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The Dawn of History by John Linton Myres (1911).Pdf 125195 HOME UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OF MODERN KNOWLEDGE No. 26 Editort : HERBERT FISHER, M.A,, F.B.A, PROF. GILBERT MURRAY, Lrrr.D,, LL.D., F.B.A. PROF. J. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A. PROF. WILLIAM T. BREWSTER, M.A. A complete classified list of the volumes of THE HOME UNIVERSITY LIBRARY already published will be found at the back of this book* THE DAWN OF HISTORY BY J. L. MYRES, M.A. WYKEHAM PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY, OXFORD AUTHOR OF "A HISTORY OF ROME," ETC. NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE COPYRIGHT, BV HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY THK tmiVBRSXXY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, tJ.S.A. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 7 CHAP. I THE PEOPLES WHICH HAVE NO HISTORY . , 13 II THE DRAMA OF HISTORY: ITS STAGE AND ACTORS 29 III THE DAWN OF HISTORY IN EGYPT 45 IV THE DAWN OF HISTORY IN BABYLONIA ... 84 V THE COMING OF THE SEMITES 104 VI THE UPLAND NEIGHBOURS OF BABYLONIA. 119 VII THE DAWN ALONG THE LAND-BRIDGES. 336 VIII THE DAWN IN THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN . 162 IX THE COMING OF THE NORTH 189 X THE DAWN OF HISTORY IN ITALY ..... 21 T XI THE DAWN IN CENTRAL AND NORTHERN EUROPE 938 NOTE ON BOOKS 253 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES $55 INTRODUCTION HISTORY, in the widest usage of the word, is the study of events, the discovery and record of what happens; when we speak of Natural History, for example, we mean nothing less than the study of what goes on in Nature, the world about us. In a rather narrower sense, the "historical" sciences are those in which we cannot make ex- periments, but are limited to studying what goes on, in that order of time in which things happen to occur. When we describe things, therefore, in their "historical" order, we are stating their distribution in time; just as we give their geo- graphical order when we describe their distribu- tion in space. In this sense, therefore, History is a sister-science to Geography/ Both deal with the arrangement of events, together with the causes and effects of this arrangement. But usually, when we speak of history, we mean not Natural History, but the record of the doings of Han. Even so, however, man does many things of which historians, take little ac- count, unless they happen to be writing the 8 INTRODUCTION special history of those particular achievements, such as writing or music or war. Even the general history of the human race is commonly resigned to another science, Anthropology; and the behaviour of man-in-groups, to another de- partment again, which is properly Ethnology (or a chief part of it), but commonly has the bar- barous and awkward title of Sociology. To draw a dividing line between History and these other studies is not easy. It is useful how- ever to remember that when we wish to express a historical fact most briefly, we reduce it to a name and a date. The fact of the Norman Con- quest, for example, is as conveniently expressed by the formula "William I, 1066," as the facts about the composition of water by the chemical formula H^O. In neither case does acquaintance with the formula convey much information about the facts, least of all is it any substitute for knowledge of them, and it is mainly because some people treat names and dates as a sub- stitute for historical knowledge, instead of a mere historical notation, that many beginners find history dull. At the same time, without dates, more or less accurately determined, how can we be sure of the order in which events occurred, the length of the intervals between them, or the duration of periods? And without names, of peoples, INTRODUCTION 9 places, and (above all) of individuals, how should we know what it was that happened at any given "date"? who did it? and where? and what other people joined in it, or felt its effects? Now it is common knowledge that in ordinary history the names and doings of individuals are among the most important of its facts; so much so, that history has even been described as the study of the influence of great men. We know well, also, that the greater part of history is the record not of things immutable, but of change; and that the reason why we pay so much atten- tion to great men, is because they are the agents by whom, or through whose means, great changes are wrought. It is less commonly realized, on the other hand, that it is among savage and barbarous peoples that there is the least room for change in their way of life. There, nearly everything is fixed and ordained by rigid custom: innovation is feared, and innovators are de- tested and suppressed. In savage society, there- ** fore, there is almost as little room for a great man," as there would be among gorillas for a ** great ape." Such groups of men, though their members individually are quite rational beings, are trained by their surroundings, and their elders, to conformity with a way of living which seems only to change as the habits of animals change, in response to changes in their surround- 10 INTRODUCTION ings, and above all in the way they get their food. Such people as these can hardly be said to have any history, except in the wide sense of "Natural History" with which we began; for that includes the doings of all animals alike. Further, we commonly speak of "prehistoric** times; and in doing so we admit that there are " early stages of the development even of his- 5 ' torical peoples, which are beyond our direct knowledge, through the simple fact that the an- cestors of these people have not left any record intelligible to us. For the study of these "pre- historic" times we are reduced to what we can discover indirectly by the study of such ancient implements, habitations, or works of art, as have lasted down to the present: and though we can often make out the order in which in- ventions, improvements, or other changes oc- curred, we are usually very far from being able to discover either names or dates. But when people pass from "prehistoric" times, with primitive almost animal uniform- ity of behaviour, into a "historic" existence, with successive changes of habits and institutions brought about at ascertainable dates, and more and more usually, as time goes on, through the influence and agency of "historical characters," they generally do so not suddenly, but by de- grees. Frequently, for example, we know a good INTRODUCTION 11 deal about the art, the trade, and the manufac- tures of a people, before we know much about their language or their institutions. At the same time, most of the peoples who have played a great part in history, have as a matter of fact started their "historical" period with something of a crisis, and period of rapid change. It is in this sense that we may speak of a "Dawn of History" as a subject of scientific study; and it is the object of this book to answer the question, how, when, and where, each of the peoples whose doings have most affected the course of human history made its first histori- cal appearance; and also, as far as we can, the reason why they made their appearance in this particular way. THE DAWN OP HISTOKY CHAPTER I THE PEOPLES WHICH HAVE NO HISTORY AJUL* history, then, is the record of human achievement; of man's struggle with nature and with other men. But we have seen also that not all human achievement is regarded as matter for history in the narrower and more usual sense. There may be peoples, or more strictly speaking, groups of men, who in this sense "have no his- tory/* and we may gain clearer conceptions of what history is, and how a people's achieve- ments come to have historical value, if we look first at a few examples of this opposite kind. We have only to glance at a globe or a general map, to realise that as a matter of fact almost all historians have confined their attention to a few quite small regions of the world. Nine books of history out of ten are concerned with the doings of the nations of Europe, or their emi- grant people: and of the other tenth a large pro- portion deals with, a very few non-European 14 THE DAWN OF HISTOEY regions; Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia, India, China, and (latterly) Japan. Very large areas, meanwhile, have little or no historical literature; and the reason for this is obvious; there has been little or nothing there in the way of human achievement for the historian to write about. There is probably a reason for this. At all events there are certainly other geographical distributions which will be found to throw light on this strange geographical distribution of his- torical interest. Note first the distribution of rainfall, which determines the supply of water on the world's land-surfaces. Both excess and defect of moisture, clearly are inconsistent with high historical importance, and a brief sketch of the conditions of human life in regions of desert where it rains but rarely, and in forest-regions where it may rain almost any day, will show the significance of this correlation. Out of many possible instances I choose these two extremes, partly because of the extreme simplicity of both; partly because of their strong contrast; but most of all because, so far as I can see, all the existing political societies, in the ancient world round the Mediterranean, and the modem world of Europe, seem to have arisen ultimately out of a state of things in which peoples who began their existence on the great grasslands which lie to the East, in South Russia, and beyond, and PEOPLES WITHOUT HISTORY 15 to the South, in the deserts of Arabia beyond Jordan, have been forced or tempted to leave them and migrate into moister and more forest- clad regions, nearer the Mediterranean and the Atlantic; taking with them institutions and customs of family and social life which were essential to existence on the grassland, but were not necessarily so well fitted to maintain life and promote prosperity in the new regions into which they were now transplanted.
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