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By-Election Results: Revised November 2003 1987-92
Factsheet M12 House of Commons Information Office Members Series By-election results: Revised November 2003 1987-92 Contents There were 24 by-elections in the 1987 Summary 2 Parliament. Of these by-elections, eight resulted Notes 3 Tables 3 in a change in winning party compared with the Constituency results 9 1987 General Election. The Conservatives lost Contact information 20 seven seats of which four went to the Liberal Feedback form 21 Democrats and three to Labour. Twenty of the by- elections were caused by the death of the sitting Member of Parliament, while three were due to resignations. This Factsheet is available on the internet through: http://www.parliament.uk/factsheets November 2003 FS No.M12 Ed 3.1 ISSN 0144-4689 © Parliamentary Copyright (House of Commons) 2003 May be reproduced for purposes of private study or research without permission. Reproduction for sale or other commercial purposes not permitted. 2 By-election results: 1987-92 House of Commons Information Office Factsheet M12 Summary There were 24 by-elections in the 1987 Parliament. This introduction gives some of the key facts about the results. The tables on pages 4 to 9 summarise the results and pages 10 to 17 give results for each constituency. Eight seats changed hands in the 1987 Parliament at by-elections. The Conservatives lost four seats to Labour and three to the Liberal Democrats. Labour lost Glasgow, Govan to the SNP. The merger of the Liberal Party and Social Democratic Party took place in March 1988 with the party named the Social and Liberal Democrats. This was changed to Liberal Democrats in 1989. -
Chapter 2. 1979-83: Weak Agency and Labour's Electoral Nadir
Chapter 2. 1979-83: Weak Agency and Labour’s Electoral Nadir Introduction The period from 1979 to 1983 represented, in more ways than one, a nadir for the Labour Party. The 1974-9 government was brought down on a vote of no confidence following a winter of industrial action. Many felt that Callaghan should have called the election in late 1978, when Labour’s electoral prospects seemed better, and in hindsight it appears difficult to disagree. Nonetheless, on May 3, 1979, the Conservative Party won a majority of 43 seats in the House of Commons, and Margaret Thatcher became Britain’s first woman prime minister. Table 2.1: British General Election Results, 1979 and 1983.1 Party MPs % Share of Votes 1979 1983 1979 1983 Conservative 339 397 43.9 42.4 Labour 269 209 36.9 27.6 Lib/SDP Alliance 11 23 13.8 25.4 Plaid Cymru 2 2 0.4 0.4 Scottish National Party 2 2 1.6 1.1 Others 12 17 3.4 3.1 Total 635 650 100.0 100.0 Within the next four years things went from bad to worse for Labour. The Party experienced a period of intense in-fighting which undermined the Party’s credibility and led to the creation in 1981 of a new centre-left party in the shape of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). At the 1983 general election, as Table 2.1 shows, the Party barely managed to finish in second place behind the Conservatives in terms of votes won, and had its worst electoral performance (in terms of its share of total votes cast) since the First World War. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXII- Hors Série | 2017 Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? 2
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXII- Hors série | 2017 The United Kingdom and the Crisis in the 1970s Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? Les années 1970- le pire moment de l'histoire britannique? Kenneth O. Morgan Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1662 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.1662 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Kenneth O. Morgan, “Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour?”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXII- Hors série | 2017, Online since 30 December 2017, connection on 21 September 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1662 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rfcb. 1662 This text was automatically generated on 21 September 2021. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? 1 Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? Les années 1970- le pire moment de l'histoire britannique? Kenneth O. Morgan 1 In popular recollection, the 1970s have gone down as the dark ages, Britain’s gloomiest period since the Second World War. It may be that the aftermath of the Brexit vote in 2016 will herald a period of even greater crisis, but for the moment the sombre seventies, set between Harold Wilson’s ‘swinging sixties’ and Margaret Thatcher’s divisive eighties, stand alone. They began with massive trade union stoppages against Heath’s Industrial Relations Act. -
CLR James, His Early Relationship to Anarchism and the Intellectual
This is a repository copy of A “Bohemian freelancer”? C.L.R. James, his early relationship to anarchism and the intellectual origins of autonomism. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/90063/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Hogsbjerg, CJ (2012) A “Bohemian freelancer”? C.L.R. James, his early relationship to anarchism and the intellectual origins of autonomism. In: Prichard, A, Kinna, R, Pinta, S and Berry, D, (eds.) Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Palgrave Macmillan , Basingstoke . ISBN 978-0-230-28037-3 © 2012 Palgrave Macmillan. This is an author produced version of a chapter published in Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. -
No. 124, July-August, 1991
No 124 July/August 1991 30p Newspaper of the Spartacist League No vote to Kilfoyle, Mahmood! ! Labourites fall l ~ out in Liverpool ing against him is the Militant tendency suppOrter Defend the trade unions! Lesley Mahmood, who identifies herself variously as I the candidate of the Broad Left, as well as the Walton "real Labour" candidate. In this contest, we The Walton, Liverp<>Ol by-election held to fill the do not advocate even the most savagely critical seat left by the death of Labour MP Eric Heffer suppOrt to Mahmood. Workers Hammer will take place on 4 July. The vile Kinnockite Peter A qualitative and decisive reason for our Uverpool, 19 June: trade unionists protest Labour Kilfoyle is the official Labour candidate and stand- continued on page 10 Council cuts and sackings. I • 00 ·en o a The article below first appeared in Workers Vanguard no 528 (7 June), news paper of the Spartacist League/US. As we go to press, Congress (I) ''won'' the elections on 20 June, securing fewer than half of the 543 seats contested in the Lok Sabha (India's lower house of parlia ment). On 21 June, the 70-year-old Con gress (I) non-contestant "consensus man" PV Narasimha Rao, propped up by indi cations of suppOrt from the main bour geois opposition parties and the left, was sworn in as India's ninth Prime Minister, the first from the South. Even with mass ive pOlice and paramilitary forces deployed, the elections had to be stag gered over three days to allow for con centration of forces. -
Ethical Record Vol
The ISSN 001 4-1 690 Ethical Record Vol. 89 No. 9 OCTOBER 1984 EDITORIAL presently alive. Words and Meanings Take five items (of interest in themselves), plucked at random THE SPOKEN WORD ZIPS around the from your editor's recent listening, world (aided by the innumerable viewing and reading. Certain words new technologies) at an ever-in- creasing tempo. Stopping long used here and in the rest of the enough to make sure we understand editorial are given in SMALL CAPITALS to underline our need to what we say becomes more difficult. know what is meant. (The same, of course, applies to the written or printed word.) Billy Graham is on tour in the In this month's Ethical Record USSR—will have or will be the Viewpoints section has many addressing 23 main audiences. items of interest in this respect; He has declared that he wishes the words we bandy about in South to increase TRUST between the Place seem to need much more superpowers to enable PRO- thought than we supposed. And GRESS towards nuclear dis- what people actually mean is in armament. He also is said to urgent and continual need of have announced that there was clarification; as are the supposed "more RELIGIOUS FREEDOM (in qualities of understanding and the Soviet Union) than the humanistic outlook of leading West supposed". figures in the fields of philosophy, On the Pope's second day in science, politics and literature— Canada, addressing, it is both those from the past and Continued on page 15 CONTENTS Coming to Conway Hall: Alfred Ayer, David Berman, Fenner Brockway, Govind Deodhekar, Ellis Hillman, William Horsley, Nicholas Hyman, Leslie Jones, Ludovic Kennedy, John Padel, Frank Ridley, Barry Till, Audrey Williamson . -
Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1990 Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision Marcia Marie Lewandowski College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Lewandowski, Marcia Marie, "Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision" (1990). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625615. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-4w70-3c60 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BRITAIN'S LABOUR PARTY AND THE EEC DECISION A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Marcia Lewandowski 1990 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Marcia Marie Lewandowski Approved, May 1990 Alan J. Ward Donald J. B Clayton M. Clemens TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................. .............. iv ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. -
4. Pinochet's Jets and Rolls Royce East Kilbride
4. Pinochet’s jets and Rolls Royce East Kilbride Figure 4.1 Arms sales were a consistent issue throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Source: CSC, ‘No arms sales to Chile,’ Box 2 Posters and exhibition graphics, People’s History Museum, LHASC, Manchester. 117 No Truck with the Chilean Junta! The helmet looked too big for his head. It sat awkwardly askew, falling backwards, and the man beneath looked up and out through thick-rimmed glasses. One hand grasped a machine gun, but his jacket still held its pocket square and remained buttoned up over his patterned jumper. He looked like a grandfatherly academic pulled away from his desk to defend the country. It was 11 September 1973 and these were the last hours of President Salvador Allende’s life. Planes roared over the Chilean capital. The whine of their engines reverberated off the old buildings and cobbled streets in the centre of the city. The military coup was in full swing. Jets strafed the palace, coming within metres of the edifice. They fired their rockets with accuracy. One pilot is said to have aimed for the windows, later boasting that he could land a rocket in a tin of condensed milk. With each hit an explosion of dust appeared, so thick it looked solid as it hung in the air. Deafening blasts filled the atmosphere as the bulky stone of the palace was blown apart and windows shattered, reducing sections of its fine facade to rubble. Flame, smoke and dust flowed in the wind away from the palace. And still the jets came. -
Labour's Leadership Nomination Rules
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Essex Research Repository Thomas Quinn (University of Essex) From the Wembley Conference to the ‘McDonnell Amendment’: Labour’s Leadership Nomination Rules Abstract A recent change to the Labour Party’s nomination rules for leadership elections was the eighth such major modification of this brief clause in the party’s rule book since 1981. These changes have provided a barometer of factional conflict over this period and indicate the importance of gate- keeping powers in leadership selection. This paper recounts the history of these eight rule changes. It shows how the proportion of Labour MPs (and later MEPs) required to nominate candidates in leadership elections has oscillated markedly, as the left has tried to reduce it while centrists have sought to increase it. The most recent change in 2017, when the threshold was decreased to 10% of Labour MPs and MEPs, was a victory for the left. The paper argues that the changes to Labour’s nomination rules, while lower-key than the extension of voting rights from MPs to ordinary members, have been just as significant. Keywords Labour Party; leadership elections; nomination rules; Jeremy Corbyn; electoral college; one member- one vote This is the accepted version of the following article: Thomas Quinn, ‘From the Wembley Conference to the “McDonnell Amendment”: Labour’s Leadership Nomination Rules’, Political Quarterly (forthcoming). DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12489. 1 Introduction At the Labour Party conference of 2017, delegates voted to support a rule change recommended by the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) that reduced the nomination threshold for candidates in leadership elections. -
Michael Foot, the Role of Ideology and the Labour Leadership Elections of 1976 and 1980
University of Huddersfield Repository Crines, Andrew Michael Foot, The Role of Ideology and The Labour Leadership Elections of 1976 and 1980 Original Citation Crines, Andrew (2010) Michael Foot, The Role of Ideology and The Labour Leadership Elections of 1976 and 1980. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/9646/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ MICHAEL FOOT, THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY AND THE LABOUR LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF 1976 AND 1980 Andrew Scott Crines A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2010 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns any copyright in it (the "copyright") and he has given The University of Huddersfield the right to use such Copyright for any administrative, promotional, educational and/or teaching purposes. -
The Labour Left
THE LABOUR LEFT PATRICK SEYD Ph. D. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL THEORY AND INSTITUTIONS SUBMITTED JUNE 1986 THE LABOUR LEFT PATRICK SEYD SUMMARY Throughout its lifetime the Labour Party has experienced ideological divisions resulting in the formation of Left and Right factions. The Labour Left has been the more prominent and persistent of the two factions, intent on defending the Party's socialist principles against the more pragmatic leanings of the Party leadership. During the 1930s and 1950s the Labour Left played a significant, yet increasingly reactive, role within the Party. In the 1970s, however, the Labour Left launched an offensive with a wide-ranging political programme, a set of proposals for an intra-Party transferral of power, and a political leader with exceptional skills. By 1981 this offensive had succeeded in securing the election of a Party Leader whose whole career had been very closely identified with the Labour Left, in achieving a significant shift of power from the parliamentarians to the constituency activists, and in developing a Party programme which incorporated certain major left-wing policies. Success, however, contained the seeds of decline. A split in the parliamentary Party and continual bitter intra-Party factional divisions played a major part in the Party's disastrous electoral performance in the 1983 General Election. The election result gave additional impetus to the Labour Left's fragmentation to the point that it is no longer the cohesive faction it was in previous periods and is now a collection of disparate groups. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the Social Science Research Council for its financial aid in the form of a postgraduate research award; Professors Bernard Crick and Royden Harrison for their support and encouragement; and Lewis Minkin for sharing his ideas and encouraging me to complete this project. -
Download Date 26/09/2021 07:46:39
Ill fares the Land? The concept of national food self sufficiency in political discourse 1880-1939. Item Type Thesis Authors Hargreaves, David William Rights <a rel="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/"><img alt="Creative Commons License" style="border-width:0" src="http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by- nc-nd/3.0/88x31.png" /></a><br />The University of Bradford theses are licenced under a <a rel="license" href="http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/">Creative Commons Licence</a>. Download date 26/09/2021 07:46:39 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5720 University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. ILL FARES THE LAND? THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL FOOD SELF SUFFICIENCY IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE 1880 – 1939 David William HARGREAVES M.Phil SCHOOL OF LIFE SCIENCES, Department of Archaeological and Environmental Science UNIVERSITY OF BRADFORD 2012 David William Hargreaves Ill fares the Land? Keywords: Autarky, Back to the Land, Free Trade, Protectionism, Self Sufficiency, Land Nationalisation, Politics, Rearmament, Defence, NFU. Abstract ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- After the repeal of the Corn Laws ended the policy of protectionism which had enabled Britain to feed herself from within her own resources, free trade resulted in domestic food production constituting only 30% of the British diet. This study looks at the political discourse from 1880 to 1939 when the ‘empty countryside’ became a symbol of agricultural decline.