Wednesday, November 26, 1924 THE DAILY WORKER Page Three Open Discussion on Immediate Party Tasks The»i» on tho Political Situation and in the elections, the reactionary offi- workers and poorest sections of the th# Immediate Tasks of tha cialdom of the A. V. of Lb may now be farmers, is definitely out of the range Workers Pary. SUMMARY OF THE C. E. C. THESIS ON expected to try to convince the work- ISSUE LETTER ON ORGANIZATION AND of practical politics for the immediate ers that even the middle-class revolt future. Submitted by Foster, Cannon, Blttel- THE ECONOMIC AND THE POLITICAL and its organization into an indepen- CONDUCT OF THE PARTY DISCUSSION 8. The United Front and Our La- man, Browder, Dunno, Berman, I dent third party is hopeless, and that bor Party Tactics. they non-par- Abern SITUATION AND THE TASKS OF must return to the old Federation and City this meeting, which was held on We accept the conception of tho tisan tactics, which means to go to the Secretaries Central Committees on tbs organ- ths eve of ths full C. E. C. meet- united front tactics as outlined and tHE of old party councils, ECONOMIC SITUATIOM^ THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA back door the ization and oonduot of tha party ing where theses were to be con- Interpreted by the Fifth Congress of beg 1 The Dawes plan and the victory there to for crumbs In the time- discussion. To be read at the next sidered and ths discussion officially the Communist International. We I* honored Gompersian manner. of reaction in the elections, with 1 Sharpening of the Class Stryg- on Its own platform, under Its own regular meetings of these commit- opened, an attempt was made to look upon the tactiCß of the united meeting the election of Coolidge and Dawes, " name, in the elections. To pene- 4. The C. P- P. A. and the Socialist tees thruout the party. force the to an Immediate front as a means of exposing the gle. This Is the period of the political hAt* raised the morale of the capitalist trate the P. P. A. (labor wing of Party. decision on our central treachery of the trade union reaction- capitallem. The chaos C. COMRADEB:—It la the class in the United States but have not decline of the LaFollette movement) means endorsing La- problem. This attempt was bitter- aries, class collaborationists, and In the candidacy of intention of the Central Execu- the reversed of the fac- of the capitalist system In Europe In the "third Dear ly resented by another section of of win- any fundamental participation party,” Follette the C. P. P. A. has merely tive Committee that In pre- social patriots, and as a means Is gradually extending Itself to this ths masting whloh Insisted upon a tors characterising the present period whloh Is absolutely unallowable. continued Its old policy of political convention period the ning over the masses for the struggle America. But In the United States party mem- study of ths theses and a more of decline of world capitalism. The the Workers collaboration with the so-called "pro- against capitalism under the leader- capitalism Is still strong, and la 6. Bolehevlzation of bership be given the widest pos- thoro discussion before coming to conflicts already appearing between In the diffioult period of gressive group” in congress. The C. P. dls- ship of the Communist Party, in struggling desperately against the Party. sible opportunity to study and decision. The result was com- the United States, Great Britain, and first P. A. fuctlonlng as the a to short, the means of build- forces of dissolution. All predict- class struggle just ahead, the has been labor ouss all phases of ths central prob- pletely demoralize the meeting, to as central Prance, over the application oh the necessity Bolshevik party. wing of the LaFollette movement It confronting ing the Workers Party into the masa able factors point, however, to an Is a real lem at present ths divert attention from the main Dawes plan, demonstrate the inability Party made remains the dominant lapor wing of Party of America. immediate downward plunge of The Workers must be Workers Party, in order that ths questions of polloy to questions of Communist of capitalism restore the world party. must LaFollette which to American industry, overcoming the Into suoh a It be the the movement, is whole party membership may be parliamentary procedure and tech- Three years ago our party adopted market. The process of disintegra- leading figure In every struggle of also subject pressure by the present slight upward tendency. It to Gom- able to arrive at a mature and well nic, and to finally break up the the position that a labor party policy is to produce workers; It must educate Its tion continues and bound Is not possible to prediot how mueh the pers machine. The C. P. P. A. was considered judgment before pass- meeting in disorder. was the only way of applying the tac< sharpening further crises with further capitallem can overcome the crisis members in Marxism and Lenin- humbled by the results of the election, ing final decision. tics of the united front to the political ism; It must completely reorganise Similar attempts will inevitably of the class struggle. with its present artificial program which fall below its expectations, yet To this end, for the most thoro conditions of America. To this de- Itself on the basis of shop nuclei; produce similar results. The Cen- 2. A year ago the United States of great building operations, be- it will continue the alliance with La- and widespread discussion In the party by the It must be monolithic party, hewn tral Executive Committee therefore cision our was moved had entered upon a period of economic cause, not being based upon normal a Follette and will remain one of the history of the party, the Central of piece, prohibiting fractions, calls upon all party committees to following considerations: The exlst- depression, which our party foresaw Investment for profit, It Is not one forces pushing the movement in the Executive Committee is making groupe, and tendencies; It must so organize and conduct the discus- ance of the strong mass movement in (Sept. 1923—resolution on economic measurable. All known and pre- direction of a third, petty-bourgeois, ample provisions to give the mem- party make relentless struggle against sion as to prevent the occurrence the direction of a farmer-labor situation for the Trade Union Educa- dictable faotors Indicate renewed party. bership full opportunity to familiar- number of opportunism in all Its forms within anywhere in ths party of incidents as evidenced by a large tional League conference) and which crisis, unemployment, and sharpen- The socialist party, which up to ize themselves with the points of state farmer-labor parties, the Workers Party, against the 2/t of this kind. local and we correctly Judged to mark a crislß ing of the class struggle. July, 1924, was trying to retain a view of the minority as well as that International tendency, represented Ws are enclosing herewith a and also by the formation of the C. P. in American economlo life (third con- certain measure of independence as a of the Central Executive Commit- 2. Party Movement in the group around the Volkszel- copy of a C. E. C. resolution on the P. A., which we interpreted as the re- vention, Workers Party and March political party, tee. Merges In LaFollette “third party." tung, as well as against the more has since then almost party discussion. This resolution, sult of this same mass pressure to- 1924 thesis of C. E. C.) The develop- completely merged with a guarantee dlsous- The outstanding change In the Insidious and menacing danger of the C. P. P As that the together with this letter, must be wards independent political action. We ment of this crisis followed the ex- A. in the political situation le the appear- farmer-laboriam in our ranks. LaFollette movement. Th*: sion will be carried on In a con- ths guide of all responsible party also realized that, unlike the Commun- pected course up until Sept., 1924, ance of the LaFollette petty bour- socialist party has practically ceased structive manner, the Central Exe- 6. No Substitutes for the Work- committees during the party dis- ist Parties of Europe, our task was except for a short period of slight re- geois alliance and the merging with to exist as an independent politics cutive Committee considers it nec- ers Party. Nothing can replace the cussion. The discussion must be as not to win away the masses from covery in the first quarter of 1924. In it of the farmer-labor party move- party. It will support essary to lay down some general Workers Party either the leader the formation thoro and complete as possible. All reformist mass political parties speak- the month of August more than 2,000,- ment. This le the American ex- as of the petty-bourgeois principles regarding the conduct of of the proletarian revolution or as party under party members must be given full ing in the name of labor, because 000 workers were unemployed as the pression of the “demooratlo-paoi- the phraseology party.” ths discussion for the advice and the practical leader In the every- of a "labor opportunity to hear and discuss all there were none at that time in the result of this crisis. fist" period, of Illusion on the part guidance of all party committees, day struggle. The Idea that a 6. The Bourgeois Wing of the La- points of view and to freely express United States, but to compel ths re- expected low point In the of the rebelling workers that their which will be responsible to the 3. The "farmer-labor party” Is the natural Follette Combination. their own opinion. There must be actionary trade union leaders to break crisis has been lot can be remedied by petty bour- Central Executive Committee for not reached. The and only possible leader of the For the bourgeois wing of the La- no limitation or restriction of these with their non-partisan policies and the trend geois reformism under the leader- putting them into effect in all sec- old sudden halt to downward practical of the workers, Follette combination, the alliance with rights in any section of the party. lead the unions into the political ship of the middle olaes. It is the struggles tions of the party under their su- to that occured in September, and the and that It is the duty of the Work- the labor bureaucrats and with cer- It is only by strictly adhering to struggle as labor organizations; that slight recovery since same political fact that was ex- pervision. principles but continuous ers Party to create suoh a farmer- tain sections of the labor aristocracy these that we shall be is, to promote among the masses the that (up to November IB) pressed In England by the MaoDon- A fundamental condition for such able to mobilize the collective time was labor party, is a petty bourgeois is a perfectly profitable proposition, ex- growing movement in favor of inde- aid government, In France by the constructive perience and the result in the first place of season- deviation, it Is opportunism, it is a since this alliance in no way conflicts a thoro and discus- intelligence of tne pendent political action, “left bloo” and the Harriot govern- sion be and thus com- al variations based upon the market- revision of the fundamental theo- with the capitalist basis of the move- is that no attempt mads party for a correct solution of our ment, In Germany by the subordina- to fores pel the trade union bureaucracy to ing of the grain crops, and, in the ries of Leninism, and It leads di- ment, It for in any section of the party immediate problems, and to pro- tion of the soclal-demoorata to the while secures itself the either form a labor party or expose place, of manipulations de- liquidation of the membership to snap judgment ceed from this to the strengthen- second “center parties.” rectly to the the support of large masses of workers themselves before the masses as en- signed artificially stimulate In- Workers Party. or premature decision on ths vital ing of our party and its develop- to and poor farmers. The professional- emies of the working class. 3. Struggle Against LaFollettlsm. problems confronting the party. ment towards a mass Communist dustry for the purpose of influencing 7. The Workers Party is the Only liberal group of this bourgeois wing, Tha principal task of the Workers Such attempts are bound to pro- Party capable of leading the toil- Our conception of a labor party was the election ($100,000,000 rail and Class Party of Workers. There as represented by the Nation and the Party Is to break away the workers the duoe destructive results and to ing masses of America to a victory that of a political party based upon equipment orders of the railroad cor- is only one party that fights always New Republic, demands the formation and poor farmers from LaFollett- militate against the party arriving over the bourgeoisie. the trade unions of America, with the porations, etc.), carried over after and everywhere for the interests of of a bourgeois third party which they lsm, and to win them for the class at a sober and well-considered de- Workers Party functioning within it the election in the hectic boom caus- tha working class, that has no in- often call a farmer-labor party. The Fraternally, struggle. When a strong and Inde- cision. as its most conscious and militant ed by the reactionary victory. terests apart from those of the practical politicians of the movement, The Central Executive pendent movement for a farmer- An example of what may result Committee section, striving to win the mass 4. The normal operation of the cap- working olaes, and that party is the who represent the farmers, of ths Party labor party existed, an effeotive well-to-do from any such attempts occurred Workers of America. movement to the revolutionary class italist system may be expected to party of Communism, the Workers small bankers, and merchants, weapon for this end was found In such as at a general membership meeting Wm. Z. Foster, Chairman, struggle and to the leadership of the overcome this halt in the development Party. The Workers Party must LaFollette, Wheeler, the slogan “For a Farmer-Labor Brookhart, etc., in Chicago held on Nov. 19. At C. E. Ruthsnberg, Secretary. Workers Party. We held to the cor- of crisis, that 1925 holds the pro- claim and fight for Its position of whose so Party.” Now that this movement fortunes are more closely a leadership. No fake labor parties rect idea that the formation of labor spect of repeating the experiences of has lost Its independence and bound up with the old capitalist can be allowed stand in the way. workers and poor farmers for LaFol- “The present democratic-pacifist party becomes possible and inevitable 1920-tl when 6,090,000 workers were and le merged in the LaFollette to parties, will hesitate with the im- The Workers Party must tell the in the election. governments, governments of an only Inasmuch as the economic mass unemployed- Tho war-time shortage movement, the slogan has become mediate formtfCjbtf the third party lette like working class that only by follow- In a this developing LaFol- analogical type which may still be organizations of labor are compelled of building operations has been over- Ineffective. Now as before the but will surely continue this political sense ing revolutionary policy, only by will mark the completion formed, not only incapable of to join hands for independent polit- come. Exports have been increasing, united front Is the prlnolpal tactlo, a combination- lette party are accepting the leadership of the of a process which is taking place in carrying on a really democratic and ical action. Because of the existence but not in the volume sufficient to af- but today It must be the united 6. The Future Development of the Communist International and its every highly-developed capital- peaceful policy, contrary, of such a. movement, an? because of fect the general course of events. front to fight for specific demands, LaFollette Movement. almost but on the section, the Workers Party, either country. development will themselves very the glaring, bankruptcy and total in- There are, however, conflicting ten- on burning Issues, from below in Because of the pressure of capitalist ist It is the become Fascist by joining the Workers Party or an organizational merger be- quickly. The class struggle will by effectiveness of the non-partisan tac- dencies, the exact force of which can- the shape of "councils of action,” development and exploitation, and in towards entering into a united front with tween political expression the means be stifled, burn all tics of Gompers and the C- P. P. A., not yet be measured. unemployment councils, shop com- spite of the comparative weakness the of no but will it, can the working class fight for and the political ex- the more brightly in the bounds of our labor party slogan soon became A factor that now shows possibility mittees. etc., and not the united of the movement, petty bourgeoisie immediate betterment or final LaFollette as de- ‘democratic’ a real fighting issue in the labor move- of alleviating the crisis is the tenden- front from the top in the shape of monstrated pression of the trade union bureau- these and ‘pacifist’ emancipation. The Workers Party, in the elections, this ment, appealing to wide circles of great farmer-labor parties. cracy and certain sections of the labor states. The change of regimes (de- cy to start building projects of under its own name, its own ban- movement, comprising an alliance be- aristocracy. mocracy—fascism—democracy) will workers and poor farmers, and thus public and semi-public nature, not 4. The Comintern and the F.-L. P. program practical tween petty-bourgeoisie and the labor ner, Its own of all the certainly undermine the aiding us in our task of exposing the based upon Immediately profitable in- The Communist International ap- struggle, must enter into every aristocracy, is bound to grow In England this development is more in foundations of tottering capitalism. labor reactionaries and strenthening vestment. It is impossible to gauge proved of our past farmer-labor battle of the workers against their volume and in power. Even though manifesting itself in the studied pol- From each such change the of the Influence of the Workers Party. exactly the possible effects of this party policy because It meant oppressors, calling for and forming the LaFollette movement may icy of the MacDonald group to trans- masses con- people and, especially, prole- The first serious departure from building program and other artificial struggle within a mass movement where possible all sorts of united tinue in its present loose form, form the labor party from a political the the sooner tarian masses, will all the this policy was made when the former stimulants. The known and predict- for its penetration with Commun- fronts upon specific Issues, and later it party of the trade unions into a com- emerge us- or will be forced to overcome, majority of the Central able forces at work all point to a ism. But the facts have changed, ing every such struggle, whether partially between the bourgeois mid- richer in political experience, and Executive at least, the contradictions bination Committee abandoned the idea of a development the crisis. the farmer-labor movement is no alone or in a united front, as In- group dle and the upper sections of seasoned with a greater readiness for renewed of of and sectional interests with- classes labor party based upon broad masses pressure longer an independent mass move- struments for directly recruiting by converting the labor the struggle, while the bourgeoisie 5. The immediate of the in its ranks, sufficiently to crystallize labor, that is, organized adopted ment, change whloh Comin- and its servants, the social demo- of workers, and in- agrarian crisis upon the agrarian a the the workers into the Workers into a new political party. As a par- party more completely into a bourge- tern Party cratic leaders, will emerge with stead the policy of a labor party com- masses has been tremendously light- foreeaw when It warned of the and building it Into the mass ty it will be based upon the small ois third party. weak-! possible necessity of the Workers Communist Party that will lead ened forces, demoralized, and with prising only the Workers Party and ened by the large grain crops of the the and middle sections of the bourgeoisie, In France the same development la Party running its own candidates, proletarian revolution in America. no confidence left in themsleves or .its close circle of sympathising or- United States in the face of a world the rich farmers, the professional taking place in the form of a parlia- in their policies. And thus the forces | ganizations. This policy waa later shortage, resulting in a sharp increase groups, certain sections of the labor mentary alliance between the socialist of the proletarian revolution will grow crystallized in the Federated Farmer- of prices. While it is estimated that ate the economic factors of society, These five groups are moving to- aristocracy, and the labor bureau- party and the liberal parties of the victory.” Labor Party and developed into a a very high percentage of the in- to compel the masses still to follow gether politically, at cracy. until its decisive present in rather bourgeoisie, the so-called "left bloc” theory by the "August thesis,” adop- creased prices of grain wni go direct- lead. The economic basis for the loose fashion, This party will its a for the purpose of represent a political which form the basis of the Herriot 7. Ths LaFollette Movement and ted at a C. E. C. meeting in August, ly into the hands of bankers and mer- victory was, consider- securing alliance of reaction to a for themselves a measure of between the left wing of the government. Socially and politically the Labor Party. 1923. This theory of a labor party chants, who hold first claim to the slight ag- political bourgeoisie able extent, the revival in power which they will use on the one hand, and the this left bloc is of the same nature as consisting only of the Workers Party crop returns because of credit ex- reactionary The movement a farmer- riculture and industry, enlarged and against the political aspirations of the social-patriotic, class col- the LaFollette movement. towards with its immediate circle of sym- tended the bankrupt and by capitalist manipulation party, that is, political to near- magnified proletarian masses and the poorest laborationists wing of the labor move- In Germany the social-democracy, labor a mass pathizing organizations contained the bankrupt poor farmers, yet it is a publicity. ment party based upon the economic mass and The election demon- sections of farmers. In other on the other hand. It will func- which is objectively the party of the menacing tendency of liquidating fact that the purchasing power of strated also the cowardice and the tion as organizations of the workers and the the words, the LaFollette comblnatipn is the extreme left party of the trade union reactionaries and the Workers (Communist) Party and sub- the agricultural population has been political weakness of the middle socially and politically a American bourgeoisie poorest sections of the farmers, and bourgeois and will con- labor aristocracy, is working hand in stituting for it a non-Communlst or- raised to a degree above what seemed although dissatisfied movement tinue to its pursuing policy independent of classes, which, hostile and antagonistic to base appeal mainly on two hand with the liberal bourgeoisie and a ganization. It further carried with it possible a few months ago. The fun- with hegemony of big capital, and the proletarian class grounds: To the bourgeois bourgeois parties, and more particul- the struggle and to middle jointly they present the main support the isolation of the Workers Party situation in agriculture re- produced classes this arly the movement for a farmer-labor damental in spite of their grievances the political independence of the op- LaFollette movement will of the present German government. from the mass movement for a farm- mains, however, unchanged and .pre- by agrarian pressed toiling present capitalist in the presidential elections of the and Industrial crises and masses. the half of its phy- In all those countries the working ticket er-labor party. For these reasons it sents the likelihood of another acute for which the republican party offered siognomy, that is, it 1924, these movements have been de- 3. Gompers and the Old Guard of will maintain that masseß which are not following this was relentlessly combntted by the for- crisis in 1925, which will, feated by the of the C. P. agrarian no remedy, refused to follow even A. F. of L. Bureaucracy. it alone is able to save American cap- petty-bourgeois combination, either going-over * are mer minority, now majority, of the in turn, intensify the industrial de- such a mild of protest the italism from as P- A. and the Gompers’ machine into course as The endorsement of the LaFollette destruction a result so politically immature that they Central Executive Committee of the pression. expressed by LaFollette of revolution the camp carrying with one the move- campaign by the bureaucracy of the a violent by the masses; still follow the parties of big capital LaFollette Workers Party. 6. The overwhelming weight of ment. It further exposed the com- while to the them the great mass of organized A. F. of L. was dictated primarily masses the LaFollette and the land-holding aristocracy, or As the farmer-labor movement de- economic tendencies now operative plete inability of the official leader- movement will present workers. In fact one of the reasons by a desire to preserve their leader- the so-called they are ideologically advanced en- veloped the LaFollette third-party point to an intensification of the class ship labor half of why the P. A. and Gompers’ of the labor movement tc enthuse ship in the American labor move> its physiognomy, claim- ough to follow the Communist parties. C. P. the movement developed simultaneously struggle, resulting in renewed efforts working class any kind of ing that it machine so readily accepted the can- the for ac- ment, which was endangered by the stands for the “Just” de- Like the late MacDonald govern- and threatened to absorb it. This of the employing class to cut wages, tion. Big capital has thereby com- mands of labor against being didacy of LaFollette and entered into following four facts; (a) the complete and Its ment in England, which carried out raised before our party the problem lengthen hours, and to destroy the pleted its task of mobilizing its forces unfairly treated by the alliance with the petty bourge- bankruptcy of the Gompersian trade capital. The the policies of British imperialism of how to save the ideological and or- unions. In the absence of effect- for continued oppression and exploita- masses of the farm- oisie was to block and to frustrate the union policies which resulted in weak- workers and poor in India, Egypt, China, etc., like the ganizational independence of the farm- \ leadership of organised labor, this the working It ers, as they development of a lve tion of masses- is now ening the unions to such an extent as inasmuch reject the lead- Herriot government in France, which further such farmer- er-labor movement. To solve this result in unorganized mass move- the duty of the workers and poor ership of the old capitalist parties labor party by giving the masses a will to reduce their fighting ability almost and dutifully executes the policies of the problem the C. E. C. adoptod the “outlaw” strikes, rank and file are not yet ready class-collaborationist substitute which ments, farmers to awaken to the real state to nothing; (b) the feeling throughout to accept the lead- Comite des Forges and continues policy of the "third party alliance," movements, and intensification of of' affairs and to begin the mobilisa- ership of and to give their the latter accept as their own move- the rank and file that the coming support to French imperialist policies in Moroc- which, however, was not put into ef- struggle within the labor unions be- tion of their own forces for the strug- the Workers Party, ment. attacks by the capitalists could not be follow the lead co, Madagascar, French Indo-Cblna, fect, by advice of the Communist In- tween the revolutionary forces and gle against their oppressors. The com- of the LaFollette resisted by the unions with their old movement. This was etcl, like the German social-demo- From now on it will be the policy ternational. The decision of the Com- the bureaucracy, together with a ten- parative strength of the existing polit- emphatically tactics, policies, and forms of organi- demonstrated by the cracy continues the policies of Ger- of LaFollette's labor lieutenants to munist International was correct. Ex- dency of the lower strata of the or- ical parties cannot be gauged correct- absorbtlon of zation; (c) the demand from the rank the farmer-labor party man capitalism, the LaFollette move- represent the LaFollette movement perience has shown that the farmer- ganized workers, the unorganized, ly by the election figures. The capital- movement by the and file for some measure of political LaFollette move- ment being of the same social compo- as the political movement of the labor movement could not been the unemployed, to look to the politicians controlling the ment, and by the have and ist election unions in the hope vote of the Industrial sition, will inevitably continue the pol- American workers- It will be claimed saved from absorbtlon by the LaFol- revolutionary elements for practical machinery robbed the LaFollette influence for the have that this may forestall or weaken the icies of American imperialism, despite by the socialists, the C. P. P. A., and lette movement even by the dangerous political leadership. of probably a million votes, movement impact of these coming capitalist at- its paciflstic phraseology. all the other labor lieutenants of La- expedient of a "third party and have cut down the vote of the alliance.” THE POLITICAL BITUATION. tacks; and (d) the brazen anti-labor Therefore, the LaFollette movement Follette, that the LaFollette move- In the months preceding the election Workers Tarty to a fraction of what 1. The victory of reaction in the attitude assumed by the national con- GREAT LABOR CARTOONS in America and the future LaFollette ment Is representing labor on the pol- the LaFollette movement swept was really cast. like a presidential elections, which resulted ventions of the two old parties which by such noted artists in the party, should be considered the Amer- itical field. And for some time to tidal wave over the farmer-labor move- in the election of Coolidge end Dawes 2. The LaFollette movement, al- completed the disillusionment of the ranks of Labor as ican expression of democratic pacif- come, that is until the LaFollette ment, submerging it and drowning it tremendous majority a though supported in this election rank and file and made it Impossible ism, the objective meaning of which movement will begin showing con- out. I by a after cam- FRED ELLIS paign in which they stood openly as mainly by industrial workers and poor for Gompers to endorse either Cool- is, in the words of the Fifth Congress crete and practical signs of its antag The defection to LaFollette of the F the candidates of big business, strong- farmers, is a political alliance of five idge or Davis without seriously en- HAY BALES of ths Communist International, as onlsm to the working class, the greut former supporters of the farmer-labor ' Hums big capital In the seat of power distinct social groups. These are; dangering his leadership. The above WM. S. FANNING follows: bulk of the laboring masses of this party movement reduced the June 17 in the United States. It demonstrated (a) small and medium bankers, mer- facts prompted the bureaucracy of “That the bourgeoisie can no longer country will progressively accept the convention to a mere fraction of its in the December the tremendous power of the ruling chants, and manufacturers; (b) rich the A. F- of L. to entor into an alli- issue of the rule according to Its old methods, that LaFollette movement as their political aullclpated size. By the time WORKERS MONTHLY. of the class of this country, exercised and well-to-do-farmers; (c) profes- ance with the petty-bourgeoisie for this period reflects the Instability of expression. This means, that the Cleveland conference of the C* P. P. through its machinery for molding sional groups; (d) certain sections of common political action. Because of the capitalist structure, its decline, question of trying to build a farmer- A. those organizations not closely sym- opinion ((the press, the radio, etc.), the labor aristocracy; and (e) the the comparative weakness of the La GET IT! which is beginning to develop in a des- labor party, which shall base itseli pathetic to the Workers’ Party combined with the ability to manipul- trade-union bureaucracy. Follette movement, as demonstrated cending ourve. on tho mass organizations of ths (Continued on next page.)