DOCSLIB.ORG

Costa Rica Is a Land of Great Beauty, Extraordinary Biological Riches, and Warm, Friendly People. but the Same Could Be Said for Many Tropical Countries

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Costa Rica Is a Land of Great Beauty, Extraordinary Biological Riches, and Warm, Friendly People. but the Same Could Be Said for Many Tropical Countries HISTORY & CULTURE Costa Rica is a land of great beauty, extraordinary biological riches, and warm, friendly people. But the same could be said for many tropical countries. This narrative focuses on what is truly unique about Costa Rica, and how it came to be the very special place it is. Costa Rica is remarkably different from its neighbors in Central America, and has been fortunate in escaping many of the problems that affect the region as a whole. Christopher Columbus (or Cristobal Colón, as his name is said in Spanish) reached Costa Rica on his fourth and final voyage in 1502. The natives Columbus encountered on the beach were wearing gold jewelry, leading Columbus to the incorrect assumption that there were rich gold mines nearby, and hence the name, Costa Rica, or Rich Coast. The indigenous peoples in Costa Rica at the time belonged to nine tribes—the Chorotega (which lived in the San Luis/ Monteverde area), the Boruca, the Brunca, the Bribri, the Huetar, and a few others. These groups formed loose bands, and subsisted by hunting, gathering, and simple agriculture, growing beans, squash, corn, cotton, and various tubers. Though they were contemporary, they did not have the sophisticated level of civilization of the Aztec in México or the Inca of Perú. Archaeologists do encounter beautiful artifacts and elaborately decorated objects in Costa Rica. The National Museum and the Gold Museum in San José is filled with these kinds of items; they are found quite frequently by farmers throughout the Costa Rican countryside. Most importantly: • the local indigenous people were not in high density, and a great many of them were killed in early skirmishes with the colonists. Most of the remainder succumbed to European diseases brought by the Spaniards... • they did not have the integrated, complex civilizations which the Spaniards found elsewhere in Central America¼. • and they did not willingly interact with the Spaniards. Thus immediately, a major difference is evident between Costa Rica’s early colonial period and that of the rest of Central America: there was no possibility of dominating and enslaving Indians as a work force, because there were few Indians left alive. King Philip of Spain wanted nothing to do with the new colony, as it clearly had no major potential as a source of gold. Lacking natural resources and a labor force, noble Europeans stayed away from Costa Rica. Instead, Costa Rica was settled by commoners willing to work their own land. The Spanish colonists had to fend for themselves, feed themselves, and learn how to survive on their own. Although there was plenty of land available to plant, each family held only as much land as it could till; they had no labor (slave or otherwise) but themselves. The colony was essentially cut off from Europe as it had nothing to export. Trading with the outside was difficult in any case, as there were constant pirate raids, and the British navy blockaded Caribbean ports when it was at war with Spain. The culture that was being shaped during these early days had certain clear features; it • placed great value on self-reliance and independence • showed respect for drive, entrepreneurship, and resourcefulness • was egalitarian in the extreme • respected the dignity of labor • and was close to the land. Few missionaries were sent, as Costa Rica did not have large numbers of indigenous people to be converted to Catholicism. The role of the Catholic church in Costa Rica’s early history was thus rather different than that elsewhere in Central America. And because there was no unruly or unwilling labor force to control, Costa Rica never had the type of large military presence that was seen in other parts of Central America. The first capital was established in the town of Cartago, at the eastern end of the Central Valley, just under the shadow of the Irazú Volcano, the tallest volcano in Costa Rica. There the colonists built a church in honor of the patroness of Costa Rica, la Virgen de los Ángeles, whose image was found nearby miraculously carved in stone. The basilica, built of stone, was destroyed several times by earthquakes related to activity of the Irazú Volcano, and each time was rebuilt anew. The decision was finally made to rebuilt the basilica in wood and this building still stands, having now withstood a number of major eruptions and earthquakes. The Basilica de la Virgen de los Ángeles is one of Costa Rica’s most significant architectural and cultural treasures. And so the colony survived, always poor in material wealth, largely in isolation from the rest of Central America and Europe, but developing its own unique character and strengths. The population settled largely in the central valley or Meseta Central, with centers developing in San José, Alajuela, Heredia, and Grecia. The population density remained low, and most people lived on small family farms. There was land for everyone, and no one held huge amounts of property. With virtually no contact with indigenous people, the way of life of the early Costa Ricans was essentially European. Nowhere does one see the native American influence---the spicy seasonings, the brilliant textiles, the linguistic influence, or the ceramics, carvings, metal- working, and other art forms--which is so evident in the mainstream cultures of other Latin American countries today. Things remained largely unchanged until the early 1800’s when one key event altered dramatically Costa Rica’s prospects and began to shape a different future for the country. The event was the introduction of coffee. Originally from Africa, coffee thrives best with a cool, tropical climate with relatively fertile soils, exactly as is found with the mid-elevation volcanic soils of Costa Rica. Coffee proved to be ideally suited to conditions in Costa Rica. Coffee at that time was hugely popular in Europe, creating a demand which was for all practical purposes insatiable. In a government move designed to encourage planting of coffee, land was granted to anyone who would agree to grow coffee. For the first time, Costa Rica had a valuable product that it could produce for export; a ready market; and the opportunity to acquire wealth. The practice of homesteading land to acquire title is still legal, and is still practiced; Costa Rica’s land laws are explicitly designed to put land in the hands of as many people as possible, and to prevent huge holdings that preclude others from owning land. Whether you refer to this process as “settling”, “homesteading”, or “squatting” depends on your stake in the issue; but Costa Rica law strongly defends the rights of those who show the highest need for the land. The capital outlay necessary to start growing and harvesting coffee, processing the beans, transporting them to the port, marketing and shipping the beans was handled by forming coffee cooperatives--small family farms joined forces with one another, sharing the major costs, and then sharing the profits proportionally at the end of the season. Some families in Costa Rica established substantial fortunes in the coffee industry at this time, and many of these families are still in the forefront of Costa Rican society, politics, and wealth. Some common brands of coffee still bear the names of the important coffee families, such as Volio coffee. This pattern of land tenure remains predominant today in Costa Rica: small family farms united by cooperatives, rather than enormous agribusiness enterprises, are used for production of most crops; the exceptions---bananas and palm oil to name two---are interesting in their own right, and are discussed below. Transportation remained a problem---there was still no road from the central valley to the Caribbean. The unstable, mountainous terrain, high rainfall, dense tropical forest crisscrossed by river gorges, and steep cliffs, made it impossible to make a road large enough for a wheeled vehicle. The only traffic to the Caribbean was on foot and by horseback. Shipping of coffee to Europe was therefore done from the Pacific port of Puntarenas, from where the ships sailed the long way around, undertaking the very dangerous and stormy voyage around the Horn. The trip from San José to Esparza (one of the important early way-stations) and then on to Puntarenas took a week by oxcart; the trip takes a couple of hours at most today. The new-found wealth which Costa Rica was enjoying from coffee revenues brought with it new opportunities. One of the first decisions was to levy upon the coffee growers a voluntary tax which would be used to build the National Theater, a move designed to attract visits by musicians, orchestras, singers, and dramatic groups. The building, which was completed around 1865, was modeled after the Paris Opera House, and was built of materials imported from all over Europe---marble from Italy, stone, wood, and metals, as needed---and using craftsmen, artisans, and builders brought from Europe for the purpose. The results were as hoped for. San José became a cultural center, and the world’s best performers began to include Costa Rica on their Western Hemisphere tours. This edifice is well worth visiting when you are in San José, and if there is a performance scheduled, so much the better---tickets are very cheap, making the performances available to everyone. A second decision for the expenditure of coffee revenues was to send the country’s younger generation away to be educated in the world’s best universities in Europe, primarily France. This they did, and the timing was propitious: Europe at this time was undergoing a social and intellectual upheaval, with such revolutionary notions as individual freedoms, civil liberties, the responsibility of the state to its citizens, social welfare, labor rights, universal education, democratic ideals, and egalitarianism.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Juíza Federal Daniele Maranhão Costa Assume Direção Da SJDF
    ISSN 1984-6878 Revista Eletrônica da Seção Judiciária Justiç@ do Distrito Federal Nº 14 • Ano II • Agosto/2010 Juíza Federal Daniele Maranhão Costa Assume Direção da SJDF ENTREVISTA TEMAS JURÍDICOS Juíza Federal Daniele A Falência do Estado Democrático de Maranhão Costa, Diretora do Direito frente à Democracia Foro da SJDF: ‘‘ Acreditar na Participativa em um Ambiente Justiça é fundamental para Neoliberal exercê-la’’ O Paradoxo do Juiz e a Necessidade de Humanização da Justiça Fornecimento de Medicamentos ao Jurisdicionado Veja também: • Servidor Não É Obrigado a Devolver Adicional • Presidente do Supremo Tenta Tranquilizar Servidores Sobre Plano • Universidade Não está Sujeita a Matricular Aluno Inadimplente 2 CONSELHO EDITORIAL: Juiz Federal Marcos Augusto de Sousa – 2ª Vara Federal Juiz Federal Marcus Vinicius Reis Bastos – 12ª Vara Juiz Federal Ricardo Gonçalves da Rocha Castro – 19ª Vara Juiz Federal Vallisney de Souza Oliveira – 10ª Vara Juíza Federal Substituta Candice Lavocat Galvão Jobim – 2ª Vara ___________________________________________________ ASSESSORAMENTO TÉCNICO: Assessor Técnico: Antônio Carlos Guimarães Júnior – 2ª Vara Jornalista Responsável: Viriato Gaspar Redatores: Angelo Faleiro, Flávia Maurício e Janídia Augusto Dias Formatação e Montagem: Andréa Alves Andalécio (versão HTML) e Misael Leal (versão PDF) Revisão: Aparecido Moura de Moraes Fotos e Arte da Capa: Adevair Machado Projeto Visual e Desenvolvimento Técnico: Lavínia Design ___________________________________________________ Justiç@ - Revista Eletrônica da Seção Judiciária do DF. N. 14 • Ano II • Agosto/2010 DIREÇÃO DO FORO: Juíza Federal Daniele Maranhão Costa Diretora do Foro Juiz Federal Ricardo Gonçalves da Rocha Castro Vice-Diretor do Foro Loíla Barbosa Aguiar de Almeida Diretora da Secretaria Administrativa 3 Justiç@ Revista Eletrônica da Seção Judiciária do Distrito Federal.
    [Show full text]
  • In Search of the Amazon: Brazil, the United States, and the Nature of A
    IN SEARCH OF THE AMAZON AMERICAN ENCOUNTERS/GLOBAL INTERACTIONS A series edited by Gilbert M. Joseph and Emily S. Rosenberg This series aims to stimulate critical perspectives and fresh interpretive frameworks for scholarship on the history of the imposing global pres- ence of the United States. Its primary concerns include the deployment and contestation of power, the construction and deconstruction of cul- tural and political borders, the fluid meanings of intercultural encoun- ters, and the complex interplay between the global and the local. American Encounters seeks to strengthen dialogue and collaboration between histo- rians of U.S. international relations and area studies specialists. The series encourages scholarship based on multiarchival historical research. At the same time, it supports a recognition of the represen- tational character of all stories about the past and promotes critical in- quiry into issues of subjectivity and narrative. In the process, American Encounters strives to understand the context in which meanings related to nations, cultures, and political economy are continually produced, chal- lenged, and reshaped. IN SEARCH OF THE AMAzon BRAZIL, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE NATURE OF A REGION SETH GARFIELD Duke University Press Durham and London 2013 © 2013 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by Heather Hensley Typeset in Scala by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in - Publication Data Garfield, Seth. In search of the Amazon : Brazil, the United States, and the nature of a region / Seth Garfield. pages cm—(American encounters/global interactions) Includes bibliographical references and index.
    [Show full text]
  • TAIS KALIL RODRIGUES.Pdf
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DA BAHIA INSTITUTO DE GEOCIÊNCIAS CURSO DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM GEOLOGIA ÁREA DE GEOLOGIA MARINHA, COSTEIRA E SEDIMENTAR DISSERTAÇÃO DE MESTRADO ANÁLISE DAS MUDANÇAS DA LINHA DE COSTA DAS PRINCIPAIS DESEMBOCADURAS DO ESTADO DE SERGIPE, COM ÊNFASE NO RIO SERGIPE TAIS KALIL RODRIGUES SETEMBRO – 2008 SALVADOR - BA UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DA BAHIA INSTITUTO DE GEOCIÊNCIAS CURSO DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM GEOLOGIA ANÁLISE DAS MUDANÇAS DA LINHA DE COSTA DAS PRINCIPAIS DESEMBOCADURAS DO ESTADO DE SERGIPE, COM ÊNFASE NO RIO SERGIPE Por TAIS KALIL RODRIGUES DISSERTAÇÃO DE MESTRADO Submetida em satisfação parcial dos requisitos ao grau de MESTRE EM CIÊNCIAS GEOLOGIA à Câmara de Ensino de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa da Universidade Federal da Bahia Aprovado: Comissão Examinadora: .................................................................. Dr. José Maria Landim Dminguez (orientador) .................................................................. Dra. Ana Claudia da Silva Andrade (co-orientadora) .................................................................. Msc. Abílio Carlos da Silva Bittencourt - UFBA .................................................................. Dra. Tereza Cristina Medeiros de Araújo - UFPE Data da Aprovação: ....../......./....... Grau conferido em: ..../....../....... RESUMO O objetivo deste trabalho consistiu em identificar e analisar mudanças de médio prazo e de longo prazo na linha de costa nas desembocaduras dos rios Sergipe, Vaza Barris e Piauí/Real, localizadas entre as coordenadas geográficas 11°25’
    [Show full text]
  • Indigenous Peoples in Costa Rica and El Diquís Hydroelectric Project
    The Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric), is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (UMB), which consists of eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis is the final thesis submitted by the students in order to fulfill the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “Development Studies”, “International Environmental Studies” and other Masters programme. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on the condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Kari Vaage, August 2011 [email protected] Department of International Environment and Development (Noragric) P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway¨ Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.umb.no/noragric Declaration I, Kari Vaage, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. Signature………………………………..……………. Place & Date………………………………………… 2 Acknowledgements Finally, here it is. Along the journey I have travelled with this thesis I have spent time with so many wonderful people. My warmest thanks to Josè Carlos, his family and their organization Kus Kura, I admire the work you are doing very much and wish you all the best for the future.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Choice Motivations in a Bribri Community in Costa Rica Janet Blackwood Andrews University
    Andrews University Digital Commons @ Andrews University Faculty Publications English 5-2013 Language Choice Motivations in a Bribri Community in Costa Rica Janet Blackwood Andrews University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/english-pubs Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons Recommended Citation Blackwood, Janet, "Language Choice Motivations in a Bribri Community in Costa Rica" (2013). Faculty Publications. 2. https://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/english-pubs/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the English at Digital Commons @ Andrews University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Andrews University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Language Choice Motivations in a Bribri Community in Costa Rica Janet Blackwood Abstract A growing body of research has been undertaken in a variety of contexts worldwide to explore language preference and use as well as the attitudes and beliefs that may impact the maintenance and revitalization of endangered languages. There has also been considerable examination of the motivations that impact second language learning and the choices speakers make regarding second language learning and use. However this research has rarely extended to exploring the motivations influencing language choices in contexts where one of the languages is an endangered mother‐tongue language. Analyzing a portion of the data gathered from a larger study on language attitudes and practices, this study explores the language choices of members of an indigenous community in Costa Rica and the motivations that appear to influence those choices. An analysis is also made of the relationship between the language choice motivations that are present and current indigenous language revitalization efforts in the community.
    [Show full text]
  • Collecting Portuguese Ballads1
    Oral Tradition, 2/2-3 (1987): 547-72 Collecting Portuguese Ballads1 Manuel da Costa Fontes Á memória de meu tio Manuel Soares, (✝1984), que tanto ajudou com a recolha do Romanceiro da Ilha de S. Jorge. The Spanish began to publish extensive collections dedicated exclusively to their ballads in the middle of the sixteenth century (see Rodríguez-Moñino 1973). These collections included versions of many poems that had already become traditional, for they were being sung by common people throughout Spain. Although the Portuguese were also singing ballads at that time,2 nothing of the sort was done in Portugal. This lack of ancient documentation renders the modern Portuguese tradition even more signifi cant. Without the poems that have been transmitted from generation to generation throughout the centuries, our knowledge of the ancient Portuguese tradition would be very limited indeed. The systematic collection of ballads was begun by Almeida Garrett in 1824. Having been forced into exile for political reasons, he was inspired by the example of the English Romantics, and made his early fi ndings known through the publication of Adozinda while still abroad (London, 1828). Since he was the fi rst to publicize the fact that ballads from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance were still being sung by common people in Iberia, he is the “father” of all subsequent fi eldwork undertaken in Portugal, Spain, and in the other Pan-Hispanic traditions as well (see Costa Fontes 1983-84b:54-55). My own fi eldwork began among the Portuguese in California in 1970. Although I had heard ballads being sung within my own family since childhood, I became aware of their importance only when I took a course on the Spanish ballad from Professor Arthur 548 MANUEL DA COSTA FONTES L.-F.
    [Show full text]
  • Evolution of the Beaches in the Regional Park of Salinas and Arenales of San Pedro Del Pinatar (Southeast of Spain) (1899–2019)
    International Journal of Geo-Information Article Evolution of the Beaches in the Regional Park of Salinas and Arenales of San Pedro del Pinatar (Southeast of Spain) (1899–2019) Daniel Ibarra-Marinas, Francisco Belmonte-Serrato, Gustavo A. Ballesteros-Pelegrín * and Ramón García-Marín Department of Geography, Campus La Merced, University of Murcia, 30001 Murcia, Spain; [email protected] (D.I.-M.); [email protected] (F.B.-S.); [email protected] (R.G.-M.) * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Coastal erosion is anissuewhich affects beaches all over the world and that signifies enormous economic and environmental losses. Classed as a slow phenomenon, the evolution of the coastline requires long-term analysis. In this study, old cartography and aerial photographs from various dates have been used to study the evolution of the coastline. The information has been processed with free software (QGIS) and for the calculation of sediment transport the Coastal Modeling System (SMC) software. The results show the accretion/erosion phenomena that occurred after the construction of the port in San Pedro del Pinatarin 1954 and which changed the coastal dynamics of a highly protected area. In some sectors, the beach has been reduced almost in its Citation: Ibarra-Marinas, D.; entirety, with retreat rates of up to −2.05 m per year and a total area loss of 66,419.81 m2 in Las Belmonte-Serrato, F.; Salinas beach and 76,891.13 m2 on Barraca Quemada beach. Ballesteros-Pelegrín, G.A.; García-Marín, R. Evolution of the Keywords: beach; coastal erosion; coastal construction; sediment transport; Posidoniaoceanica Beaches in the Regional Park of Salinas and Arenales of San Pedro del Pinatar (Southeast of Spain) (1899–2019).
    [Show full text]
  • Portuguese Family Names
    Portuguese Family Names GERALD M. MOSER 1 Point Cabrillo reflects the Spanish spelling of the nickname of J oao Rodrigues Oabrilho - "the I(id," perhaps a play on words, if the Viscount De Lagoa was correct in assuming that this Portuguese navigator was born in one of the many villages in Portugal called Oabril (Joao Rodrigues Oabrilho, A Biographical Sketch, Lisbon, Agencia Geral do mtramar, 1957, p. 19). 2 Oastroville, Texas, -- there is another town of the same name in California - was named after its founder, Henry Oastro, a Portuguese Jew from France, who came to Providence, R.I., in 1827. From there he went to Texas in 1842, launching a colonization scheme, mainly on land near San Antonio. I came upon the story in the Genealogy Department of the Dallas Public Library, on the eve of reading to the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese a paper on "Cultural Linguistics: The Case of the Portuguese Family Names" (December 28, 1957). The present article is an enlarged version of that paper. 30 38 Gerald M. Moser versational style as 0 Gomes alfaiate, ("that Tailor Gomes"), same manner in which tradesmen and officials were identified in the Lis- . bon of the fifteenth century (see Appendix 2). E) A fifth type of family name exists in Portugal, which has not yet been mentioned. It includes names due to religious devotion, similar to but. not identical with the cult of the saints which has furnished so many baptismal names. These peculiar devotional names are not used as first names in Portugal, although some of them are commonly used thus in Spain.
    [Show full text]
  • Program of the 34Th Annual Meeting of the Society of Ethnobiology
    Program of the 34th Annual Meeting of the Society of Ethnobiology Historical and Archaeological Perspecives in Ethnobiology May 4 - 7, 2011 Columbus, Ohio Welcome to the 34th Annual Meeting of the Society of Ethnobiology This meeting continues a long tradition in our Society. Since the first Society meeting in 1978 – when many of the world’s leading ethnobiologists came together to share ideas – the Society has been at the forefront of inter-disciplinary ethnobiological research. Equally important, since those first days, the Society has created and nurtured a worldwide ethnobiological community that has become the intellec- tual and emotional home for scholars world-wide. Our meetings are the forum for bringing this community together and our world-class journal is the venue for sharing our research more broadly. For my part, my deep commitment to the Society began as a student in 1984, at the 7th Annual meetings. At that time, I was fortunate to present the results of my Masters research (while referring to text on glossy erasable typing paper!) in Harriet Kuhnlein’s session on her inter-disciplinary and community-based “Nuxalk Food and Nutrition Project”. This project and indeed my opportunity to be involved in it (as a Masters student in Archaeology, of all things), exemplifies the potential of ethnobiology to make linkages. Looking at the society today, we see abundant linkages between academic disciplines, between academic and non-academic knowledge holders, and between advanced scholars and new researchers. This is what the Society of Ethnobiology is all about. In the past four years, your Board and many other Society volunteers have worked hard to promote the Society’s goals by focus- ing on these linkages.
    [Show full text]
  • Occasional Papers of the Museum of Zoology
    OCCASIONAL PAPERS OF THE MUSEUM OF ZOOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN A LIST OF MAMMALS FROM COSTA RICA THE University of Michigan Museum of Zoology contains col- lections of mammals taken by Austin Smith during the years 1928 to 1935. These collections have added coilsiderably to our knowledge of the distribution of Costa Rican mammals. This paper includes a list of Austin Smith's collectiilg locali- ties, a map locating each place, and a list of his species. Extensions of ranges over those given by Miller (1924) and, in addition, most of the mammal type localities i11 Costa Rica are indicated. Distances are by air line. The sources from which the map was made include letters from Smith, a map of Costa Rica by H. Pittier, and the recently completed 1:1,000,000 map of Hispanic America by the America11 Geographical Society. Agua Caliente, Cartago.-A small village one and one-half miles south of the city of Cartago on the Caribbean slope (about 3800 feet altitude). Agujas (has), Puntarenas.-A village on a sandy peninsula, with coconut palms and mangrove trees, about twenty miles south of the city of Puntarenas on the Pacific coast. Collec- tions were made near the mouth of a river of the same name and about two miles inland (altitude, sea level to 25 feet). 2 William P. Harris, Jr. OCC. Papers Alajnela, Alajue1a.-The capital of the province of the same name, on a branch of the Rio Grande de Tkcoles, which flows into the Pacific (altitude, about 3100 feet). Alemailia (Hacienda), Guanacaste.-An hacienda about thirty-five miles north of Liberia and eight miles north of Vol- c8n Orosi (altitude, 50 feet).
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of COVID-19 on Indigenous Peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala)
    PROJECT DOCUMENTS The impact of COVID-19 on indigenous peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala) Between invisibility and collective resistance Thank you for your interest in this ECLAC publication ECLAC Publications Please register if you would like to receive information on our editorial products and activities. When you register, you may specify your particular areas of interest and you will gain access to our products in other formats. www.cepal.org/en/publications ublicaciones www.cepal.org/apps Project Documents The impact of COVID-19 on indigenous peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala) Between invisibility and collective resistance This document was prepared by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), jointly with the regional offices of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO); the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women); the International Labour Organization (ILO); the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA); the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF); the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO); the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Fund for the Development of the Indigenous Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean (FILAC), within the framework of the activities of the Regional Interagency Group on Indigenous Peoples in Latin America and the Caribbean (GIRPI). This document was prepared thanks to contributions from Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) of Germany. The boundaries and names shown
    [Show full text]
  • Sinopsis Del Género Laetia (Salicaceae) En Mesoamérica Y La Descripción De Una Nueva Especie
    Santamaría-A, D., N. Zamora V., y R. Aguilar F. 2015. Sinopsis del género Laetia (Salicaceae) en Mesoamérica y la descripción de una nueva especie. Phytoneuron 2015-15: 1–19. Published 3 March 2015. ISSN 2153 733X SINOPSIS DEL GÉNERO LAETIA (SALICACEAE) EN MESOAMÉRICA Y LA DESCRIPCIÓN DE UNA NUEVA ESPECIE DANIEL SANTAMARÍA -AGUILAR Dirección actual: Harvard University Herbaria 22 Divinity Avenue Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138-2020 [email protected] NELSON ZAMORA VILLALOBOS Instituto Nacional de Biodiversidad (INBio) Apdo. 22-3100, Santo Domingo, Heredia Costa Rica [email protected] REINALDO AGUILAR FERNÁNDEZ Centro de Diversidad de Plantas Regionales, Península de Osa Apdo. 76-8203, Los Charcos de Osa, Puntarenas Costa Rica [email protected] RESUMEN Se presenta una sinopsis del género Laetia (Salicaceae) para Mesoamérica. Se reconocen cuatro especies, incluida L. micrantha , L. procera , L. thamnia , y Laetia povedae N. Zamora, Aguilar, & D. Santam., sp. nov. , de Nicaragua, Costa Rica, y Panamá. Laetia Loefl. ex L. (Salicaceae) se distribuye desde el Sur de México y América Central, América del Sur, y las Antillas. Este género se encuentra constituido por 11 especies (incluída la aquí descrita), de las cuales cuatro son conocidas en Mesoamérica. El género se reconoce por las ramas y troncos sin espinas, hojas alternas, dísticas, con la venación pinnada, la lámina generalmente con puntos o líneas translúcidos y el margen entero o crenado, flores bisexuales, sin disco y pétalos, con estambres numerosos y ovario súpero, y frutos capsulares carnosas (semejando bayas), tardiamente dehiscentes y con semillas ariladas (Alford 2003; Alford & Belyaeva 2009). Clave para las especies de Laetia en Mesoamérica 1.
    [Show full text]