“We Can Devise a Thousand Honest Ways of Making a Livelihood”1

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“We Can Devise a Thousand Honest Ways of Making a Livelihood”1 “WE CAN DEVISE A THOUSAND HONEST WAYS OF MAKING A 1 LIVELIHOOD” María José Coperías Aguilar Universitat de València Prompted by a sentence spoken by Agnes Grey's mother in Anne Brontë's title novel, “We can devise a thousand honest ways of making a livelihood”, I try to analyse the situation of middle–class women in the 19th century as regards the possibilities of earning their own living. Whereas in previous centuries middle–class women could carry out a wide range of jobs without jeoparidisng their reputation of their families, a change in the idea of what it meant to be a member of the middle–class, especially the upper middle class, had left women with vey few respectable and appropriate options: to become a writer or a governess. But even these occupations were not free from difficulties and could easily result in criticism and contempt on the part of their peers. INTRODUCTION The Brontë sisters are probably one of the most extraordinary phenomena in the history of British literature taking into account that they were three writers who belonged to the same family and to the same generation, that they all became popular and reputed writers, having sold thousands of copies of their works over the years and that they were women. Of course, the three of them were devoted and gifted writers who had been read to or had themselves read books from their earliest years and who, along with their brother Branwell, had started to write and even to bind their own stories as children2. However, we might understand the phenomenon of these three women writers better if we take into consideration the situation of middle-class women in the 19th century as regards their possibilities of earning their own living. Anne Brontë and her novel Agnes Grey, which deals with the life and experiences of a young governess in the Victorian period, are in our opinion a good example to show what the working opportunities of these women were. 1 Goreau, Angeline, ed. Agnes Grey. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1988. 110. 2 Charlotte and Branwell wrote and bound, in small scale (4.75 to 6.4 centimetres by 3.5 to 5.1 centimetres), their own stories following the example of the popular Blackwood’s Magazine. Emily and Anne also helped them in the invention of many other stories which made up a whole society with its own government, culture, laws and was populated by politicians, military officers, administrators, writers, musicians, etc. (Coperías 1996: 17). ES 25 (2003-04) - pp. 29-40 30 MARÍA JOSÉ COPERÍAS AGUILAR According to the study carried out by Davidoff and Hall in their book Family Fortunes. Men and Women of the English Middle Class. 1780-1850 (19943), at the beginning of the 19th century, the working situation of middle-class women had worsened in the sense that they had lost many opportunities to work outside their homes in comparison with previous periods, both in the countryside and in towns. It seems that in the 18th century any farmer’s or brewer’s wife could ride miles on her own to the market to deal with any necessary business, whereas by the middle of the 19th century women who rode on their own were socially criticised unless they did so for health or leisure reasons (213). The introduction of new techniques or chemicals in farming also drew middle-class women away from the fields. The increase in the production and the new organization of work that the modern farming methods involved made it necessary to hire full-time workers who had few chances to become small independent owners and were therefore forced to remain on the lower levels of society. As a consequence of this, it was thought that young educated women, especially if they were single, should build physical and psychological barriers to prevent contact with these workers. At the same time, the massive presence of men in the fields made it difficult for women to exert authority (203), another reason for giving up their previous responsibilities in the organization of farms. By the turn of the 19th century, a farmer’s wife world was limited to family care, church-going, visits to friends and some philanthropic activities (230). For a long time, especially in the countryside, health care had been in the hands of women who picked or planted herbs which were later used for ointments or other remedies. Some changes in the social habits of the middle classes left women out of this field as well (Davidoff & Hall 1994:230-1). On the one hand, apothecaries took hold of the production of remedies for different illnesses as well as for cosmetic products. On the other, the thriving middle classes now preferred the expensive and prestigious services of doctors and consequently women were relegated to the role of mere caretenders.4 The establishment and consolidation of the textile industry during the 17th and 18th century had given many women, some of them belonging to well off families, the chance to work as spinsters; however, at some point the chances to work in this field decreased and getting married was the only possibility of survival left to many women. That is the reason why the word spinster first referred to the person who spins but later started to be used to refer to unmarried women in a pejorative way (Davidoff & Hall 1994:202). 3 The book was originally written in 1987; however, all our references to the book (year of publication, pages) correspond to the Spanish version. 4 Women were considered to have a natural disposition to take care of ill people, regardless the fact they were young or elderly, children, husbands or fathers (Hughes 1993:35; Davidoff & Hall 1994:268). WE CAN DEVISE A THOUSAND HONEST WAYS OF MAKING LIVELIHOOD 31 There is a contradiction, however, in the fact that the role of women in the family business was often essential, performing different important tasks, as long as this activity was carried out within the home, that is to say, as long as it was not seen by the rest of society. In many senses, women were the supporters of the family, not only taking care of its members, but also giving it dignity and status. This identification of women with the home brought about a situation in which middle-class women could only work outside the house out of necessity. Whereas for men working was a means of self-fulfillment and prosperity, for women it could become a source of shame for herself and her family. In fact, a contemporary journal pointed out that If a lady has to work for her livelihood, it is universally considered to be misfortune, an exception to the ordinary rule. [...] The theory of ‘civilized life’ holds that women of the upper and middle classes are supported either by their fathers or husbands. All our laws are framed strictly in accordance with this hypothesis; and all our social customs adhere to it more strictly still. We make no room in our social framework for any other idea.5 The only occasion when a woman could assume the economic role of a man, and not always completely, was when she became a widow. It has been documented by means of wills, for instance, that some middle-class women (mothers, step-mothers or even aunts) took over the temporary responsibility of the family business until one of the sons came of age (Davidoff & Hall 1994:211). Very often, though, even if completely capable, women would not be allowed to thrive but just to keep the family business in the state in which the husband had left it. By the 19th century, then, the working opportunities middle-class women had got became more and more meagre. In previous centuries, they could be found working in many different positions; apart from the ones we have pointed above, according to Davidoff and Hall (1994:237) there had been women prison warders, tinsmiths, plumbers, butchers or harness makers. By 1850, sewing and teaching were the main activities performed by middle-class women. In García Doncel’s opinion (1988:240), there were only two trades that seemed to comply with the requirements of respectability and appropriateness that would make them perfectly acceptable for middle-class women: writer and teacher; however many of them would end up performing a less valued task, that of a seamstress. Later, we will focus on the difficulties women came up against if they wished to perform these two trades: that of a writer and that of a governess. 5 “The Market for Educated Female Labor” in The English Woman’s Journal, IV/21: 145-6; quoted by both Goreau (1988:40) and Peterson (1980:10). 32 MARÍA JOSÉ COPERÍAS AGUILAR 2. THE WORKING SITUATION OF VICTORIAN MIDDLE-CLASS WOMEN As we have pointed out above, middle- and upper-class women were supposed to be supported by their husbands or fathers; however, there were some circumstances that made this impossible. Around the mid 19th century, in Britain there were some concurrent factors which notably increased the number of single women, especially among the middle class. The 1861 census revealed that there were 1,053 women for every 1,000 men (Hughes 1993: 31), a fact which left some women with no chances at all of getting married. There might be different reasons for this unbalance: to start with, women seem to have lived longer, which consequently made their numbers to grow. Secondly, in the early 19th century, although not directly invaded, Britain had been involved in the Napoleonic wars, where the life of many soldiers had been lost.
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