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The Future of UK Labour Law
The Future of UK Labour Law Report from History & Policy Trade Union Forum seminar 24 June 2017, Kings College, Lon- don. With the prospect of Britain’s departure from the EU looming, and its serious implications for the remaining protections of employment and union rights, the TUF arranged this seminar to provide a historical perspective on the issues which could arise. Speakers - Jim Moher, Adrian Williamson, Richard Whiting and Sarah Veale - were invited to provide a chronological account of the evolution of British labour law in four sessions. These covered, (i) ‘the Combination Laws to the Trade Disputes Act 1906’; (ii) ‘Trade Union law and practice 1914-1979’; (iii) ‘The Thatcher reforms of the 1980s’ and (iv) ‘Manifesto for a comprehensive revision of workers rights’ (recent Insttute of Employment Rights’ book) The seminar was chaired by John Edmonds, former General Secretary of the GMB union and member of the TUC General Council (including a term as President), during much of the later period. (i) The Combination Laws to the Trade Disputes Act 1906; Dr James Moher, a former national legal officer with the Transport & General Workers Union (1974-84) and Communication Workers Union (1984-2006), addressed the first topic. He was involved at a senior level during the critical period when the law governing trade unions underwent transformation - his later duties included responsibility for balloting arrangements and legal defence in a union regularly in- volved in disputes with Royal Mail and BT. This experience has been bolstered by a longstanding study of the history of unions and the law, as it has evolved from the time of the Combination laws. -
Lewis Minkin and the Party–Unions Link
ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 166 11 Lewis Minkin and the party–unions link Eric Shaw ‘For over 80 years’, Minkin declares in his magisterial survey The Contentious Alliance (1991: xii), the Labour Party–trade unions link ‘has shaped the structure and, in various ways, the character of the British Left’.His core proposition can be encapsulated simply: trade union ‘restraint has been the central characteristic’ of the link (1991: 26). This constitutes a frontal challenge to received wisdom – end- lessly repeated, recycled and amplified by Britain’s media – that, until the ‘mod- ernisation’ of the party, initiated by Neil Kinnock and accelerated by Tony Blair, the unions ran the party. So ingrained is this wisdom in British political culture that no discussion of party–unions relations in the media can endure for long without some reference to the days when ‘the union barons controlled the party’.This view, Minkin holds, is a gross over-simplification and, to a degree, downright mislead- ing. The relationship is infinitely more subtle and complex, and far more balanced than the conventional view allows. The task Minkin sets himself in The Contentious Alliance is twofold: on the one hand to explain why and how he reached that con- clusion; and, on the other – the core of the book – to lay bare the inner dynamics of the party–unions connection. What is most distinctive and enduring about Minkin’s work? In what ways has it most contributed to our understanding of the labour movement? Does it still offer insights for scholars of Labour politics? In the first section of this paper, I examine how Minkin contests the premisses underpinning the orthodox thesis of trade union ‘baronial power’; in the second, I analyse the ‘sociological’frame of ref- erence he devised as an analytical tool to uncover the roots and essential proper- ties of the party–unions connection; in the third section, I address the question of the relevance of Minkin today. -
Barbara Castle Transcript
TUC INTERVIEWS Barbara Castle This transcript was proofed with the video on 11 August 2011 and some discrepancies were found. The new suggestions have been highlit in red Right, Barbara, I think we’re just about set up. The cameras are running and away we go. I ’m going back some way but in your upbringing, in your early working life, did the trade union movement figure prominently then? Well, of course I read Politics at Oxford Politics and Economics and so on. And the history of the trade union movement has always thrilled me. You know, the idea of you know the little Davids coming clubbing together to stand up to the all-powerful Goliath. And then when I came down from Oxford it was at the height of the depression years about 1932 and the only job I could get was one working in shops. And I promptly joined the shop assistant ’s union in Manchester. And it was to me absolutely thrilling. Here I was, in one of those organisations which had drawn working people together to stand up to their powerful masters. So I had an emotional identification with trade unionism from the very start. You believed in the solidarity of trade unions. Yes, and also the importance - I learned a very interesting lesson at that time. I remember working in the little shop, a very posh little shop. And I was in fact in demonstrating crystallised fruits for a big firm and the only other employee was a young girl. And I found her in tears one afternoon and I said, what ’s wrong? She said, it ’s my afternoon off and I ’d arranged to go out with my boyfriend and now the orders have come in and for a wreath they want it in a hurry, so he ’s cancelled it. -
Apprentice Strikes in Twentieth Century UK Engineering and Shipbuilding*
Apprentice strikes in twentieth century UK engineering and shipbuilding* Paul Ryan Management Centre King’s College London November 2004 * Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the International Conference on the European History of Vocational Education and Training, University of Florence, the ESRC Seminar on Historical Developments, Aims and Values of VET, University of Westminster, and the annual conference of the British Universities Industrial Relations Association. I would like to thank Alan McKinlay and David Lyddon for their generous assistance, and Lucy Delap, Alan MacFarlane, Brian Peat, David Raffe, Alistair Reid and Keith Snell for comments and suggestions; the Engineering Employers’ Federation and the Department of Education and Skills for access to unpublished information; the staff of the Modern Records Centre, Warwick, the Mitchell Library, Glasgow, the Caird Library, Greenwich, and the Public Record Office, Kew, for assistance with archive materials; and the Nuffield Foundation and King’s College, Cambridge for financial support. 2 Abstract Between 1910 and 1970, apprentices in the engineering and shipbuilding industries launched nine strike movements, concentrated in Scotland and Lancashire. On average, the disputes lasted for more than five weeks, drawing in more than 15,000 young people for nearly two weeks apiece. Although the disputes were in essence unofficial, they complemented sector-wide negotiations by union officials. Two interpretations are considered: a political-social-cultural one, emphasising political motivation and youth socialisation, and an economics-industrial relations one, emphasising collective action and conflicting economic interests. Both interpretations prove relevant, with qualified priority to the economics-IR one. The apprentices’ actions influenced economic outcomes, including pay structures and training incentives, and thereby contributed to the decline of apprenticeship. -
Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Foreword
• Forward by Kevin McNamara MP • An Outline of the Contents • Preparing the ground • Military manoeuvres • Rumours of coups • The 'private armies' of 1974 re-examined • The National Association for Freedom • Destabilising the Wilson government 1974-76 • Marketing the dirt • Psy ops in Northern Ireland • The central role of MI5 • Conclusions • Appendix 1: ISC, FWF, IRD • Appendix 2: the Pinay Circle • Appendix 3: FARI & INTERDOC • Appendix 4: the Conflict Between MI5 and MI6 in Northern Ireland • Appendix 5: TARA • Appendix 6: Examples of political psy ops targets 1973/4 - non Army origin • Appendix 7 John Colin Wallace 1968-76 • Appendix 8: Biographies • Bibliography Introduction This is issue 11 of The Lobster, a magazine about parapolitics and intelligence activities. Details of subscription rates and previous issues are at the back. This is an atypical issue consisting of just one essay and various appendices which has been researched, written, typed, printed etc by the two of us in less than four months. Its shortcomings should be seen in that light. Brutally summarised, our thesis is this. Mrs Thatcher (and 'Thatcherism') grew out of a right-wing network in this country with extensive links to the military-intelligence establishment. Her rise to power was the climax of a long campaign by this network which included a protracted destabilisation campaign against the Liberal and Labour Parties - chiefly the Labour Party - during 1974-6. We are not offering a conspiracy theory about the rise of Mrs Thatcher, but we do think that the outlines of a concerted campaign to discredit the other parties, to engineer a right-wing leader of the Tory Party, and then a right-wing government, is visible. -
Harold Wilson Obituary
Make a contribution News Opinion Sport Culture Lifestyle UK World Business Football UK politics Environment Education Society Science Tech More Harold Wilson obituary Leading Labour beyond pipe dreams Geoffrey Goodman Thu 25 May 1995 09.59 EDT 18 Lord Wilson of Rievaulx, as he came improbably to be called - will not go down in the history books as one of Britain's greatest prime ministers. But, increasingly, he will be seen as a far bigger political figure than contemporary sceptics have allowed far more representative of that uniquely ambivalent mood of Britain in the 1960s and a far more rounded and caring, if unfulfilled, person. It is my view that he was a remarkable prime minister and, indeed, a quite remarkable man. Cynics had a field day ridiculing him at the time of his decline. Perhaps that was inevitable given his irresistible tendency to behave like the master of the Big Trick in the circus ring of politics - for whom there is nothing so humiliating as to have it demonstrated, often by fellow tricksters, that the Big Trick hasn't worked. James Harold Wilson happened to be prime minister leading a left wing party at a time when the mores of post-war political and economic change in Britain (and elsewhere) were just beginning to be perceived. Arguably it was the period of the greatest social and industrial change this century, even if the people - let alone the Wilson governments - were never fully aware of the nature of that change. Social relationships across the entire class spectrum were being transformed. -
Problems of Capitalism & Socialism
PROBLEMS OF CAPITALISM & SOCIALISM The Debate on Workers’ Control. From Discussion to Denial. From Failure to Fallout. From 1975 to Now. SECOND SERIES, VOLUME ONE, NUMBER TWO Published by: Problems Of Communism Committee. Multi-user subscription rates available from the Edited by: Joe Keenan editor. 33 Athol Street Next Issue—Individuals wishing to ensure their Belfast copy of the next issue, please send £4; €6 (payable to BT12 4GX Athol Books) to 33 Athol Street, Belfast, BT12 4GX, email: joe @atholbooks.org Northern Ireland. website: http://www.atholbooks.org Subscription to this magazine in PDF format is available, price €1.50; £1.00, per issue. See Athol Books website for details CONTENTS ARTICLE AUTHOR PAGE 974: We Don’t Have Elections Editorial 3 Like Those Any More! Reflections On The Campaign For Workers’ Control In Britain Part 4: The IWC & Trotskyism Conor Lynch 3 Workers’ Control: From Plowden North London Workers’ Control 6 To Bullock Group Worker Directors—The British Manus O’Riordan 6 Debate—Part One Workers & Industry No. 4 (May 7, 976) North London Workers’ Control 30 Group No. 5 (May 4, 976) NLWCG 33 1974: WE DON’T HAVE ELECTIONS LIKE ThOSE ANY MORE! EDITORIAL The central political issue of the late sixties and seventies in Britain was the power of the working class which had completely undermined management’s right to manage and had demoralised a bourgeoisie which was no longer prepared to make the necessary investment in machinery, plant and training to reverse a long-term decline in industrial productivity. This fundamental imbalance between irresponsible labour and impotent capital generated wage-led inflationary crises and constant political turmoil. -
Industrial Action Ballots: an Analysis of the Development of Law and Practice in Britain
INDUSTRIAL ACTION BALLOTS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LAW AND PRACTICE IN BRITAIN Submitted for the degree of PhD by Jane Rosemary Elgar London School of Economics January 1997 UMI Number: U109678 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U109678 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F Table of Contents Page Abstract 5 Preface 6 Research topic Outline of chapters Methodology Chapter 1 The Industrial Relations Context 20 1.1 Industrial relations background 1.2 Changing patterns of industrial action 1.3 The ’strike problem’ and the role of industrial conflict legislation 1.4 An approach to understanding the impact of industrial action ballots Chapter 2 Historical Development of Law on Industrial Action Balloting 44 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The voluntarist tradition 2.3 Compulsory strike ballot policies and proposals 2.4 Enforcement mechanisms 2.5 Conclusions Chapter 3 The Law 65 3.1 Legislation 3.2 Enforcement provisions 3.3 Judicial interpretation of the balloting -
By-Election Results: Revised November 2003 1987-92
Factsheet M12 House of Commons Information Office Members Series By-election results: Revised November 2003 1987-92 Contents There were 24 by-elections in the 1987 Summary 2 Parliament. Of these by-elections, eight resulted Notes 3 Tables 3 in a change in winning party compared with the Constituency results 9 1987 General Election. The Conservatives lost Contact information 20 seven seats of which four went to the Liberal Feedback form 21 Democrats and three to Labour. Twenty of the by- elections were caused by the death of the sitting Member of Parliament, while three were due to resignations. This Factsheet is available on the internet through: http://www.parliament.uk/factsheets November 2003 FS No.M12 Ed 3.1 ISSN 0144-4689 © Parliamentary Copyright (House of Commons) 2003 May be reproduced for purposes of private study or research without permission. Reproduction for sale or other commercial purposes not permitted. 2 By-election results: 1987-92 House of Commons Information Office Factsheet M12 Summary There were 24 by-elections in the 1987 Parliament. This introduction gives some of the key facts about the results. The tables on pages 4 to 9 summarise the results and pages 10 to 17 give results for each constituency. Eight seats changed hands in the 1987 Parliament at by-elections. The Conservatives lost four seats to Labour and three to the Liberal Democrats. Labour lost Glasgow, Govan to the SNP. The merger of the Liberal Party and Social Democratic Party took place in March 1988 with the party named the Social and Liberal Democrats. This was changed to Liberal Democrats in 1989. -
Phenomenal Women
A Preet Kaur Gill Angela Rayner Marion Phillips Maureen Colquhoun Shabana Mahmood Dawn Butler Barbara castle Margaret beckett Betty boothryod Jennie lee Harriet harman Jo Cox Marsha De Cordova Apsana Begum Diane Abbott Mo mowlam ellen wilkinson PHENOMENAL WOMEN Maureen Colquhoun MP was the first openly lesbian MP •Dawn Butler MP was the first elected Black female minister •Shabana Mahmood MP was one of the first female Muslim MPs • Apsana Begum MP was the first hijab-wearing Muslim MP •Preet Gill MP was the first female Sikh MP •Marion Phillips MP was the first female Jewish MP •Marsha De Cordova mp is Labour Shadow Women & Equalities minister • Barbara Castle MP only woman to have held the office of First Secretary of State • Ellen Wilkinson MP leading figure in the Jarrow Crusade of 1936 • Jo Cox MP a passionate campaigner for the rights of women and children • Mo Mowlam MP oversaw the negotiations which led to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement • Harriet Harman MP the first ever Minister for Women • Margaret Beckett MP she was elected Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1992, becoming the first woman to hold that role. • Betty Boothroyd MP the only woman to have served as Speaker, and one of the only two living former Speakers of the House of Commons. • Jennie Lee mp becoming the youngest woman member of the House of Commons. At the time of the by-election, women under the age of 30 were not yet able to vote. • Diane Abbott MP Abbott is the first black woman elected to Parliament, and the longest-serving black MP in the House of Commons. -
This Is My (Post) Truth, Tell Me Yours Comment on “The Rise of Post-Truth Populism in Pluralist Liberal Democracies: Challenges for Health Policy”
http://ijhpm.com Int J Health Policy Manag 2017, 6(12), 723–725 doi 10.15171/ijhpm.2017.58 Commentary This Is My (Post) Truth, Tell Me Yours Comment on “The Rise of Post-truth Populism in Pluralist Liberal Democracies: Challenges for Health Policy” Martin Powell* Abstract Article History: This is a commentary on the article ‘The rise of post-truth populism in pluralist liberal democracies: challenges Received: 6 April 2017 for health policy.’ It critically examines two of its key concepts: populism and ‘post truth.’ This commentary argues Accepted: 6 May 2017 that there are different types of populism, with unclear links to impacts, and that in some ways, ‘post-truth’ has ePublished: 15 May 2017 resonances with arguments advanced in the period at the beginning of the British National Health Service (NHS). In short, ‘post-truth’ populism’ may be ‘déjà vu all over again,’ and there are multiple (post) truths: this is my (post) truth, tell me yours. Keywords: Populism, UK National Health Service (NHS), Post-Truth Politics, Health Policy Copyright: © 2017 The Author(s); Published by Kerman University of Medical Sciences. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Citation: Powell M. This is my (post) truth, tell me yours: Comment on “The rise of post-truth populism in pluralist liberal democracies: challenges for health policy.” Int J Health Policy Manag. 2017;6(12):723–725. -
Ethical Record Vol 92 No
The ' ISSN 0014-1690 Ethical Record Vol 92 No. 5 MAY 1987 GUEST EDITORIAL we were a charity (June 11, 1980) "Awe", "Sacred"— Judge Dillon declared (see the What Definitions? statements of objectives on the back page) (page numbers refer to (This month we offered the editorial the pages of the judgement): column to the Honorary Treasurer, "Ethical principles mean . the Victor Rose. But it is not about belief in the excellence of truth, finance that he writes . .) love and beauty, but not belief in WE HAVE BECOME ACQUAINTED BI anything supernatural" (p.2G). the world of abstract art with "Religion . is concerned with "black on black" and "white on man's relation with god and ethics are concerned with man's relation white"—but it is a new departure with man" (p.7G). in literature to stretch the English "Dissemination . includes the language to prove that black is fruits of study, and I have no doubt white and white is black! This that part of the objects satisfies the seems to be what PETER CADOGAN criterion of charity as being the is doing in his letter (Ethical advancement of education" (p.I6G). Record, April '87, page 14). "It seems to me that the objects The Oxford dictionary defines are objects which the court could control" (p.1711). the word "awe" as "reverential "I propose therefore to declare that fear or wonder". Since Humanists the objects of the society are charit- do not believe in a "god", we can able . but not for the advance- dispense with "reverential fear", ment of religion" (p.18B).