Chapter 1 Introduction
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Strategy and Geopolitics of Sea Power Throughout History
Baltic Security & Defence Review Volume 11, Issue 2, 2009 Strategy and Geopolitics of Sea Power throughout History By Ilias Iliopoulos PhD, Professor at the Hellenic Staff College The great master of naval strategy and geopolitics Rear-Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan famously stated: “Control of the sea by maritime commerce and naval supremacy means predominant influence in the world … (and) is the chief among the merely material elements in the power and prosperity of nations.”1 Some three centuries before Mahan, H. M.’s Servant Sir Walter Raleigh held that “he that commands the sea, commands the trade, and he that is lord of the trade of the world is lord of the wealth of the world.”2 Accordingly, it may be said that even the final collapse of the essentially un-maritime and land-bound Soviet empire at the end of the long 20th century was simply the latest illustration of the strategic advantages of sea power. Like most realist strategists Mahan believed that international politics was mainly a struggle over who gets what, when and how. The struggle could be about territory, resources, political influence, economic advantage or normative interests (values). The contestants were the leaders of traditional nation-states; military and naval forces were their chief instrument of policy. Obviously, sea power is about naval forces – and coastguards, marine or civil-maritime industries and, where relevant, the contribution of land and air forces. Still, it is more than that; it is about geography, geopolitics, geo- strategy, geo-economics and geo-culture; it is about the sea-based capacity of a state to determine or influence events, currents and developments both at sea and on land. -
Liberal Vision Lite: Your Mid-Monthly Update of News from Liberal International
Liberal Vision Lite: your mid-monthly update of news from Liberal International Thu, Apr 15, 2021 at 6:59 PM Issue n°5 - 15 April 2021 SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER "We have a chance to re-think & re-invent our future", LI President El Haité tells Liberal Party of Canada Convention. In an introductory keynote, President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, addressed thousands of liberals at the Liberal Party of Canada‘s largest policy convention in history. WATCH VIDEO CGLI’s Axworthy tells Canadian liberals, "To solve interlinked challenges, common threads must be found." On 9 April, as thousands of Candian liberals joined the Liberal Party of Canada's first-ever virtual National Convention, distinguished liberal speakers: Hon. Lloyd Axworthy, Hon. Diana Whalen, Chaviva Hosek, Rob Oliphant & President of the Canadian Group of LI Hon. Art Eggleton discussed liberal challenges and offered solutions needed for the decade ahead. WATCH VIDEO On World Health Day, Council of Liberal Presidents call for more equitable access to COVID vaccines Meeting virtually on Tuesday 7 April, the Council of Liberal Presidents convened by the President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, applauded the speed with which vaccines have been developed to combat COVID19 but expressed growing concern that the rollout has until now been so unequal around the world. READ JOINT STATEMENT LI-CALD Statement: We cannot allow this conviction to mark the end of Hong Kong LI and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats released a joint statement on the conviction of LI individual member & LI Prize for Freedom laureate, Martin Lee along with other pro-democracy leaders in Hong Kong, which has sent shockwaves around the world. -
Politics and Government in Baltic States
Introduction – Historical and cultural background Part II Lecturer: Tõnis Saarts Institute of Political Science and Public Administration Spring 2009 Baltic region in the 17th century • Despite Swedish and Polish rule, Baltic German nobility retained their privileges. • In the 15th century serfdom was introduced, in the 17- 18th century serfdom became even harsher (Elbe-line). • Positive influence of Swedish rule – education village schools literacy, Tartu University 1632. Oldest university in the region Vilnius University 1579 • After the 16th century main trade routes moved to Atlantic turning point for the CEE. The region began to lag behind from Western Europe. • 16th century heydays of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. 17th century decline. • Declining of Tallinn and Riga as trade centres Swedish domain Russian conquest • Russian interest: Baltics as a window to Europe – trade and communication with Western Europe. • 1700-1721 Great Nordic War between Russia and Sweden. Peter The Great conquered all Swedish possessions (Estonia, Northern Latvia to Daugava +Riga; Latgale+Courland remained to Polish hands). • Nordic War as a big economic and social catastrophe plague, economic decline intensified even more. • “Special Baltic Order”: – Baltic German nobility retained its political power. – Russian Empire was not allowed to settle here immigrants – Should accepted protestantism and German cultural domination • 3 partitions of Poland (1772, 1792, 1795) - with third partition Russia got Courland+Lithuania. Russian Conquest 1721 Partition of Poland The region with a common destiny! • Only since the end of the 18th century we can speak about the Baltic region as a region what has a common destiny. • Before there was little common in the history of Lithuania and Estonia/Latvia! • Before the 18th century quite few contacts with Russian culture and Ortodox civilization. -
Violence and Social Orders
This page intentionally left blank VIOLENCE AND SOCIAL ORDERS All societies must deal with the possibility of violence, and they do so in different ways. This book integrates the problem of violence into a larger social science and historical framework, showing how economic and political behavior are closely linked. Most societies, which we call natural states, limit violence by political manipulation of the economy to create privileged interests. These privileges limit the use of violence by powerful individuals, but doing so hinders both economic and political development. In contrast, modern societies create open access to economic and political organizations, fostering political and economic competition. The book provides a framework for understanding the two types of social orders, why open access societies are both politically and economically more developed, and how some twenty- five countries have made the transition between the two types. Douglass C. North is co-recipient of the 1993 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sci- ence. He is the Spencer T. Olin Professor in Arts and Sciences at Washington University in St. Louis, where he served as director of the Center for Political Economy from 1984 to 1990, and is the Bartlett Burnap Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. A member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and a former member of the Board of Directors of the National Bureau of Economic Research for twenty years, Professor North received the John R. Commons Award in 1992. The author of ten books, including Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance (Cambridge University Press, 1990) and Understanding the Process of Economic Change (2005), Professor North has research interests in property rights, economic organization in history, and the formation of political and economic institutions and their consequences through time. -
Radical Closure
Closure adical Closur R e adical R R adical 1 Radical Closure Closure Radical Closure Radical Closure Jalal Toufic Jalal Toufic,Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020 Jalal Toufic 2 3 Radical Closure The book includes four of my conceptual artworks. They are based This book is composed of the following previously published texts on Van Gogh’s two paintings Wheatfield with Crows (1889) and Self- on radical closure: “Radical Closure,” in Over-Sensitivity, 2nd edition Portrait with Bandaged Ear (1889). The one on the front cover is (Forthcoming Books, 2009); “First Aid, Second Growth, Third Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s Degree, Fourth World, Fifth Amendment, Sixth Sense,” “Radical- “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2020; Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ,” “Copyright Free Farm the one that serves as the frontispiece is Radical-Closure Artist with Road,” and pp. 104–105 and 211–214 in Forthcoming, 2nd edition Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020; the one (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2014); pp. 82–92 in Distracted, on the last page is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ 2nd edition (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003); “Verbatim,” in What (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 2, 2020; and the one on the back cover Was I Thinking? (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2017); and is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s pp. 88–96 in Postscripts (Stockholm: Moderna Museet; Amsterdam: “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2018. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990S Marg
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990s Margit Viola Wunsch A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2012 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract This is a novel study of the German press’ visual and textual coverage of the wars in Bosnia (1992-95) and Kosovo (1998-99). Key moments have been selected and analysed from both wars using a broad range of publications ranging from extreme-right to extreme-left and including broadsheets, a tabloid and a news-magazine, key moments have been selected from both wars. Two sections with parallel chapters form the core of the thesis. The first deals with the war in Bosnia and the second the conflict in Kosovo. Each section contains one chapter on the initial phase of the conflict, one chapter on an important atrocity – namely the Srebrenica Massacre in Bosnia and the Račak incident in Kosovo – and lastly a chapter each on the international involvement which ended the immediate violence. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider Politics: Radicalism
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider politics : Radicalism as a Political Strategy in Western Europe and Latin America A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Verónica Hoyo Committee in charge: Professor William Chandler, Chair Professor Matthew Shugart, Co-Chair Professor Akos Rona-Tas Professor Sebastian Saiegh Professor Kaare Strom 2010 Copyright Verónica Hoyo, 2010 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Verónica Hoyo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION A mis padres, Irma y Gonzalo, y a mi hermana Irma. Gracias por ser fuente constante de amor, inspiración y apoyo incondicional. Esto nunca hubiera sido posible sin ustedes. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page.............................................................................................................. iii Dedication..................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents.......................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................... vi List of Tables................................................................................................................... xii List of Graphs................................................................................................................ -
The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: Cross-National and Inter-Temporal Analysis on Post-Communist Europe
G-COE GLOPE II Working Paper Series The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: Cross-National and Inter-temporal Analysis on Post-communist Europe. Ryo NAKAI Working Paper No.27 If you have any comment or question on the working paper series, please contact each author. When making a copy or reproduction of the content, please contact us in advance to request permission. The source should explicitly be credited. GLOPE Ⅱ Web Site: http://globalcoe-glope2.jp/ The Success and Failure of Ethnic Parties in New Democracies: 1 Cross-National and Inter-temporal Analysis on Post-communist Europe Ryo NAKAI Research Associate & Ph.D. Candidate Student, School of Political Science and Economics 2 [email protected] Abstract Why do ethnic minority parties succeed or fail? In order to solve this puzzle, this article explores cross-national and inter-temporal differences in post-communist new democracies using statistical analysis and small-N case studies, and argues that policy factors and the rationality of ethnic minorities determine the success and failure of ethnic parties and account for the variance in their standings. As some studies have pointed out, ethnic minorities’ voting behaviour should be rational and strategic. This article represents a basic spatial model and argues that ethnic minorities react to other parties’ policy changes and to the capability of other parties to win seats. Statistical analysis verifies this hypothesis. In addition, I discuss the Baltic States–Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania--as case studies. Although these three countries share a similar history, experience with minority issues and a common institutional design, their party systems indicate significant differences. -
Elections in Latvia: Status Quo for Minorities Remains?
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 9, No 1, 2010, 72-89 Original received: 08.12.2010 Copyright © ECMI 2010 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/2010/Latvia_Elections.pdf Elections in Latvia: status quo for minorities remains? Tatyana Bogushevitch and Aleksejs Dimitrovs * This article comments on the results of the recent parliamentary elections in Latvia and related implications for ethnic minorities. The authors examine in detail the pre-election programs, follow the developments before and after the elections, and come to the conclusion that the existing situation in the field of ethnic policy will remain in place for some time. Parliamentary elections took place in Latvia on 2 October 2010. Due to economic crisis and harsh austerity measures including severe public spending cuts, ethnic policy issues have not been very high on the agenda in the pre-election and post- election period, unlike in previous years. Nevertheless, in the country where more than 40% of the population are persons belonging to minorities 1, minority issues are inevitably a part of the national debate. After the elections, five alliances are represented in the Saeima (Parliament): centre-right ‘Unity’ (33 seats out of 100), social democratic ‘Concord Centre’ (29 seats), centre-right Union of Greens and Farmers (22 seats), right-wing nationalistic ‘All for Latvia’ – ‘For Fatherland and Freedom/LNNK’ (8 seats) and centrist ‘For a Good Latvia’ (8 seats). Out of the 100 members 15 (13 ethnic Russians, 1 Karelian * Dr Tatyana Bogushevitch is a graduate of the University of Latvia, Riga. -
Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse
Auers, Daunis, and Andres Kasekamp. "Comparing Radical-Right Populism in Estonia and Latvia." Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. Ed. Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 235–248. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 1 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544940.ch-016>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 1 October 2021, 14:25 UTC. Copyright © Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral and the contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 16 Comparing Radical-Right Populism in Estonia and Latvia Daunis Auers and Andres Kasekamp Introduction 2011 saw sharply contrasting parliamentary elections in neighbouring Estonia and Latvia. The 6 March 2011 poll in Estonia was the first election in post-communist Europe to feature an unchanged line-up of competing political parties, indicating a high level of political stability despite the financial and political turmoil that marked much of Europe in 2011 (Pettai et al. 2011). In contrast, the same year Latvia experienced its first early election, triggered by a referendum, on the recall of Parliament, called by the Latvian president in protest to a perceived ‘privatization of democracy in Latvia’ (Zatlers 2011). Moreover, the radical-right populist Visu Latvijai!/Tēvzemei un Brīvībai/LNNK (National Alliance of All for Latvia!/For Fatherland and Freedom/ Latvian National Independence Movement) almost doubled its share of the votes it won in the October 2010 regular election, and then subsequently took up government office in a new three-party coalition. -
160 KAZACHONAK Katsiaryna / КАЗАЧЁНОК Катарина Latvian
Альманах североевропейских и балтийских исследований / Nordic and Baltic Studies Review. 2016. Issue 1 KAZACHONAK Katsiaryna / КАЗАЧЁНОК Катарина Latvian Society of Archivists / Латвийское общество архивистов Latvia, Riga / Латвия, Рига [email protected] COOPERATION OF LATVIAN BELARUSIANS WITH THE NON-BELARUSIAN POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS OF LATVIA IN 1928—31 СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО БЕЛОРУСОВ ЛАТВИИ С НЕБЕЛОРУССКИМИ ЛАТВИЙСКИМИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИМИ ОРГАНИЗАЦИЯМИ В 1928—1931 ГГ. Аннотация: В статье рассматривается вопрос о характере отношений представителей белорусского меньшинства Латвии с политическими партиями Латвии в период предвыборных кампаний в парламент второго и третьего coзывов. Именно в это время белорусы начали интенсивно искать контакты с другими политическими организациями Латвии. Поддержка белорусами социал-демократов и коммунистов была закономерна и обуславливалась социальной структурой белорусского меньшинства Латвии. В начале 1930-х гг. белорусы сделали попытку расширить свои контакты через взаимодействие с другими гражданскими партиями Латвии, которые, хотя и были левыми, выражали некоторые идеи, ранее не характерные для белорусских политических организаций (Латгальского объединения прогрессивных крестьян, Партии крестьян-христиан). Это свидетельствует, с одной стороны, о разочаровании в белорусских национальных политических партиях, а с другой стороны, о более глубокой интеграции белорусов в латвийское общество. Статья написана на основе архивных документов и периодической печати того времени, много информации из источников публикуется впервые. Kewords / Ключевые слова: Latvia, Latgalе, Belarusian minority, Belarusian political parties, parliamentary elections, the 3rd Saeima, the 4th Saeima / Латвия, Латгалия, белорусское меньшинство, белорусские политические партии, парламентские выборы, Третий Сейм, Четвёртый Сейм. In the 1920s and 1930s the Belarusians were one of the largest national minorities in Latvia. The majority of Belarusians lived in region of Latgale (the eastern part of Latvia) and Ilūkste Municipality (southeastern Latvia, part of Zemgale region).