Daniel Bilodeau, Chair of Theatre and Dance Julie Lisnet, Instructor of Theatre Jennie Woodard, Preceptor in the Honors College © 2019 Erin H. Butts All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Sumer has a culture lost to history. Currently, the University of Maine offers no courses about ancient Mesopotamia, one of the first civilizations. Over the years, historians have been translating the cuneiform tablets containing their religion and history. There has been one adaptation of those translations, by Diane Wolkstein in 1983 to bring the stories to a wider audience through a collection of stories around the goddess Inanna. -
The Epic of Gilgamesh Ebook Free Download
THE EPIC OF GILGAMESH PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Andrew George,N. K. Sandars,Richard Pasco | 304 pages | 28 Sep 2015 | Penguin Books Ltd | 9780140449198 | English | London, United Kingdom The Epic of Gilgamesh PDF Book His mother explains that they mean that a new companion will soon arrive at Uruk. The Flood Tablet, 11th cuneiform tablet in a series relating the Gilgamesh epic, from Nineveh, 7th century bce ; in the British Museum, London. Donn has an excellent website that includes a section on Mesopotamia. He plans to use the flower to rejuvenate the old men of the city of Uruk and then to use it himself. An illustration of Gilgamesh from the Chaldean Account of Genesis advertisement. The story begins with the introduction of Gilgamesh , king of Uruk , two-thirds god and one-third human , blessed by the gods with strength, courage and beauty, and the strongest and greatest king who ever existed. Epic poem from Mesopotamia. The definitive modern translation is a two-volume critical work by Andrew George , published by Oxford University Press in Gilgamesh finally leaves with Urshanabi to return to Uruk. Humbaba then curses them both, and Gilgamesh finally puts an end to it. For other uses, see Epic of Gilgamesh disambiguation. The gods respond to the people's pleas by creating an equal to Gilgamesh who will be able to stop his oppression. The gods like the sacrifices so much that they regret having murdered the humans. Synopsis — Gilgamesh Summary Back to Top of Page The story begins with the introduction of Gilgamesh , king of Uruk , two-thirds god and one-third human , blessed by the gods with strength, courage and beauty, and the strongest and greatest king who ever existed. -
Writing (And Reading) As Material Practice: the World of Cuneiform Culture As an Arena for Investigation Roger Matthews University of Reading
Writing (and Reading) as Material Practice: The world of cuneiform culture as an arena for investigation Roger Matthews University of Reading Let me read the tablets in the presence of the king, my lord, and let me put down on them whatever is agreeable to the king; whatever is not acceptable to the king, I shall remove from them. The tablets I am speaking about are worth preserving until far-off days. (7th century bc cuneiform inscription on clay tablet from Nineveh, capital of the Neo- Assyrian empire, see Frame and George 2005: 278). In an age where ‘the death of the book’ is heralded almost daily (Ehrenreich 2011 poetically situates the debates), and where new modes of expression and consumption of the written word are freely elaborated, we are perhaps especially sensitised to the materiality of the writings, and the readings, that inhabit our world. In this chapter, following a brief review of current research, I consider some key questions in the materiality of writing, drawing on case-studies from the world of “cuneiform culture” that dominated the ancient Near East for more than 3000 years from its beginnings around 3200 bc (Radner and Robson 2011). Current Research into the Materiality of Ancient Near Eastern Texts Following a long and occasionally fraught relationship between archaeologists and historians of the ancient Near East (Liverani 1999; Matthews 2003; Zimansky 2005), the topic of textual materiality is increasingly considered in studies by Near Eastern epigraphists and archaeologists working together to achieve shared aims. It has long been appreciated that the shape and format of clay tablets bearing cuneiform script is frequently related to the content of those texts (e.g. -
173 BABYLONIAN TEXTS from the FOLIOS of SIDNEY SMITH, PART THREE: a COMMENTARY on a RITUAL of the MONTH NISAN A. R. George This
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SOAS Research Online Guinan. 8th proofs. 10-4-2006:20.50, page 173. BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM THE FOLIOS OF SIDNEY SMITH, PART THREE: A COMMENTARY ON A RITUAL OF THE MONTH NISAN A.R. George This study continues the series of articles that make available cuneiform texts in previously unpublished hand-copies left by the late Sidney Smith.1 The fragment presented here now rests in the British Museum’s Sippar collections.2 As such it was listed by Erle Leichty in the first of his three monumental volumes of catalogue.3 It is accordingly a great pleasure to place the editio princeps of this piece in a volume honouring him. The tablet BM 54312 (Fig. 1) is Neo- or Late Babylonian. It is part of a consignment that contained tablets from Babylon, as well as Sippar (82-5- 22). To judge from the superscript, a standard invocation of Marduk and his consort expressing the hope that the tablet will be successfully completed, the provenance was indeed Babylon. The tablet is certainly one of the most intriguing fragments found in Smith’s folios of cuneiform copies, though only the obverse is preserved. According to format and style the text belongs to one of the classes of docu- ments that are known in Assyriology as commentaries.4 There are essentially two types of commentary. The first type comprises fixed texts handed down as part of the scribal canon; good examples are the commentaries on Summaˇ izbu edited by Erle Leichty and other lexical commentaries that survive in multiple and duplicate manuscripts.5 The second type of commentary is that in which typically a phrase of text is cited and philological notes mixed with quotations and other comments are appended by way of elucidation. -
CHARACTER DESCRIPTION Gilgamesh- King of Uruk, the Strongest of Men, and the Perfect Example of All Human Virtues. a Brave
CHARACTER DESCRIPTION Gilgamesh - King of Uruk, the strongest of men, and the perfect example of all human virtues. A brave warrior, fair judge, and ambitious builder, Gilgamesh surrounds the city of Uruk with magnificent walls and erects its glorious ziggurats, or temple towers. Two-thirds god and one-third mortal, Gilgamesh is undone by grief when his beloved companion Enkidu dies, and by despair at the fear of his own extinction. He travels to the ends of the Earth in search of answers to the mysteries of life and death. Enkidu - Companion and friend of Gilgamesh. Hairy-bodied and muscular, Enkidu was raised by animals. Even after he joins the civilized world, he retains many of his undomesticated characteristics. Enkidu looks much like Gilgamesh and is almost his physical equal. He aspires to be Gilgamesh’s rival but instead becomes his soul mate. The gods punish Gilgamesh and Enkidu by giving Enkidu a slow, painful, inglorious death for killing the demon Humbaba and the Bull of Heaven. Aruru - A goddess of creation who fashioned Enkidu from clay and her saliva. Humbaba - The fearsome demon who guards the Cedar Forest forbidden to mortals. Humbaba’s seven garments produce a feeling that paralyzes fear in anyone who would defy or confront him. He is the prime example of awesome natural power and danger. His mouth is fire, he roars like a flood, and he breathes death, much like an erupting volcano. In his very last moments he acquires personality and pathos, when he pleads cunningly for his life. Siduri - The goddess of wine-making and brewing. -
Efficient Use of Ambiguity in an Early Writing System: Evidence from Sumerian Cuneiform
Efficient use of ambiguity in an early writing system: Evidence from Sumerian cuneiform Noah Hermalin1 ([email protected]) Terry Regier1;2 ([email protected]) 1Department of Linguistics and 2Cognitive Science Program University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720 USA Abstract was not simply a straightforward reflection of spoken Sume- rian; this means that any finding of efficiency with respect to Ambiguity has often been viewed as a hindrance to communi- cation. In contrast, Piantadosi et al. (2012) argued that ambi- the writing system cannot be dismissed as entirely derivative guity may be useful in that it allows communication to be ef- of the corresponding spoken language. Finally, Sumerian is ficient, and they found support for this argument in the spoken unrelated to the languages studied earlier by Piantadosi et al., forms of modern English, Dutch, and German. The historical origins of this phenomenon cannot be probed in the case of spo- which are closely related to each other. For these reasons, ken language, but they can for written language, as it leaves an Sumerian cuneiform suggests itself as a natural case study for enduring trace. Here, we explore ambiguity and efficiency in probing the historical origins of the efficient use of ambiguity, one of the earliest known written forms of language: Sumerian cuneiform. Sumerian cuneiform exhibits extensive ambiguity, in the accessible case of written language. and for that reason it has been considered to be poorly suited for In what follows, we first provide a brief introduction to communication. We find, however, that ambiguity in Sumerian Sumerian cuneiform, and its relevance to the question of am- cuneiform supports efficient communication, mirroring the ear- lier findings for spoken English, Dutch, and German. -
Exploring Four Empires of Mesopotamia Chapter 6 Exploring Four Empires of Mesopotamia
Chapter 6 Exploring Four Empires of Mesopotamia Chapter 6 Exploring Four Empires of Mesopotamia What were the most important achievements of the IVlesopotamian empires? 6.1 Introduction Ancient Sumer flourished in Mesopotamia between 3500 and 2300 B.C.E. In this chapter, you will discover what happened to the Sumerians and who ruled Mesopotamia after them. The city-states of ancient Sumer were like small independent countries. They often fought over land and water rights. They never united into one group. Their lack of unity left them open to attacks by stronger groups. This timeline shows four empires About 2300 B.C.E., the Akkadians (uh-KAY-dee-unz) con- that ruled Mesopotamia during a quered Sumer. This group made the Sumerian city-states a part period of almost 1800 years. of an empire. An empire is a large territory where groups Four Empires of Mesopotamia of people are ruled by a Akkadian Empire About 2300-2100 B.C.E Assyrian Empire About 900-612 B.C.E single leader or government. Groups like the Akkadians first conquer and then rule ^ BAeVLONIft other lands. EQYPT-< /• ARABIA-J , " """""" ••'«-... \ In this chapter, you will learn about four empires 2500 B.C.E. \0 B.C.E. 1500 B.C.E. 1000 B.C.E. / 500 B.C.E. that rose up in Mesopotamia between 2300 and 539 B.C.E. They were the Akkadian - SYRIA ASSVRIA ^YRIA ASSYHIA Empire, the Babylonian ^ BWYLONtA _ (bah-buh-LOH-nyuhn) ' ^\ EGVPT > /. ARABMJ -"V Empire, the Assyrian (uh-SIR-ee-un) Empire, and Babylonian Empire Aboutl792-1595 B.C.E Neo-Babylonian Empire About 605-539 B.C.E the Neo-Babylonian Empire. -
KARUS on the FRONTIERS of the NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo
KARUS ON THE FRONTIERS OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo YAMADA * The paper discusses the evidence for the harbors, trading posts, and/or administrative centers called karu in Neo-Assyrian documentary sources, especially those constructed on the frontiers of the Assyrian empire during the ninth to seventh centuries Be. New Assyrian cities on the frontiers were often given names that stress the glory and strength of Assyrian kings and gods. Kar-X, i.e., "Quay of X" (X = a royal/divine name), is one of the main types. Names of this sort, given to cities of administrative significance, were probably chosen to show that the Assyrians were ready to enhance the local economy. An exhaustive examination of the evidence relating to cities named Kar-X and those called karu or bit-kar; on the western frontiers illustrates the advance of Assyrian colonization and trade control, which eventually spread over the entire region of the eastern Mediterranean. The Assyrian kiirus on the frontiers served to secure local trading activities according to agreements between the Assyrian king and local rulers and traders, while representing first and foremost the interest of the former party. The official in charge of the kiiru(s), the rab-kari, appears to have worked as a royal deputy, directly responsible for the revenue of the royal house from two main sources: (1) taxes imposed on merchandise and merchants passing through the trade center(s) under his control, and (2) tribute exacted from countries of vassal status. He thus played a significant role in Assyrian exploitation of economic resources from areas beyond the jurisdiction of the Assyrian provincial government. -
Marduk's Penis. Queering Enūma Eliš
Marduk’s Penis. Queering Enūma Eliš Sophus Helle Abstract: The paper examines the depiction of gender in the Babylonian epic Enūma Eliš. I approach the text from the perspective of queer theory, basing my argument on the assumption that the gender binary is not a natural given but is culturally constructed, and that the process of cultural construction can be traced in the sources at our disposal. I do not argue that Enūma Eliš is somehow a ‘queer’ text in and of itself, but ra- ther that a conscious mismatch between text and theory can reveal new aspects of the ancient epic. I focus on two aspects of the construction of gender in Enūma Eliš: the depiction of the female body as constantly rest- less, disquieting, and impossible to subdue decisively, and the creation of an all-male sphere of discourse, where men become powerfully invested in the company of other men. Introduction But in Enūma Eliš, Marduk defeats Tiamat by A strange Assyrian commentary text, which thrusting his wind – not his penis – into her seeks to unpack the deeper symbolic layers of mouth. The commentary’s remark is striking an ancient ritual, identifies the king participat- because it reinterprets this familiar story and in ing in the ritual with ‘the god Marduk, who so doing places the theme of gender and sexual- defeated Tiamat with his penis’ (Marduk ša ina ity at the very heart of Enūma Eliš. In other ušārīšu tiāmat i[kmû], l. 17’).1 This brief com- words, it makes sex central to the Babylonian ment is baffling, particularly because any As- account of how the universe came into being. -
A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN
TEXTS FROM THE BABYLONIAN COLLECTION Volume 3 William W. Hallo, Editor TEXTS FROM THE BABYLONIAN COLLECTION Volume 3 ARECONSTRUCTION OF THE ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN GOD-LISTS, AN: dA NU-UM AND AN: ANU SA AMÉLI by Richard L. Litke LOC 98-061533 Copyright © 1998 by the Yale Babylonian Collection. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Printed in the United States of America Distributed by CDL Press, P.O.B. 34454 Bethesda, MD 20827, U.S.A. YALE BABYLONIAN COLLECTION New Haven The publication of thiS volume haS been made possible by a grant from Elizabeth DebevoiSe Healy in honor of her grandfather, Albert T. Clay. FOREWORD The publication of the present work has a long and complicated history. When FerriS J Stephens retired from the curatorship of the Babylonian Collection in 1962, and I arrived to take his place, one of the first problems confronting me was a large backlog of unfinished and half-finished manuscripts. These included dissertations written under the direction of Stephens or of Albrecht Goetze, and monographs and collections of copies prepared by former students and other collaborators. I therefore decided to bring the authorS in question back to New Haven to finish their manuscripts where possible, or to enlist other collaborators for the same purpose where it was not. To this end, applications were successfully made to the National Endowment for the Humanities for summer grants—five in all during the period 1968-77—which eventually resulted in, or contributed materially to, the publication of a dozen monographs (BIN 3, YNER 4-7, and YOS 11-14 and 17-18, as well as B.