JEAN BAPTISTE FRANCOIS POMPALLIER, THOMAS ARNOLD AND JULIAN EDMUND TENISON WOODS AND THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CATHOLIC SCHOOLING IN AUSTRALASIA

MEGAN E. PARRY Bachelor of Arts (Hons.)

Division of Research and Commercialisation Queensland University of Technology

Submitted in full requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

2013

Abstract

Histories of Catholic education have received little attention by Church historians and are usually written by members of the Catholic clergy, with a strong emphasis placed on the spiritual and building accomplishments of the bishops. This thesis examines the provision of Catholic Education in Australasia, with a focus on the contribution of three men, Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier, Thomas Arnold and Julian Edmund Tenison Woods. These men received support from the female religious orders in the regions where they worked, frequently with little recognition or praise by Catholic Church authorities. The tenets of their faith gave Pompallier and Woods strength and reinforced their determination to succeed. Arnold, however, possessed a strong desire to change society. All three believed in the desirability of providing Catholic schooling for the poor, with the curriculum facilitating the acquisition of socially desirable values and traits, including obedience, honesty, moral respectability and a strong adherence to Catholic religious values. The beneficiaries included society, future employers, the Church, the children and their parents. With the exception of promoting distinctly Catholic religious values, Roman Catholic schools and National schools in Australasia shared identical objectives. Historians have neglected the contributions of these men.

i Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i Table of Contents ...... ii Statement of Original Authorship ...... iv Acknowledgements ...... v Introduction ...... 1 Chapter 1 ...... 100 1.1 The Early Years of Julian Edmund Tenison Woods ...... 100 1.2 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in the Australian Colonies ...... 188 1.3 The Arrival of the Churches and the Establishment of Education in Melbourne ...... 344 Chapter 2 ...... 466 2.1 The New Settlers of South Australia and the Desire for Education ...... 466 2.2 Woods’s Journey from England to Adelaide via Hobart ...... 48 2.3 The Meeting of Woods and MacKillop ...... 51 Chapter 3 ...... 67 3.1 Bishop James Quinn and the Arrival of the Sisters of St Joseph in Queensland ...... 67 3.2 The Institute and Woods’s Fall from Grace ...... 79 3.3 Religious Anarchy ...... 82 3.4 The Excommunication of Mary MacKillop ...... 855 3.5 The Death of Bishop Sheil ...... 88 Chapter 4 ...... 92 4.1 Woods’s Missionary Life Begins and a New Foundation is Formed ...... 92 4.2 Bishop James Murray and Development of the Maitland Diocese and Schools ...... 1144 Chapter 5 ...... 1244 5.1 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in the Colony of New Zealand ...... 1244 5.2 The Arrival of Thomas Arnold in New Zealand ...... 1355 5.3 The Separation of the Catholic Diocese in New Zealand ...... 1422 5.4 The Departure of Pompallier and the Arrival of the Irish Catholic Bishops...... 1511 5.5 The Development of Catholic Education in Wanganui ...... 1722 5.6 Troubling Times in New Zealand ...... 17878

ii Chapter 6 ...... 1833 6.1 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in Van Diemen’s Land...... 1833 Conclusion ...... 2155 Bibliography ...... 2211

iii Statement of Original Authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature: _QUT Verified Signature_ Megan E. Parry

29 April 2013 Date: ______

iv Acknowledgements

I would like to express my sincere thanks for the generous support and advice provided by my Principal Supervisor, Dr Keith Moore, from the Faculty of Education at QUT. Without his guidance and vast knowledge of historical topics and events, this thesis may not have reached its completion. I would also like to convey my thanks to my Associate Supervisor, Aspro Barbara Adkins. I was also lucky to receive ongoing support during my Candidature from staff and academics at QUT from the Division of Research and Commercialisation. They include Professor Gavin Kendall, Post-Graduate Co-ordinator, Susan Gasson, Manager of the RSC. And although placed last, the kindness presented to me on a frequent and sometimes daily basis by Melody McIntosh, my Student Advisor and Administration Officer cannot be easily expressed, but her support has been important. QUT Document Delivery staff have been invaluable with their professional service and assistance and I would like to also express my thanks to the library staff at the Caboolture Campus library for their support.

The Archivists from the Sisters of St Joseph have opened their archives with true Josephite spirit allowing me access to personal diaries, correspondence and many surprises. Those who deserve my heartfelt thanks include: Marie Crowley, Perthville, NSW, Sr Colleen Power, Hobart, Tasmania, Sr Margaret Anne Geatches and Sr Ellen Royen, Lochinvar, NSW, Sr Catherine Shelton, Whanganui, New Zealand, Sr Margaret McKenna, Brisbane and Sr Benedetta Bennett, North Sydney. I have also appreciated the kindness offered to me in gaining access to personal documents collected by Sr Janice Tranter from the Sisters of St Joseph at Lochinvar and especially the unique access offered by Sr Mary Philippa from the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration in Fortitude Valley, Queensland and who has remained my champion throughout this research journey. Sr Elizabeth Hellwig OP, Archivist of the Dominican Order of Preachers in Strathfield, NSW has provided many primary and secondary sources to aid in my investigation and for her assistance, I am thankful to her and to the Sisters from the Archives of the Good Samaritan Sisters in Glebe, NSW.

The research libraries I have accessed have also been of immeasurable assistance in my examination of historical sources, they include, the Catholic Archdiocese of Hobart Museum and Archives and the Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. As well as the Mitchell Library, the Veech Library and the State Archives of NSW, Queensland and New Zealand, the Catholic Diocesan Archives in NSW, Victoria, South Australia and New Zealand. The assistance and professionalism of Chris Page, Proofreader, assisted with the presentation of this thesis and I extend my sincere thanks. Much kindness and support has also been provided by Eve Brown and Makelita Sheehan, my exiles from New Zealand.

Finally my thanks must be expressed to my parents, Royston and Irene who not only shared their abilities with me, but were always convinced that I could do anything if I tried hard enough. I would also like to thank my not so young children, Tristan, Thomas, Alexandra and Charlotte McNab who continue to exceed my expectations with their random acts of kindness and support to me throughout this very long journey to completion.

v

Introduction

The desire to create an effective and equitable system of education in Britain evolved from a need to ensure that the predominately Anglican, upper classes of society retained their positions of power and privilege and were not threatened by lawlessness and political rebellion. In this society, Catholics lacked authority and influence. Marginalised through their beliefs and their inherent poverty, they desired a structured and religious system of education to teach their children the tenets of their faith and enable them to occupy respected positions in society. The work and example of religious teaching orders facilitated this. Religious clerics prepared Catholic children by teaching them the skills to achieve an honest and respectable position in society.

The Irish National System of Education was implemented to cater for the largely Catholic population in Ireland. This was due to the efforts of Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Edward Stanley, who established schooling that was undenominational.1 The provisions of the Irish Education Act of 1831 “required that combined literacy and moral instruction take place on four or five days a week, for a minimum of four hours a day”.2

Many early educational promoters feared that, without the intervention of the State or the Churches, impoverished children in the Australasian colonies would remain uneducated and, influenced by their peers, would choose a life of decadence instead of contributing effectively to the development of civilised, colonial society. They considered that children needed exposure to firm and structured schooling as well as Christian moral values.

Many Australian educational promoters believed that the need to provide education to all children was paramount for the safety of its future citizens, basing their concerns upon the criminal element prevalent in early colonial society. The preference of National schooling over denominational for many legislators was

1 A Bill for the establishment of a board of national education, and the advancement of elementary education in Ireland, House of Commons, London, 1831. 2 Akenson, Donald Harmon H. The Irish Education Experiment: The National System of Education in the Nineteenth Century. 2nd ed. Routledge, London, 2012, p. 159.

1 largely based on financial considerations – although the removal of sectarian rivalry was an additional reason. As Meadmore states:

Advocates for compulsory education were able to demonstrate that there was a significant connection between lack of education and criminal behaviour. Thus, it was believed that the introduction of compulsory schooling would produce good citizens who would respect authority and contribute to the promotion of a well-ordered society.3

In America, concerns about child criminality led to the provision of Orphan Schools and Reformatories as a necessary addition to the public school system. Joel Spring asserts that they “sought to create good moral character by replacing a weak family structure and by destroying criminal associations”.4 The promoters of elementary schooling in Australasia had similar objectives.

The motivation for the promotion of Anglican schooling was to ensure that Protestants retained their economic status in the new society. Catholics, however, argued that members of their faith were entitled to an appropriately religious education for their children. Notwithstanding an absence of government funding, Catholic clerics promoted the establishment of Catholic schools where children could embrace the tenets of their faith. The Catholic Church utilised religious orders to teach the children of the poor honesty, respectability, reliability and Catholic Christian values. Through disciplined tuition, these schools enabled Catholic children to more capably compete in an unequal class-structured society and, subsequently, to provide a degree of financial security for their church.

Victoria was the first colony to abandon funding for Church schools. Its Education Act of 1872 established within Government schools, education that was free, secular and compulsory.5 Without sectarian competition, schooling for all became more affordable. Gradually, by 1893, all colonies accepted and formulated their own ‘Education Acts’ that denied aid to Denominational schools. Anglican and Catholic clerics accepted the loss of State-aid with little grace.

3 Meadmore, Peter. ‘Free, compulsory and secular? The re-invention of Australian Public Education’. Journal of Education Policy, 2001, vol. 16, No. 2, p. 114. 4 Spring, Joel. The American School 1642-1990: Varieties of Historical Interpretation of the Foundations and Development of American Education. 2nd ed. Longman, New York, 1990, p.53. 5 VA 714. Education Act of 1872, Victoria, 36, No. 447.

2 New Zealand legislators shared this concern with economy. The Government enacted the Education Act of 1877 to provide education that was free, compulsory and secular, disadvantaging families desiring a religious education, including a Catholic education, for their children.6

Australasian Catholic dioceses feared the expansion of National and State Schools, believing that the government’s purpose in enforcing attendance at Common Schools was to suppress religious distinctiveness and subject Catholic children to a spiritually and academically Godless, secular education with lessened hope, status enhancement or spiritual salvation. The Catholic community in New South Wales became increasingly apprehensive through the comments of Archbishop Vaughan in his Pastoral Letter of 1879. Vaughan stated that: Parents who through a spirit of indifference or worldliness, are exposing their children to proximate danger of perversion and of ruin, that they are tempting the anger of the Almighty God; and that they are jeopardising the faith, the morality, the eternal happiness of those who are too young to help themselves.7

Promoters of Catholic education, particularly the clerics and laity, usually followed directives from the Pope in Rome, but some Catholic bishops in Australia and New Zealand distorted the Pope’s directives for their own interests. Thus, the response to this conspicuous neglect became instead the prerogative of particular individuals. The individuals who instigated reform in Australasia included, Jean Baptistee Francois Pompallier, Thomas Arnold and Julian Edmund Tenison Woods. Recognition of their efforts to establish Catholic systems of education have been overlooked by most educational and church historians.

In Australia, Ronald Fogarty in Catholic Education in Australia 1806-1950 constructed a detailed collection of Catholic educational records for this period.8 His work does not however acknowledge the substantial contributions by Julian Tenison Woods. Acknowledgement of Woods’s efforts is also absent within Patrick

6 Education Act of 1877, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, Archives New Zealand. 7 Archbishop Roger William Bede Vaughan, Joint Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of the Province, New South Wales, June 1879. 8 Fogarty, Ronald. Catholic Education in Australia 1806-1950, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 1959. Fogarty, Ronald. Catholic Education in Australia 1806-1950, Volume II. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 1959.

3 O’Farrell’s history of the Catholic Church in Australia.9 Anne Player’s thesis, ‘Julian Tenison Woods 1832 – 1889: The interaction of science and religion’ is however a notable exception.10 It has instead fallen upon members of the female religious with proficiency in writing history to redress the discriminatory and clandestine actions by the Australian Catholic Church hierarchy to secrete Woods from Church history. The diocesan order of the Sisters of St Joseph and the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration have remained true to the original teachings of Woods. Their archival collections of Woods’s instructions for the orders and the schools with his personal letters provide a unique view of a man who was omitted from official Church histories due to his unparalleled success as a priest, academic and scientist. It is also due to the influence of Woods that the establishment of further foundations of the order in Perthville, Bathurst, Wanganui, New Zealand, Goulburn, Tasmania and Lochinvar took place. This thesis adds to the Sisters’ work by examining the establishment of Catholic systems of education that evolved from Woods’s promotion of education in various colonies.

Greater academic focus has been placed upon the life of Mary MacKillop, Woods’s former confidant and friend. Efforts to record the life of MacKillop have not however offered a worthy nor detailed investigation of Woods’s significant contributions to the establishment of Catholic education in the Colonies. It is also apparent that Woods has not received praise for his involvement in the establishment of the Sisters of St Joseph in South Australia. John G. Wilson recently confirms this omission, stating “Tenison Woods has been largely forgotten in favour of the now Saint Mary MacKillop of the Cross”.11 When included, some historians paint an incomprehensible portrayal of Woods to suit their own grasp of the priest’s life, without the inclusion of supporting evidential material. Paul Gardiner, in An

9 O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church in Australia: A short history 1788-1967. Nelson, Melbourne, 1968. O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church and Community: An Australian history. Rev. ed. New South Wales University Press, Sydney, 1992. 10Player, Anne V. 'Julian Tenison Woods 1832 – 1889: The interaction of science and religion'. M.Arts thesis, Australian National University, 1990. 11 Wilson, John G. Julian Tenison Woods in South Australia: Priest and scientist. Seaview Press, Adelaide, 2012.

4 Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, The authorised biography, presents an unflattering portrayal of Woods.12

Thomas Arnold is another neglected prominent promoter of Catholic Education. In his history of State education in Australia, A.G. Austin only provides a limited view of Arnold’s Inspectorship in Van Diemen’s Land and he discounts his personal recollections of this period of political upheaval.13 A thorough investigation and examination of Catholic education within Tasmania is also lacking.

Arnold believed that, for the children of his adult parishioners to achieve respectability, a distinctive Catholic community within a predominately Anglican society should exist. Catholic education should motivate individual enterprise, as well as provide a means of salvation.14 The children, educated in a moral and Catholic atmosphere, and guaranteed a life free from criminality, could achieve financial success in their future endeavours and thus support and reward their Church.

In New Zealand, the early Marists, led by Vicar General Pompallier, provided appropriate educational opportunities for the children under their care. Further Catholic clergy arrived who were vocal in their attempts to gain what they perceived as the right to provide religious support to their own. These efforts were more attainable in New Zealand than Australia due to Pompallier’s efforts. He requested the inclusion in the Treaty of Waitangi, made on 6 February 1840, of an additional Article that guaranteed religious equality that was not found in the Australian colonies. The Article rejected Anglican domination and interference as the Treaty referred to “free tolerance in matters of faith”.15 This inclusion also guaranteed that the Māori people received protection to maintain their beliefs, but not their rights and privileges. The efforts of the early colonisers contributed significantly towards the establishment of education that was based on faith. Public disputes arose regarding

12 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, The authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994. 13 Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd. ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972. 14 Southerwood, William Terrance. The Convicts Friend: A life of Bishop Robert William Willson. Stella Maris Books, George Town, Tasmania, 1989. 15 'The Treaty in brief', accessed from: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/treaty/the-treaty-in-brief, Ministry for Culture and Heritage, updated 16 June 2011.

5 the separation of the State and the Church in the colonies, but this separation gained more attention and support in Australia.

Educational and Church historians have ignored the efforts of these three intellectual and adventurous men, who promoted Catholic Education in Australia and New Zealand. Together with the bishops and religious females who facilitated their Catholic schooling directives, they have not received sufficient attention. The history of education studies in these former colonies has omitted to provide these individuals with the recognition that their achievements warranted.

Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier, Thomas Arnold and Julian Edmund Tenison Woods, all from secure, safe, middle class environments, each held shared ideals, believing that all children deserved the opportunities that a sound education provided. These men had experienced the harsh social changes that had prevailed in Ireland, France and England during their formative years. Ireland especially had undergone a harsh and challenging period during the establishment of the Irish Penal Laws, with the growth of hedge schools.16 In particular, Thomas Arnold’s brother, Matthew, as an Inspector of Schools in England and after thoroughly researching the educational systems in Britain and Europe, concluded that the English system of education was inferior. One of his main concerns remained the lack of suitable tuition and discipline. Without the opportunities afforded by an education, the achievement of respectability would remain elusive for most lower class children. A life of drudgery and crime would be the result for most, he speculated. As Matthew Arnold stated:

The children of very poor parents receive a kind of rude discipline from circumstances, if not their parents; the children of the upper classes are generally brought up in habits of regular obedience, because these classes are sufficiently enlightened to know of what benefit such training is to the children themselves.17

The promoters of State Education agreed with Matthew Arnold’s views concerning the purpose of education, but the Catholics had additional concerns. They believed that, in order for a child from a poor background to achieve

16 Penal Laws, An Act to Restrain Foreign Education, 7 Will III c.4, 1695, Section 9. 17 Huxley, Leonard (ed). Thoughts on education: Chosen from the writings of Matthew Arnold. London, Smith, Elder and Company, 1912, p. 3.

6 respectability and avoid criminality, they required a specifically faith-based education. Pompallier, Arnold and Woods significantly contributed to this educational provision. The views of these men were similar to those promoted by reformers of State education in Canada and the United States of America. Many remained convinced that, within National Schools, the future behaviour of children could be modified and controlled, thus preventing criminal tendencies from developing in young minds and bodies. Bruce Curtis argues that promoters of education, particularly the school inspectors, were not philanthropic; their methods had a more sinister state-directed, social control purpose in Canada West. He states, “The lower classes were the foundation for the superstructure of the state and, by educating them, Parliament could render that foundation not only more beautiful, but more secure and permanent”.18 This benefitted society and the child, promoters believed. In Australasia, promoters of Catholic education shared this view. Pompallier, Arnold and Woods believed that, through Catholic schooling, deserving children, especially the poor, could achieve respectability, obtain financial security and contribute honourably to colonial society, regardless of their religious background.

The research question posed in this thesis are how successful were Pompallier, Arnold and Woods in their promotion of Catholic education amongst impoverished Australasian children and what was the motivation for their efforts?

Chapter 1 of this thesis provides an explanation of the background and beliefs of Julian Woods prior to his arrival in Van Diemen’s Land. Also explained is his desire and need for social change in the establishment of education in England and Ireland, as well as the role of the various Catholic orders and clerics who enabled these changes to take place. In the Australian context, this chapter offers a detailed examination of the initial government policies that relate to the establishment of National and Denominational schools, and the quest for State Aid by Anglican and Catholic clerics.

18 Curtis, Bruce. Building the Educational State: Canada West, 1836-1871. Falmer Press, Barcombe, England, 1988.

7 Chapter 2 moves to Woods’s work in Adelaide following his short stay in Van Diemen’s Land. South Australian settlers realised that their children required an effective education, but, despite their efforts, were not able to attain success. An analysis is made of the establishment of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph and their co-founder, Mary MacKillop.

Chapter 3 discusses the relationships between certain Catholic bishops, MacKillop and Woods, the establishment of Catholic schools and the overbearing techniques used by Catholic clerics to obtain power. The practices and methods used by bishops and clerics created an atmosphere of distrust that undermined the efforts of Woods and MacKillop in their quest to provide a Catholic system of education for the children of the poor in the diocese of South Australia.

Chapter 4 addresses the growth of female religious orders in New South Wales and Woods’s contributions to the establishment of the Sisters of St Joseph and Catholic education. In this chapter, Catholic bishops receive additional focus on their attempts to seek funding for and control of their own system of education. Their efforts concentrated on the utilisation of Woods’s skills, both as an educator and a compliant priest who did not seek personal reward. He was ostracised by the clergy once his usefulness was exhausted.

Chapter 5 examines the development of education, both State and Denominational, in the colony of New Zealand. The role of the missionaries, Catholic bishops and clerics, and the pursuit of political gain by individuals in the establishment of schooling is also analysed in this chapter. Of equal importance are the contributions provided by Pompallier, Arnold and the the diocesan order of the Sisters of St Joseph in Wanganui.

Chapter 6 considers the struggle to establish National and Denominational systems of education in Van Diemen’s Land, from the early years as a convict settlement until Thomas Arnold’s arrival and work as a School Inspector in the colony. The arrival of religious clerics and the diocesan order of the Sisters of St Joseph, together with the prevailing conditions of the Catholics of the diocese, also receive detailed examination and discussion in this chapter.

8 The establishment of Catholic education in Australasia holds a unique position in history. Many female religious orders, including those of the Sisters of St Joseph, have received praise for their efforts in establishing Catholic schooling. Although directed by the Church, the Sisters worked tirelessly alongside the clerics to provide the foundations for educating the poor. The provision and administration of Catholic schools has benefited from the endeavours of Pompallier, Woods and Arnold. The battles that emerged from their shared ideals and pursuit of educational ideology were protracted and ongoing, but the support that these men received from their female religious encouraged them to pursue their educational vision.

9 CHAPTER 1

1.1 The Early Years of Julian Edmund Tenison Woods

Julian Edmund Tenison Woods was born in London on 15 November 1832, to Irish born parents, James Dominick Woods and Henrietta Maria St. Eloy Tenison. Woods was the second youngest of 11 children, of which only five survived. Although his family did not easily understand James Woods’s religious attachments, Julian and his siblings, Edward, James, Nicholas and Henrietta, enjoyed a carefree, cultured and secure middle class upbringing in Victorian England. This was the era prior to Catholic emancipation in England, when Catholics, especially, were keen to hide their religious attachments, as employment and promotional prospects were not offered to those who openly supported the Catholic Church. Woods’s father, a political and parliamentary reporter employed by The Times newspaper, sanctioned his children in their quest for knowledge. He was responsible for their exposure to the contentious outcries of those connected with the growing Oxford movement.19 Hilliard explains:

A group of high churchmen at Oxford University rallied to defend ‘the Church in danger’. Attacking the liberal and utilitarian assumptions, which underlay the ecclesiastical reforms undertaken by parliament, they published from 1833 onwards a series of ‘Tracks for the Times’. In these, they expounded the implications of their claim that the Church of England had a God-given authority, independent of the state, which was derived from the ‘ancient and undivided church’ through the apostolic succession of bishops.20

These vitriolic debates had a lasting effect upon Woods’s aspirations and opinions later in his life.

Woods found his educational regimes taxing, but these challenges did not prevent his growing thirst for scientific knowledge and religious doctrines. All the family, including children, were acquainted with the religious and educational debates raging in England during this era and their closely-knit household

19 The members of the Oxford Movement, founded in 1833 by John Keble, John Henry Newman, Richard Hurrell Froude and Edward Bouverie Pusey were Anglican theologians who became incensed by the Whig government to suppress half the Anglican bishoprics and to re-dispose their incomes, without first consulting the Church. The group, based in Oxford produced tracts stating their beliefs and encouraging many followers to convert to Anglo- Catholicism. 20 Hilliard, David. Godliness and Good Order: A history of the Anglican Church in South Australia. Wakefield Press, Netley, South Australia, 1986, p. 3.

10 encouraged lively debate. This was an era of education reform; principally that devised by Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth, Secretary of the Committee of the Privy Council on Education from 1839 to 1849. Kay-Shuttleworth’s contributions led to significant changes taking place for the education of the poor and the construction of a worthy system of administration and training of teachers within popular Education. His underlying motivation for education reform ensured that the upper classes retained their positions of power in a stable and controlled environment. The working classes, he considered as a threat, as they lacked the motivation to rise above their inherent immoral values. Education became the key to the implementation of social control, thus stabilising society.21 Selleck states that “Kay argued that the sole effectual means of preventing anarchy was to give the ‘working people’ an education which taught them that their interests are inseparable from those of the other orders of society”.22 Kay Shuttleworth’s Education Minutes of 1846 became an important turning point in the provision of education. He was convinced that, in order to provide a satisfactory standard of education to the poor, teachers must hold a higher position in society, become fully trained in the management of education administration and attain higher salaries in recognition of their qualifications. In his minutes of 1846, he stipulated the recompense for apprentice teacher-pupils, at the age of 13, should be at a rate of £10 per annum, rising to £20 upon reaching the age of 18. These pupils were to receive tuition by their supervising teacher for 90 minutes per day in order to sit their final examination under a school inspector. These Minutes, as Nicholas concedes:

Are generally acclaimed by historians as a watershed in British education: through them central Government supported schools for the labouring classes, introduced a pupil-teacher system with the prospect of entry into a training college, and enhanced the salaries of recognised teachers by means of various grants, all of which depended on attainment of minimum standards to the satisfaction of Her Majesty’s Inspectors (HMI) of schools and training colleges.23

This new approach to education generated debate throughout England. In the press, government authorities received the blame for the disgraceful condition of education for the poor and the inadequate training of teachers. Magazine editors,

21Tholfsen, Trygve R (ed). Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth on Popular Education. Teachers College Press, New York, 1974, p. 2. 22 Selleck, R.J.W. James Kay-Shuttleworth: Journey of an outsider. Woburn Press, Essex, 1994, p. 156. 23 Nicholas, David. ‘112 years of professional disability: an under-examined aspect of the 1846 Education Minutes’. History of Education, 2010, Vol. 39, No. 3, p. 320.

11 Feargus O’Connor and Ernest Jones, renowned Charterists, similarly consigned responsibility for the poor standards of education towards the Russell Cabinet. As O’Connor and Jones, assert:

The government scheme of education seems to us to be partial and unjust - it is no scheme of national education. … Such are politics-mean trafficking to prejudice, sordid love of place-a fair specimen of genuine Whiggism. The Catholics must be insulted. … Their faith sneered at, their privileges of citizenship denied on purpose to be kindly treated hereafter; the Wesleyans must be deceived and hoodwinked into a belief of government distrust of Catholicism, their love of purity and Protestantism courted for ministerial advantage.24

The Irish Catholic population was especially disadvantaged, as they were unable to obtain educational support for the religious tuition of their children. The development of an Irish National Education system had derived from a charter created in 1733 by King George II. The Incorporated Society in Dublin for Promoting English Protestant Schools in Ireland administered the charter. It adhered to a strict proviso that Catholic children admitted to Irish schools must be educated as Protestants. The main objectives of the charter remained transparently clear; that the Irish population convert to Protestantism and assert their allegiance to the Crown. Schools established under this charter were regarded as an attempt to recreate and remodel a heathen society into one of moral and religious purity. As Inglis suggests, “the improving landlord ... saw them as means to breed good husbandry; the clergymen of the established Church viewed them as an antidote to a still virulent popery; the politician looked to them to inculcate right thinking and loyalty”.25

In 1825, the first report of the Society noted a large increase in government contributions and the opening of additional schools to meet the needs of the children.26 Coleman states:

Since its founding, the Society had spent over £1,600,000, of which Parliament had contributed over £1,000,000; this was largely a state-supported educational system. It then claimed responsibility for 24 boarding schools, five-day schools and a few other institutions, totalling 34 schools scattered across the four provinces of Ireland. These provided for something over 2000 children, of

24 The Labourer, ‘Education and the Russell Cabinet’, Vol II, 1847, pp. 8-9. 25 Inglis, Tom. Moral Monopoly: The rise and fall of the Catholic Church in modern Ireland. 2nd Rev. ed. University College Dublin Press, Dublin, Ireland, 1998, p. 105. 26 Incorporated Society, First Report of the Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry, H. C. 1825 (400), xii, Appendix, No. 132, p. 281.

12 whom slightly more than half were boys. (At that time there were about 11,000 schools in Ireland, the majority being illegal hedge schools).27

A report on free government schools exposed the conditions that many children endured during the early years. Evidence presented to the Irish Education Inquiry in 1828, revealed the harsh and abusive treatment meted out to the young students of free schools. The Commissioners of the Inquiry considered that much of the evidence presented by the children was incorrect and that, due to the children’s ingratitude, many had failed to utilise the opportunities offered to them to gain acceptance into reputable society.28 However, the schools run by religious orders achieved considerable success, especially those founded by Edmund Rice to educate the poor. Rice, a former victualler and widower from Waterford, had experienced family tragedy and, on his path to religious enlightenment, he founded the order of the Irish Christian Brothers and his first school, Mt. Sion, in 1804. Rice was not alone in his attempts to bring to the poor children of Ireland a satisfactory method of educational instruction. To meet the needs of the poor classes of society in the early years of Ireland’s turbulent history, other religious orders were established. McLaughlin confirms:

the Presentation Sisters were founded in 1775; the Christian and Presentation Brothers in 1802; the Brigidine Sisters in 1807; the Patrician Brothers in 1808; the Sisters of Charity in 1815; the Sisters of Loreto 1821 and the Sisters of Mercy in 1831. These were all engaged in education.29

From 1695, Penal Laws had prevented the religious orders in Ireland from publicly declaring and pursuing their spiritual beliefs. Since 1695, the Penal Laws had forbidden Catholics from participating in any avenues of public worship. With Catholic Emancipation granted in 1829,30 however, religious orders no longer had to suppress their true vocations, nor their intentions to educate the Catholic poor of the community.31

27 Coleman, Michael, C. `The children are used wretchedly’: pupil responses to the Irish charter schools in the early nineteenth century. History of Education, 2001, Vol. 30, No. 4, p. 340. 28 First Report of the Commissions of Irish Education Inquiry, Dublin, 1825, p. 29. 29 McLaughlin, Denis. ‘The Founding of the Irish Christian Brothers: Navigating the Realities through the Myths’. Australian eJournal of Theology, August 2005, Vol. 5, p. 2. 30 Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829. United Kingdom, National Archives, 1829 C.7 (Regnal.10 Geo). Accessed from: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo4/10/7 31 Penal Laws, An Act to Restrain Foreign Education, 7 Will III c.4, 1695, Section 9.

13 The system of education favoured by Rice was based upon the monitorial system32 that he had witnessed during his earlier years, when he had assisted in the foundation of the convent of the Presentation Sisters in Waterford.33 By 1827, the Irish Christian Brothers’ schools were held in high regard publicly. As Geary’s Cork Almanac reported in that year:

Their system embraces every branch of elementary knowledge necessary for accountants, shopkeepers and mechanics with religious and moral instruction which is conveyed on principles suitable to the capacity of youth. Many useful and valuable members of society remarkable for piety, good conduct, and scientific and literary information have been formed in the Schools of this establishment. The funds are partly derived from subscriptions and an annual charity sermon on the fifth Sunday of Lent.34

The adherence by the Irish Christian Brothers to their curriculum was not the only objective for the success of their schools. McLaughlin concludes, “though a thoroughly religious culture permeated their schools, the Brothers introduced their boys to a pragmatic curriculum that promoted a robust social mobility”.35 They encouraged their students to act with honour, adhere to conventional behaviour with dignity and, thus, contribute to colonial society. Financially, however, the Brothers had incurred a high level of debt. In order to maintain their educational aims, the Brothers taught in their schools, which were associated with the National Board of Education, from 1832 to 1837. Rice’s removal of his schools from the Board resulted from religious and political differences concerning the administration and function of their schools.36 As Raftery and Nowlan-Roebuck state, “the emphasis by the National Board on the delivery of ‘non-denominational’ education was to be compromised when Catholic convent schools became affiliated to the National System, since all ‘convent’ schools were explicitly Catholic in management and in mission”.37 To ignore the teachings of the Catholic Church placed the schools of

32 The monitorial teaching method, also called the Lancasterian system utilises the knowledge of scholars who are older or more experienced to impart their skills to other students who are either younger or less familiar with scholastic endeavours. 33 McLaughlin, Denis. The Price of Freedom: Edmund Rice Educational Leader. David Lovell Publishing, East Kew, Victoria, 2007, p. 122. 34 Geary’s Cork Almanac, Cork, Ireland, 1827. 35 McLaughlin, Denis. ‘The Irish Christian Brothers and the National Board of Education: Challenging the Myths’. Journal of the History of Education Society, June 2007, Vol. 37, No. 1, p. 46. 36 McLaughlin, Denis. The Price of Freedom: Edmund Rice Educational Leader. David Lovell Publishing, East Kew, Victoria, 2007, p. 285. 37 Raftery, Deirdre and Nowlan-Roebuck, Catherine. ‘Convent Schools and National Education in Nineteenth- Century Ireland: Negotiating a Place within a Non-denominational System’. History of Education, May 2007, Vol. 36, No. 3, p. 353.

14 religious orders in direct opposition to their own beliefs, Papal doctrines and encyclicals.38 The incentive for the actions of the religious remained consistent. As Smith concedes, “the motivation for Catholic priests came directly from the hierarchy which exhorted them to establish schools large enough for the boys and girls in their congregations; and if there be schools already built, but too small, to enlarge them”.39

The religious clerics upheld their positions regardless of their own opinions. O’Donoghue and Harford agree. They state, “expounding ultramontanist [sic] policies, the Church insisted it had the right to organize its own schools, staff them with its own appointees, and teach distinctively denominational doctrine”.40 Adherence to an hierarchal society within the orders, particularly those that were female, provided structure and allowed the designation of duties related to teaching or social welfare. Trimington Jack affirms, that “in women’s orders, those who undertook domestic duties were usually referred to as lay sisters. Those who undertook teaching and administrative duties were called choir nuns”.41 While many women sought entry into a convent to achieve an existence that fulfilled their spiritual needs, not all possessed altruistic religious motivation. Some women entered for entirely different reasons. Entering the convent assured them of a decent and productive position and their new roles within a religious order enabled them to exercise political and social influence.42 As Strasser acknowledges:

Religious virgins, moreover, schooled young women in the type of citizenship political authorities found desirable, offered much-needed social services to the sick and poor, and helped inculcate an ethics of work and discipline in the populace. In the colonial contexts, finally, convents proved themselves indispensable to the establishment of European hegemony at the disposal of the emerging colonial elite, nuns aided in the production of novel hierarchies based on class, race, and gender.43

38 Benedictine Monks of Solesmes (eds). Papal Teachings–Education. Aldo Rebeschini (trans). Daughters of St.Paul, Boston, Massachusetts, 1960. 39 Smith, John T. ‘The real milch cow? The work of Anglican, Catholic and Wesleyan clergymen in elementary schools in the second half of the nineteenth century’. History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society, 2002, Vol. 31, No. 2, p. 119. 40 O’Donoghue, Tom and Harford, Judith. ‘A Comparative History of Church-State Relations in Irish Education’. Comparative Education Review, August 2011, Vol. 55, No. 3, p. 316. 41 Trimington Jack, Christine. ‘The lay sister in educational history and memory’. History of Education, 2000, Vol. 29, 3, p. 181. 42 Evangelisti, Silvia. A History of Convent Life. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007. 43 Strasser, Ulrike. ‘Early Modern Nuns and the Feminist Politics of Religion’. Journal of Religion, 2004, Vol. 84, No. 4, pp. 546-547.

15 The Dominican Order, the Order of Preachers, was founded in September 1647 and followed the teachings of Dominic Guzman, a Spanish priest who established the original order in 1217. In 1717, eight members of the Irish order relocated to Dublin to commence their work to teach those most disadvantaged by the Penal Laws, the Catholic children. Their work continued covertly under the auspices of a boarding house.44 During the 1820s, the Dominican Sisters in Ireland conducted their schools with differing approaches towards a system that contained two groups of enrolled students. Some students enrolled under the National Board of Education, with many parents choosing to select a junior, fee-paying school to enhance their children’s future opportunities as virtuous and well-brought-up members of society. Kealy, confirms that,

in these junior schools there was no state intervention or legal requirements relating to curriculum, teacher qualifications, or inspection; there were no financial endowments for salaries or school grants ... Parents may have been influenced by the assumption that social mobility for their children depended on getting a good start in life.45

In addition, many Protestant parents took advantage of the superior teaching available through a convent school education. The establishment of additional schools and convents in Britain and Ireland resulted from a newfound freedom by the Catholic clergy and laity to acknowledge their faith. As Raftery states:

There was a significant increase in numbers of Catholic religious in the second half of the nineteenth century and this continued through the first half of the twentieth century. One reason for this is the fact that the country was no longer a hostile environment for the church. Catholics were free to practise their religion, to be educated up to and including university level, and to be employed in professional and clerical occupations. This created a climate in which the religious teaching orders flourished as their work in education was needed.46

Opinions in England, during the 1800s, appeared to be consumed with alleged attempts by the Catholic Church to indoctrinate and convert the Protestant children who attended convent schools. Kollar confirms that “English Protestants feared the increased role of Roman Catholic nuns in education, and some believed this involvement might adversely affect the country’s young women not only in issues of

44 Hellwig, Elizabeth. Up she gets for up she must: An account of a journey from Kingstown, Ireland to Maitland, Australia in 1867 during the Age of Sail. Dominican Sisters of Eastern Australia and the Solomon Islands, Strathfield, New South Wales, 2001, pp. 10-11. 45 Kealy, Máire M. Dominican Education in Ireland, 1820-1930. Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 2007, p. 43. 46 Raftery, Deirdre. ‘The “mission” of nuns in female education in Ireland, c.1850–1950’. Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, June 2011, Vol. 1, No. 15, pp. 7-8.

16 religious belief but also in matters of patriotism and citizenship”.47 Critics expressed concern over whether the children received adequate tuition to enable them to compete within a society that valued a high level of social interaction and status.

The death of Woods’s mother in 1847, when her son was 15 years old, irrevocably changed the family circumstances. Financial security had become quite tenuous with the loss of his mother’s inheritance, which was now no longer available. In order to supplement the family finances, by the age of 16 Woods had accepted an apprenticeship to John Walter, proprietor of The Times. This position did not inspire or suit Woods and he continued to search for spiritual satisfaction. His conversion to Roman Catholicism led to his joining the Passionists’ religious congregation in 1851, although this period of personal religious commitment was brief, due to his ill health. He reluctantly departed from Britain in 1852. Seeking a more temperate climate to regain his health, in 1853 he travelled to Lyon in France to commence his religious training with the Marist brothers, later securing a teaching position at their college near Toulon. Woods received mentoring from Peter Julian Eymard, a priest who founded the Congregation of the Blessed Sacrament. Eymard possessed an intense devotion to Mary, the Mother of God, and was considered a zealous educator, inspirational leader and a prophet. His teaching methods have been regarded as unique for this period, as Eymard believed that the family contributed to success in educating the young. Dempsey states:

He saw that the wise use of authority is the true life of education, that severity and discipline are frequently overplayed, and that the character of the teacher is just as important to the listening and watching class as the instruction that he endeavours to convey to them’.48

In Eymard, Woods discovered a like-minded soul in his quest for spiritual and academic endeavours. Tranter concludes that “Woods ... valued the friendship of the priest who taught natural history and shared with Woods his knowledge and enthusiasm for botany”.49 Woods’s religious devotion to the Church increased; it was a transformative time in his religious life. On one of his many geological

47 Kollar, Rene. ‘Foreign and Catholic: A plea to Protestant parents on the dangers of convent education in Victorian England’. Journal of the History of Education Society, 2002, Vol. 31, No. 4. p. 335. 48 Dempsey, M. Champion of the Blessed Sacrament: Saint Peter Julian Eymard. Blessed Sacrament Fathers, Sydney, 1970, pp. 92-93. 49 Tranter, Janice. ‘The 150th Anniversary of the Ordination of Julian Tenison Woods: A Reflection’ The Australasian Catholic Record, 2008, Vol. 85, p 294.

17 surveys, Woods visited Auvergne, a remote mountainous region in central France, where he witnessed a different type of convent arrangement. The structure of the congregation appealed to his sense of community involvement by the religious, affirming in his memoirs:

It was while I was at Auvergne that I formed the idea of the Sisters of St. Joseph. I found that in many parts of France a convent system prevailed which was a great assistance to the Church in every way. The daughters of farmers and humble people were the sources from which the convents were recruited. They were not highly educated nor probably very refined, but they lived a life of great edification, and supplied most of the wants which could be supplied by religious communities. They did not teach school for the most part, but gathered together the girls of the village and taught them various useful employments, after they had finished their domestic duties.50

Upon returning to his teaching role, Woods’s health declined, limiting his activities and, in 1853, once again he returned to London and to his family without taking his final religious vows. His recuperation, although slow, was filled with days of scientific and medical lectures and he also attended art school. A chance meeting with Bishop Robert Willson of Hobart enabled him to secure a position as an assistant chaplain in Hobart Town. Woods’s new life beckoned and he departed England on the Berenecia for Hobart Town in the colonies on 15 October 1854 with the bishop and his party.51

1.2 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in the Australian Colonies

The political and social structure of Australian colonies originated from the ideals and religious practices existing in Britain. Some of the new ideals, espoused by people such Matthew Arnold, included providing structured schooling for the poor. In the 1850s, the British poet, cultural critic and School Inspector remained convinced that a considerable improvement should be made in educating this neglected class, but he also believed that the provision should be distinctly different to that accessed by the children of the wealthy. He states:

Society may be imagined so uniform that one education shall be suitable for all its members; we have not a society of that kind, nor has any European country.

50 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p.46. 51 Julian Edmund Tenison Woods, Memoirs. Archives of the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Fortitude Valley, Queensland, 1887-1889.

18 We have to regard the condition of classes, in dealing with education; but it is right to take into account not their immediate condition only, but their wants, their destination - above all, their evident pressing wants, their evident proximate destination. Looking at English society at the moment, the aim which the education of each should particularly endeavour to reach, is different.52

Many questioned governance and responsibility towards the poor and their divine salvation. Bubacz agrees, “It was considered by the upper and middle classes that the perceived idleness and growth of evil among the poor, stemmed from their ignorance of the principles of the Christian religion”.53 These newly formed attitudes also focussed upon the issue of liberalism swiftly gathering momentum; its impact challenged many long-held views on a free and just society. These views and attitudes arrived with the new colonists and convicts to populate the Australian landscape and were largely perpetuated by a series of appointed governors. Maddox explains that “the governors held letters patent 54 from the crown which conferred, but also defined their competence and the common law of England was automatically transferred to the colonies with the migration of English citizens’.55

The connection between State and Church was firmly entrenched in the minds and actions of Australia’s early colonists. Gregory confirms:

It was assumed that the State possessed a religious character, expressed primarily by its establishment of a national church, membership of which was a necessary qualification for the full rights of citizenship. ... It had a duty to uphold the ‘true’ religion, whatever that was taken to be.56

The Church, therefore, dealt with the eternal salvation of the souls of the colony and the State was concerned with the temporal order; the material wellbeing of its citizens. The Anglican Church, not able to see the distinction, believed that responsibility for the establishment of true religion and ultimately, the provision of education rested in its hands. Australia was not immune to the new liberalism rhetoric, and education in particular, received its greatest attention and influence. As

52 Arnold, Matthew. A French Eton, or Middle-Class Education and the State. MacMillan and Company, London, 1864, pp. 58-59. 53 Bubacz, Beryl, M. ‘The Female and Male Orphan Schools in New South Wales 1801 – 1850’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education and Social Work, University of Sydney, 2007, p. 48. 54 Letters Patent is a published written order issued by the British monarch in granting a status or title. 55 Maddox, Graham. Australian Democracy in Theory and Practice. 3rd ed. Melbourne, Longman, 1997, p. 198. 56 Gregory, John Stradbroke. ‘Church and state and education in Victoria to 1872’ in E.L French (ed), Melbourne Studies in Education 1958 - 1959. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1960, p. 4.

19 Linz states, “an important corollary to this new attitude of mind – this liberalism – was the creation of a system of education which would provide equal opportunities for development for every member of the State; in effect a national system of education”.57

Anglican ministers managed many of the early schools established in the colony. Their influence was significant in the correlation between State and Church in New South Wales, with both reliant upon each other. The appointment of Governor Lachlan Macquarie, in January 1810, supported this connection and he generated a stronger impetus towards the implementation of Christian education, outlined in a Government Proclamation on 24 February 1810. He was, he stated:

Extremely anxious that the rising generations should receive instruction in those principles which alone can render them dutiful and obedient to their parents and superiors, honest, faithful and useful members of society and good Christians.58

The arrival in New South Wales of the first Catholic priest, Jeremiah O’Flynn, in 1817 provided a credible link with Rome, but the problems that arose during his stay in Australia were, for the most part, due to a lack of consent by the Governor to administer to the Catholics of the colony. New South Wales Governor, Lachlan Macquarie, deported the fiery priest a few months later, as he considered that the Anglican Church should be acknowledged as the one true church within the colony and that O’Flynn’s presence and position was unauthorised and unwanted. However, as Blombery states, “In 1818 church and state were recognised as separate and independent institutions within the colony”.59

In September 1819, two young Irish priests, Philip Conolly and John Joseph Therry, arrived in the colony, volunteering as Catholic chaplains for the new colony. In New South Wales, Macquarie issued many regulations to stem their spread of Catholic theology. He rebuffed Therry’s attempts to provide Catholic teaching in established schools, the community and in hospitals, prisons, factories and barracks. As Murtagh affirms, “[Therry] failed in his efforts to introduce Catholic instruction

57 Linz, Clive Christopher. The establishment of a national system of education in New South Wales. Melbourne University Press in association with Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1938, p. 9. 58 Governor Macquarie, Government Proclamation, 24 February 1810, Historical Records of Australia, VII, p. 145. 59 Blombery, 'Tricia. The Anglicans in Australia. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1996, p. 14.

20 into the orphan schools. … whereupon Father Therry courageously set about building his own Catholic schools. The first were opened in Parramatta in 1821 and in Sydney in 1822”.60

Thomas Hobbes Scott, a former bankrupt wine, hop and brandy merchant, was appointed Archdeacon of New South Wales in 1824. His first task was to present a report on the provision of education in New South Wales and be responsible for further educational development.61 Scott based his initial findings upon research conducted by Commissioner John Thomas Bigge and presented in Bigge’s report of 1823.62 Scott favoured the control of education being placed under the authority of the Church of England. This proposal, however, did not appeal to the Presbyterians, Wesleyans and Roman Catholics. Scott, continued with his reform and, in 1826, the Clergy and School Lands Corporation was established. The New South Wales Government endowed this new corporation with one-seventh of the new lands of the colony for the sole use and benefit of the Church of England for religion and education.63 The Corporation sent a clear message to remaining denominations that the Church of England intended to remain the one true church in the colonies.

The appointment of former military officer Richard Bourke as Governor of New South Wales in March 1831 was the impetus for change. Bourke was a liberal Anglican whose ancestry was Irish and English and, with the recent success of the implementation of the National system of Education in Ireland, further changes beckoned for the Australian colonies. In October 1831, Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Edward G. Stanley, introduced into British Parliament the Irish Education Act, which created the Irish Board of National Education.64 This Act guaranteed that children from all denominations were admitted to schools that received a Government grant and included a stipulation that they receive an undogmatic

60 Murtagh, James G. Australia: the Catholic Chapter. Rev. ed. Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1959, p. 24. 61 Grose, Kelvin. ‘Why was Hobbes Scott chosen as Archdeacon of New South Wales? Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 1984, Vol. 69, No. 4, pp. 251-252. 62 Bigge, John Thomas. Report of the Commissioner of Inquiry, on the judicial establishments of New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land. Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, Parliamentary paper, Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons, London, 21 February 1823, No. 33. Mitchell Library, Sydney. 63 Grose, Kelvin. ‘What Happened to the Clergy Reserves of New South Wales? Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 1986, Vol. 72, No. 2, pp. 92-103. 64 Coolahan, John. ‘The Daring first decade of the Board of National Education, 1831-1841. The Irish Journal of Education / Iris Eireannach an Oideachais, 1983, vol. 17, no. 1.

21 approach to religious tuition.65 A letter written by Stanley outlined the conditions of the new system of Irish National Education. The schools would be supervised by a Board of Commissioners sourced from local community representatives and clergy.66 Stanley’s educational reform encouraged Bourke to contemplate the establishment of a National system of schools.

Governor Bourke intended to achieve a more balanced approach for the religious grants made by the Government of New South Wales. O’Farrell argues that “Bourke was opposed to an Anglican religious monopoly, and in 1836 his Church Act provided for an equitable division of public funds for the support of the principal religious bodies in the colony”.67 Blombery concurs:

It put to an end to any possible established status of the Church of England. It established the equality of the main denominations before the law, and guaranteed some equality of funding for the main groups, Anglican, Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian.68

Appeals by Catholic layman Michael D’Arcy to Rome requesting that a bishop be sent to New South Wales failed. In 1833, a young Benedictine monk, William Ullathorne, had arrived instead and became Vicar-General. Molony states that “the seeds of conflict were sown that bedevilled the Church in Australia for almost half a century with his arrival”.69 Rome failed to meet the needs of its Catholic population in Australia, leaving adherents dependent upon the receipt of Government aid for their religious and educational provision within a society in which they were impoverished, a distinct minority and due to religious and nationalistic prejudices, frequently unwelcome.

The desire for a National system of education in New South Wales evolved from a desire by the colonial Government to create a law-abiding and industrious

65 A bill for the establishment of a board of national education, and the advancement of elementary education in Ireland, House of Commons, London, 1831. 66 Hyland, Áine & Kenneth Milne (eds). 1987. Irish Educational Documents, Volume I: A Selection of Extracts from Documents Relating to the History of Irish Education from the Earliest Times to 1922. Church of Ireland College of Education, Dublin, 1987, pp. 102-103. 67 O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church in Australia: A short history 1788-1967. Nelson, Melbourne, 1968, p. 34. 68 Blombery, 'Tricia. The Anglicans in Australia. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1996, p.17. 69 Molony, John N. The Roman Mould of the Australian Catholic Church. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1969, p. 11.

22 class of citizens. The skills sought included a strong work ethic, a common language and an avoidance of criminality. Moore confirms that these concerns were of paramount importance during this era, stating that “schooling performed a stabilizing role in society, many believed”.70 State control over the establishment of a uniform system of education was an urgent imperative. As Miller and Davey explain, “in Australia, concerns about the obedience of workers and young people were exacerbated by the conditions of early colonial society. The presence of large numbers of convicts put problems of governance to the forefront”.71

The debates between church and state extended beyond the Australian colonies, as Upper Canada had also instigated changes to the formation of education and social reform with the intention of creating an improved society, according to Bruce Curtis. He states:

All the fundamental questions concerning educational organisation – who needed to be taught, who could educate them, what they needed to know, how they should learn it, who should pay for it – these and other questions were answered only by answering at the same time questions concerning the state: who should rule, how, of what would rule consist, how would it be financed. The struggle over education was at once struggle over political rule.72

In Australia, these aspirations were shared by the Roman Catholic hierarchy, who sought for their parishioners a religious education and, with it, a worthy position in society. O’Farrell explains that the failure to provide an acceptable form of Catholic education was becoming urgent. As he elaborates:

A Catholic education system did not exist. To construct one was a practical problem of enormous dimensions, and a psychological or religious problem no less large – that of arousing apathetic Catholics to a determined enthusiasm to create and support such a system.73

70 Moore, Keith. ‘Bestowing ‘Light’ upon ‘the Moral, Physical and Intellectual Culture of Youth’: Promoting Education in the New Colonial Society of Brisbane between 1846 and 1859’. Journal of Educational Administration and History, September 2005, Vol. 37, No. 2, p. 205. 71 Miller, Pavla and Davey, Ian in ‘Family Formation, Schooling and the Patriarchal State’ in Marjorie R. Theobald and R.J.W. Selleck (eds), Family, School and State in Australian History. Allen and Unwin, North Sydney, New South Wales, 1990, pp. 15-16. 72 Curtis, Bruce. ‘Preconditions of the Canadian state: Educational Reform and the Construction of a public in Upper Canada, 1837-1846’. Studies in Political Economy, 1983, Vol. 10, pp. 103-104. 73 O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church in Australia: A short history 1788-1967. Nelson, Melbourne, 1968, pp. 118-119.

23 The formation of an effective education system would thus provide a long-term solution to the possibility of criminal tendencies developing within the young many believed. Vick states that:

…schools would keep children out of mischief and under proper adult discipline, especially working-class children who lived surrounded by squalor and immorality and whose parents could not supervise them closely. … Children of good character would grow to be hard working men and modest and virtuous women.74

John Dunmore Lang was the first Presbyterian minister to arrive in Sydney. Born in Greenock, Scotland, in 1799 and educated at the University of Glasgow, Lang sailed for Australia in 1822.75 His public vilification of Catholics, whom he viewed as the greatest enemy to Christianity, undermined his attempts to create a good and just society. In 1830, Lang discussed with Anglican Bishop William Grant Broughton the possibility of creating a non-denominational schooling system managed by the Anglican and Presbyterian Churches in Sydney. Lang, however, fearing Anglican dominance over the religious syllabus, decided to open the Sydney College instead, with members of the dissenting and emancipist societies. This created tension between Broughton and Lang.76 Providing education to the masses remained Lang’s personal quest, although he believed that the provision itself be directed towards those of a Christian background. He was not advocating schools that provided specifically Catholic teachings.

The dissolution of the Church and School Corporation in 1833 created further problems for new Governor, Richard Bourke, and sectarianism continued to thrive and grow within the colony. In 1840, Judge William Burton published his findings in The State of Religion and Education in New South Wales.77 Although this publication reported the findings of the former Church and School Corporation, Burton criticised Catholics and praised the virtuous role of Anglican devotion. He used his publication as a platform to ridicule Catholics and those of Irish origin. He stated, that “if the State have determined that one religion only is true, then it is

74 Vick, Malcolm John. 'Schools, School Communities and the State in mid-nineteenth century New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria'. Ph.D. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1991, p. 90. 75 Baker, D.W.A. John Dunmore Lang, 1799-1878. Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 2. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1967, p. 76. 76The Australian, 29 January 1830. 77 Burton, William Westbrooke. The State of Religion and Education in New South Wales. J. Cross, London, 1840.

24 maintained,[sic] to be the duty of the State, as it is of the parent, to teach that religion to its children”.78

Catholics were outraged at the opinions that Burton advocated. Catholic priest, William Ullathorne, vigorously rebutted Burton’s claims in his own publication, A reply to Judge Burton, of the Supreme Court of New South Wales, on "The state of religion" in the colony.79 He asserted:

Mr. Burton has a curious argument, which labours to shew ‘that the State being the parent of every child within it’, and ‘the State having determined that one religion only is true; therefore the State ought to educate all children as Church of England Protestants’. I deny the minor.80

Sectarianism flourished within the colony as this public conflict fuelled aversion to the acceptance of Catholics. Governor Bourke, despite his Anglican origins, favoured educational equality. He detested sectarian intolerance and did not regard the Anglican Church in the colonies as possessing a predetermined right to administer to all Christians. Bourke conceived an experimental plan, whereby all religious bodies receive a grant to establish schools administered by a Board of Commissioners, modelled upon the Irish National system of education. As Austin states:

the essential feature of these schools was the attempt to bring together children of all sects for a general, literary education while Christian in spirit, was undenominational. The Board of Commissioners had developed a body of literary and moral knowledge in an elaborate system of textbooks.81

Religious indoctrination was not included, nor favoured, and the use of the Bible to be prohibited. The students, regardless of their individual faith, were to study and gain enlightenment and training in moral discipline from set texts produced by the Government. Lang, dissatisfied with his own fiery sermons from the pulpit, inundated the populace with a pamphlet designed to stem the tide of popery. However, one entitled “No Popery”, which he wrote to instil fear towards the Catholic Church and the Pope, was met with public scorn and derision. The

78 Ibid. p. 79. 79 Ullathorne, William Bernard. A reply to Judge Burton, of the Supreme Court of New South Wales, on "The state of religion" in the colony. W. A. Duncan, Sydney, 1840. 80 Ibid. p. 62. 81 Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972, p. 35.

25 Catholic Australasian Chronicle asserted, that, “few will admit that you are,[sic] entitled either to courtesy or reverence from any member of the Catholic body; and I even question if any of the followers of your own beloved Sion are disposed to show you much of either”.82

Lang did not support Bourke’s proposed system of education and he created political disharmony, with his attempts to delay the passing of government motions on General Education through paying particular attention to the inclusion of scriptural content within the curriculum. As the Sydney Morning Herald reported:

Lang’s resolutions proposed to extend to other religious communities precisely the same degree of religious liberty he would claim for his own. They proposed that the Holy Scriptures—the common ground on which all professed Protestants could meet—should be read in the common schools without note or comment, without creed or catechism.83

The delay imposed by Lang’s series of motions towards Bourke’s plan for General Education finally resulted in Lang withdrawing his lengthy and troublesome requests which he had primarily devised to undermine the authority of the Church of England. Finally, due to public protest and vilification by the Sydney Morning Herald because of his stance, Lang abstained from further motions regarding the amendments to General Education. His actions had not enhanced his public persona as his motivations were recognised as divisive. The Sydney Morning Herald reported that “the resolutions of Dr. Lang might not have come from an enemy of the Church of England, but they decidedly did not come from a friend”.84

The introduction of National education into Ireland in 1831 had received Anglican and Roman Catholic approval whereas, in New South Wales, Bourke received clerical condemnation. In 1838 Bourke’s plan was defeated and the colony’s four principal denominations shared funding for schooling, in a circumstance that became increasingly uneconomical and generated sectarian bickering and competition in the decades following.85

82 Australasian Chronicle, 11 May 1841. 83 Sydney Morning Herald, 10 October 1843. 84 Sydney Morning Herald, 12 October 1843. 85 Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 38-39.

26 Robert Lowe arrived in Australia in October 1842 to continue his work as a barrister, despite failing eyesight. He accepted a position as an unofficial nominee on the Legislative Council of New South Wales. Passionately committed to educational reform, in 1844, Lowe secured the appointment of a committee that favoured aiding a general system of education, one that rejected assistance to Denominational schools.86 On 2 September 1844, Bishop Broughton held a public meeting at St James’ Infant schoolroom in Sydney to outline his concerns with Lowe’s proposed changes to General Education.87 Broughton viewed religious equality within Lowe’s proposed system of education as the greatest threat to his brethren. He also considered as questionable the recommendations for the appointment of a Board of Education and the establishment of a Normal or Model school for the training of schoolmasters. The current Board of Commissioners, he believed, were not worthy of their appointment. He stated, “they have grievously misapplied the money entrusted to them – they have been reckless and wasteful,[sic] - rash without success, profuse without adequate advantages”. Broughton also argued that the proposed new system was “questionable in principle, and dubious in effect”.88 A public meeting, held by the friends of General Education on 4 September 1844, resulted in further dissension due to the violent outbursts of those attending and the meeting was dissolved without any business being conducted. As the Sydney Morning Herald explained:

[a] disorderly and disgraceful conduct of a mob of illiterate persons, principally Irish, ... rushed into the Theatre[sic] the moment that it was opened. After a little trouble a hearing was obtained for the Rev. J. Saunders, but the moment he mentioned the name of Stanley, a howl burst forth that would have done credit to a batch of New Zealanders, but which could not have been expected from a body of men brought up in a Christian country.89

The aggressive and challenging response by the public generated a more considered response by the colonial Government and, on 21 June 1844, the Legislative Council appointed a Select Committee on Education.90 It was conceived to enquire into, and report upon, the state of education in the colony, and to devise

86 Knight, Ruth. Illiberal Liberal: Robert Lowe in New South Wales, 1842-1850. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1966, pp. 82-96. 87 The Australian, 3 September 1844. 88 Sydney Morning Herald, 4 September 1844. 89 Ibid. 90 Report of the Select Committee on Education, New South Wales Legislative Council, 5 July 1844.

27 the means of placing the education of youth, implying education at the public expense, upon a basis suited to the wants and wishes of the community. The Committee wished to gain information on the growing unrest that divided public opinion concerning education. The Sydney Morning Herald reported that “Twenty one witnesses were interviewed, of which only five are avowedly in favour of the system recommended by the initial report”, and that the initial report had recommended the adoption of a system of National Education.91

On 9 September 1844, the Anglican, Protestant and Catholic communities in Sydney held separate public meetings to continue their debates and protest against some of the proposals of the Select Committee. Bishop Broughton in his public meeting, reiterated his concerns over the establishment of the Irish system of Education and the impact upon his congregation. He stated, “Education is the great means of ameliorating the condition of mankind, and checking the increase of vice and immorality. The only kind of education, which can check the increase of crime, is that based upon religion”.92

At his public meeting held on 9 September, Lang criticised the Report. The Protestant view was that “the Irish System is not less anti-Protestant in 1844 than it was in 1836; and that the modification which it seems to have undergone, so far from making it better, has but made it worse”.93 Catholics also attended a public meeting officiated by the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, John Bede Poulding. The gathering learnt that Catholic children were being brought into contact with those belonging to other denominations after the hours of instruction. Consequently, the speakers claimed, their morals were injured and their faith weakened, if not destroyed, by the force of example. Poulding acknowledged:

For these reasons, it is that in every State, whether Christian or Pagan, the instruction of youth has been confided to the ministers of religion and for those who are esteemed capable of preaching truth and morality to the community at large must be deemed most fit to regulate the education of children.94

91 Sydney Morning Herald, 7 September 1844. 92 Sydney Morning Herald, 10 September 1844. 93 Ibid. 94 The Australian, 10 September 1844.

28 Together with Bishop Broughton, Catholics concluded that a National system of Education would place their children in religious peril. Parents were warned by their priests that their children’s attendance in these heathen schools would only result in the development of criminal and licentious behaviour.

Society also placed particular emphasis upon the male as breadwinner and the mother as nurturer of future citizens. As Miller and Davey relate, “schooling was a defensive strategy designed to prop up the patriarchal authority of the household head at the same time that it aimed to transform the social order and develop a reformed Christian, literate community”.95 The education of each gender was to remain different. Females were to be either future mothers or domestic servants, whilst possessing a virtuous disposition. As Howe and Swain affirm, “a good woman existed in the shadow of her husband, bearing the children who were the future of the nation and rearing them safely to maturity”.96 The males, however, had the ability to either rise above their class or become complacent within their own communities. Gomersall elaborates:

Patriarchal values, dominant by the 1840s, increasingly permeated the circumstances of working-class lives, and limited employment opportunities for females made the domestic alternatives, if not more acceptable, at least more likely, particularly where this was reinforced by the ambitions of the more aspiring members of the working classes.97

In October 1844, the proposals of the Select Committee were presented to the Legislative Council with amendments, and were carried by one vote. The Sydney Morning Herald asked,

this is the decision of the colony; and in the face of a majority so astounding, how can it be expected, on any sound principle of political economy, or any known principle of human nature, that the system can be actually carried out?98

For some fee-paying schools already in existence, their relief was justified, presuming that the State not deprive them of further financial assistance. Those

95 Miller, Pavla and Davey, Ian. ‘Patriarchal Governance, Schooling and the State’ Paper presented at the Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society twenty-first annual conference proceedings, St. Mark’s College, Adelaide, 1992, p. 341. 96 Howe, Renate and Swain, Shurlee ‘Fertile Grounds for Divorce: Sexuality and Reproductive Imperatives’ in Kay Saunders and Raymond Evans (eds), Gender Relations in Australia: Domination and Negotiation. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Sydney, 1992, p. 158. 97 Gomersall, Meg. ‘Ideals and realities: The education of working-class girls, 1800-1870’. History of Education, 1988, Vol. 17, No. 1, p 53. 98 Sydney Morning Herald, 14 October 1844.

29 schools, yet to be established under a system identical to Lord Stanley’s system of National Education, permitted students to be absent from school one day in every week, exclusive of Sunday, for the purpose of receiving religious instruction elsewhere.99 However, due to the ongoing opposition still reverberating throughout the colony, the new system did not appear and, for a further four years, no further changes took place within Government educational reform.

John Dunmore Lang’s attacks on Catholics did not ease, nor cease; he continued to justify his vicious and disturbing rhetoric from his pulpit as his Christian duty. His personal reputation increasingly became a ready target for the newspapers of the colony. As the Sydney Chronicle asserted, “Truth, charity, and Christian meekness, have alike been trampled underfoot by him: facts have been distorted, persons and things misrepresented and vilified, and history itself perverted”.100 Many questioned Lang’s ability to conduct himself as a minister of the Protestant faith while maintaining his vitriolic ramblings and encouraging sectarian division. Undeterred by personal attacks, he continued. In 1847, Lang stated:

The rapid progress and the threatening aspect of Popery and Puseyism - the Beast and the Image of the Beast - in the Australian Colonies, render it indispensably necessary, for the interests of our common Protestantism in the Southern Hemisphere, that a great effort in the way of extensive colonization should be made ... and that effort must be made Now or Never.101

Other members of the community also desired that their children receive new educational opportunities to assure their respected place within society. Wright and Clancy affirm:

The Methodist churches were conscious of their responsibility to children and young people and fulfilled this by creating day schools, colleges, Sunday schools and a limited number of organisations for them. In earlier times day schools were opened on local initiative wherever practical and by 1849, such schools were educating 1657 children and were largely financed by a government grant of £570.102

99 Ibid. 100 Sydney Chronicle, 28 July 1847. 101 Lang, J. D. Cooksland in North-eastern Australia. Longmans, Brown, Green and Longmans, London, 1848, p. 484. 102 Wright, Donald Ian and Clancy, Eric Gerald. The Methodists: A history of Methodists in New South Wales. Allen and Unwin, St. Leonards, N.S.W., 1993, p. 84.

30 The Anglican Church nevertheless remained more controlling and contained. As Frame acknowledges,

whereas Australia’s Roman Catholic, Wesleyan and Baptist churches tended to present a more exclusive profile, the Church of England strove to be inclusive, claiming that its forms of worship and corporate temperament most closely resembled the spirit of the Australian colonies and the embodiment of their collective aspirations.103

In January 1848, Governor Charles Fitzroy established a dual system of National and Denominational Board schools. The National Board of Education established schools created upon the model of the Irish National System. The curriculum included Common Christian instruction that avoided sectarian differences. The Denominational School Board structure included local patrons, representing the main denominations; Anglican, Catholic, Presbyterian and Methodist. The Government, then subject to pressure and using Britain as an example, increased its financial commitment with teachers receiving enhanced salaries. O’Donoghue states that:

By 1850, educational provision was a mixture of government enterprise, occasional voluntary effort and state aid to denominational schools. This was brought about through the Anglican, Presbyterian and Catholic Churches insisting, as in Britain, that the control of schooling was their responsibility since education and moral training were inseparable.104

The opening of the Fort Street Model School in April 1850, with William Wilkins as the new headmaster, created new opportunities for the children of Sydney and the training of teachers.105 Barcan, affirms:

He [Wilkins] speedily reorganised the school, grouping the pupils into classes according to their age, ability and sex. This permitted the use of the ‘simultaneous method’ of teaching; that is, class teaching rather than individual instruction. He introduced a timetable to regulate the teaching program, and in November 1851 appointed two pupil-teachers.106

The following year, the National Board of Education was pleased to report that the progress of the new Model School had achieved great progress with their

103 Frame, Tom. Anglicans in Australia. University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 2007, p. 64. 104 O’Donoghue, Tom. ‘Colonialism, education and social change in the British Empire: the cases of Australia, Papua New Guinea and Ireland’. Paedagogica Historica: International, Journal of the History of Education, December 2009, Vol. 45, No. 6, p. 789. 105 Horan, Ronald S. Maroon and Silver – Fort Street Sesquicentenary 1849–1999. Honeysett Press, Sydney, 1999. 106 Barcan, Alan. ‘Education for liberal democracy, 1856-1866: the Hunter Valley’. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, June 2001, Vol. 97, No. 1, p. 67.

31 enrolments and the training of teachers. The Report stated, “Of the 854 children admitted during the year of 1850, 401 belonged to the Church of England; 313 were Roman Catholics; 77 were Presbyterians and 63 belonged to the other denominations, chiefly Wesleyans”.107 During the year, 22 candidates for situations as teachers under the Board received admittance to the Model National School, to acquaint themselves with the system of National Education. Of this number, 18 later received appointments.

By 1859, the lustre inspired by the provision and choice of education had diminished and many now considered a competitive system of National and Denominational schools expensive, especially when many towns had up to five schools instead of one. The cost of operating these dual systems persuaded the Government to amend the current system of education to meet the financial needs of the colony. In July 1863, the New South Wales Legislative Assembly once again presented a Public Education Bill after entering into a review of all efforts made by the State for the promotion of public education since 1830, and of the circumstances surrounding the formation of the National and Denominational School Boards in 1848. The proper course appeared to be to amalgamate the two existing Boards and create a new board based upon Victoria’s Common Schools Board.108 Henry Parkes, a journalist and politician, was the leading architect of educational reform in New South Wales during this decade. Parkes considered the Denominational Board of Education to be inefficient a generator of disharmony within colonial society.

The publication of Pope Pius IX’s declaration of the ‘Syllabus of Errors and Quanta Curia’ in 1865 created further unrest for Catholics. Austin states that Catholics were “presented with an unequivocal denunciation of liberalism and State Education”.109 Parkes now realised that the Catholic Church could not support a unified State system of schools. He outlined his intended changes to the provision of education during his second reading of the Education Bill in parliament in October 1866. The main changes related to the establishment of a single ‘Council of Education’ instead of two opposing Boards. Denominational schools were allowed

107 Report, National Board of Education, Model National School, Appendix No 1, 30 June 1851. 108 Maitland Mercury & Hunter River General Advertiser, 25 July 1863. 109 Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972, p.119.

32 to continue their operations, but, in order to comply with the new Government funding regulations that provided their grant, they were required to adhere to certain conditions. These included a nominated attendance of 30 pupils, the appointment, training and examination of teachers, an agreed system of instruction and the positioning of new denominational schools a designated distance from a public school. Should an existing public school be located in the same area and meet the needs of the community, no assistance was to be provided for the maintenance of the denominational school. Religious leaders were outraged. The South Australian Register excitedly reported:

We have seldom witnessed a more complete breach between the clergy and the laity. For while the former characterise the Bill as nefarious and godless, many more, as showing the trail of the serpent in every line, the latter only regret that it is not more sweeping - they would have had education made wholly secular and compulsory at the same time.110

Catholics attacked the Council of Education, with the Colonial Secretary, Parkes, being referred to as ‘the Pope of education’ and his subordinates as ‘his five cardinals’.111 The Catholics and Archbishop Vaughan, however, gave Parkes little cause for concern. As Parkes stated:

there can be little doubt that Archbishop Vaughan had by his own overwrought zeal so brought to his mind the evil consequences of our public school teaching, that he calculated upon awakening the sleepy thousands of discontented parents all around him.112

The Sydney Morning Herald stated that “If anything is clear, it is that the opinion of the public, so far as it has been expressed, is, on the whole in favour of the Bill”.113 However, those who accepted the propositions of the Bill sought efficiency and did not distinguish between one religious denomination and another.114 By 21 December 1866, the Education Bill had reached its conclusion. The Sydney Morning Herald stated:

Nor can we admit the right of any Church to dictate to the State in what way public money shall be spent, or in what way functionaries who receive that money shall be appointed. All we desire is to see the education of the people,

110 South Australian Register, 5 November 1866. 111 Sydney Morning Herald, 12 October 1866. 112 Parkes, Henry. Fifty years in the Making of Australian history. Longmans, Green, London, 1892, p. 192. 113 Sydney Morning Herald, 24 October 1866. 114 Sydney Morning Herald, 27 October 1866.

33 and with it the extinction of that rivalry which too often expresses nothing better than a difference of belief.115

Henry Parkes’s Public Education Act achieved formal endorsement on 21 December 1866 and, although it was now in force, opposition to it remained.116 Parkes travelled throughout the colony to speak upon the merits of the Act and to ensure its success and his own.

1.3 The Arrival of the Churches and the Establishment of Education in Melbourne

After Governor Richard Bourke established the Port Phillip district of New South Wales in September 1836, began arriving to take advantage of the rich and verdant land for farming and grazing settlers. The responsibility for ensuring the creation of the first school in the district was left to the settlers themselves, who combined their funds to build an interdenominational establishment. The New South Wales Government had not yet established an equitable system of education administration, providing only master’s stipends or a subsidy to recognised religious denominations. This school, despite an absence of government assistance, finally achieved completion in April 1837 and became the first public building constructed in Melbourne. It was “a low-roofed wooden building, capable of holding about eighty people, [and] rose near the corner of William-street and Little Collins- street”.117 The Anglican Church owned the land, and later obtained ownership of the school as well, without recompense to the patrons. The superior and non- conciliatory attitude of the early Anglican chaplains went unchallenged, as the government supported their actions. As O'Kane-Hale explains, “the British government was granting to the Church of England a privileged status in regard to education, and was treating it as if it were the Established Church in Australia, as it was in England”.118 The Anglican clergy, however, soon faced further challenges to their domination of this region, resulting from the arrival of further religious clerics

115 Sydney Morning Herald, 21 December 1866. 116 Sydney Morning Herald, 24 December 1866. 117 Sweetman, Edward, Long, Charles R and John Smyth. A history of state education in Victoria. Published for the Education Department of Victoria by Critchley Parker, Melbourne, 1922, p. 3. 118 O’Kane-Hale, F. ‘Catholic Education in Victoria 1839 – 1872’ in Catholic Education Office of Victoria, Catholic Education in Victoria: yesterday, today and tomorrow. Catholic Education Office of Victoria, East Melbourne, 1986, p. 16.

34 and laity. The township of Melbourne experienced a period of Catholic religious arrival and growth. The great migrations from the old world to the new had begun and already a little community of Irish immigrants—the pioneers of the Catholic Church in Victoria had settled in a little village on the Yarra. In 1848, Pope Pius IX decreed the establishment of the new ecclesiastical See of Melbourne, Port Phillip.119

In December 1838, Franciscan priest, Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, arrived in Australia, with a firm intention to stay for seven years. Ullathorne sent him first to Bathurst and then on to Melbourne. Rice states that “he celebrated the first Mass there on Pentecost Sunday, 19 May 1839”.120 His plan to build new churches and schools became his main concern and overwhelming passion. The construction of St Francis’s Church in Melbourne commenced in 1841, enabled by the donation of second-hand floorboards, with final consecration taking place in 1845. It was in close proximity to the first Catholic school, catechism establishment, conducted by Catherine Coffrey and her husband, both newly arrived from Van Diemen’s Land.121

Geoghegan’s intentions also mirrored those of the Presbyterian Church. The arrival of John Dunmore Lang in Melbourne in 1841, ostensibly to seek funding for his Australian College in Sydney, provided him with an opportunity to initiate the establishment of an exclusive Presbyterian College in Port Phillip. The then current Presbyterian minister, Rev. James Forbes had achieved great success with the opening of the Scots School in November 1838. He was soon receiving acclaim for his involvement in educational administration and organisation.122 Lang drew upon Forbes’ achievements as a sign that Melbourne, in the 1840s, was ready for his own brand of fiery denunciation of Roman Catholicism. James Yelverton Wilson, a chaplain of the Church of England in Melbourne, detailed his anger at Lang’s tirades in a series of letters published by the Australasian Chronicle in November 1841. He stated:

119 Catholic Church, Archdiocese of Melbourne. The Catholic Church in Melbourne (1848 – 1948). Advocate Press, Melbourne, 1948. 120 Rice, Robert. ‘Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, The second Catholic Bishop of Adelaide: His theological emphases compared with those of his predecessor Francis Murphy’. The Australasian Catholic Record, April 2002, Vol. 79, No. 2, pp. 214-215. 121 Rogan, Frank. A Short History of Catholic Education Archdiocese of Melbourne 1839 – 1980. Catholic Education Office, Melbourne, 2000, p. 3. 122 Sweetman, Edward, Long, Charles R and John Smyth. A history of state education in Victoria. Published for Education Department of Victoria by Critchley Parker, Melbourne, 1922.

35 The different religious divisions of our province have lived on terms of intimacy and peace; why then should the restless principal of the Australian College, defeated at home and abroad, wend his footsteps hither also, scattering firebrands at which the unholy flame of dissension may be lighted up amongst us.123

Geoghegan generated his own response to Lang on 3 December 1841, supposing that, with the construction of a new Presbyterian college within his community, a sinister motive existed. The Presbyterians’ intention, Geoghegan surmised, was to guard against the spread of popery and the integration of Irish settlers. He, however, regarded this growing state of sectarianism as demeaning to all Catholics. Wilson, in response to Geoghegan’s claims of a hidden Protestant alliance, denied the claims.124 All denominations continued their growth and, by 1842, Catholics claimed between 700 and 1,000 worshipers, the Wesleyans declared 800 attended by 10 preachers, the Presbyterians alleged 600 and the Anglican community recorded 400 parishioners attending on a regular basis.125 The findings in the “Report of the Select Committee on Education” in 1844, not only shocked the populace in other colonies, it also sent a warning to many in the Port Phillip region.126 The Report advised that:

There are about 25,676 children between the ages of 4 and 14 years; of these only 7642 receive instruction in public schools, and 4865 in private ones, leaving about 13,000 children who, as far as your committee know, are receiving no education at all. The expense of public education is about £1 per head; an enormous rate, after every allowance has been made for the necessary dispersion of the inhabitants of a pastoral country, and the consequent dearness of instruction.127

The inferior provision of education remained the clerics’ chief concern. Forbes had investigated the disturbing lack of educational facilities and opportunities in the Port Phillip area in 1842 and his findings revealed the continued lack of adequate educational services. He now publically lamented the inferior circumstances of education, detailed in the “Report of the Select Committee on Education”.128 Forbes revealed his concerns in the Port Phillip Herald, stating,

123 Australasian Chronicle, 14 December 1841. 124 Ibid. 125 Australasian Chronicle, 28 April 1842. 126 Report of the Select Committee on Education, New South Wales Legislative Council, 5 July 1844. 127 Ibid. 128 Sydney Morning Herald, 31 August 1844.

36 Not one-third of the population can read or write. In the streets one sees groups of almost cladless [sic] children idling their time throughout the day. We shudder when we look at them and think of the Estimates put forward year by year for new and enlarged gaols. Woe be to any statesman who bequeaths such a legacy to any country.129

Forbes believed, as many other clerics chose to, that education without Christian ideals provided increased opportunities for children to lead a life of criminality. His involvement in the administration of Presbyterian schools ensured that children were only exposed to the correct tenets of their faith and received an education that was morally sound, despite possessing different religious origins.130 As Moore explains, “the opportunity to proselytise was an important additional purpose behind the establishment of schools, although religious divisions could also be a central obstacle and source of opposition for educational promoters”.131

In this particular climate of educational rivalry and religious jealousy, sectarianism thrived. At the Pastoral Hotel in Queen Street on 21 July 1846, a violent and confronting episode of religious disharmony created havoc throughout the township of Melbourne. Orangemen met to commemorate the death of the Prince of Orange, also regarded since 1689 as the true King of Ireland. A violent affray developed at 3pm between the Orangemen and those who considered themselves the United and Protestant Irish. The two opposing groups of Protestants ignored the mayor’s pleas to disarm and cease their fighting. With great haste, he departed soon thereafter to attend to council business. He was replaced by Geoghegan, who the drunken revellers greeted with a volley of shots, injuring bystanders. With magistrates present, the situation eventually diffused and the guilty parties were escorted to the police station. The magistrates’ claims of inherent religious persecution, however, created controversy. The Melbourne Argus disagreed with the outcome, considering the magistrates’ response as too lenient for the crimes committed. As they affirmed, “it is now sufficiently obvious that the Protestants of the District have no chance left them but to stand to each other,

129 Port Phillip Herald, 15 November 1844. 130 Sweetman, Edward, Long, Charles R and John Smyth. A history of state education in Victoria. Published for Education Department of Victoria by Critchley Parker, Melbourne, 1922. 131 Moore, R. Keith. ‘The influence of local and central management on national and denominational board schoolteachers in Ballarat and Buninyong, 1848-1862’. Ph.D. thesis, Monash University, 1996, p. 41.

37 shoulder to shoulder”.132 Others evaluated their actions more thoroughly. The Sydney Morning Herald reported:

Such disturbances as those of yesterday will gain convert for neither party, and but tend to disunite and disorganise the segments of society, not yet too firmly or harmoniously united. These partisan displays, although denominated political, are in reality, religious, and in the colonies (where political differences cannot exist), the mere pitting of bigot against bigot.133

Sectarianism and the rivalry for state aid remained a divisive issue between religious clerics and laity, and, with the January 1848 arrival of Dr. Charles Perry as the first Anglican Bishop of Melbourne, it persisted. He had had little contact with Catholics and did not hold them in high regard, nor even welcome their friendship. On hearing of the bishop’s arrival, Geoghegan attempted to welcome Perry to the colony by visiting his residence, but found him absent and, consequently, only left his calling card. Perry, in replying to Geoghegan, stated unequivocally that, due to Geoghegan’s Catholic beliefs he desired no contact between them.134 Geoghegan’s actions were a reflection of his humanity. As Curry states:

Geoghegan strove consciously to make the Catholic Church an integral part of the community, encouraging its members to work in harmony – on equal footing – with their fellow citizens for the common good. Though sensitive to the slightest encroachment on their liberty of conscience, he was always keen to show that Catholics were worthy of their equality of citizenship.135

The attitude held by Perry, although commonplace, hampered his thrust for Anglican superiority throughout the colony.

In January 1848, State aid funding increased with the establishment of the Denominational School Board136 and the Board of National Education137 within the district of Port Phillip by Governor Fitzroy. The Denominational School Board was required:

To draw up a code of regulations for the conduct and inspection of schools of the different denominations, the appointment and remuneration of school

132 Melbourne Argus, 21 July 1846. 133 Sydney Morning Herald, 22 July 1846. 134 Bourke, D.F. A History of the Catholic Church in Victoria. Catholic Education Office, East Melbourne, 1988, p. 20. 135 Curry, Norman G. 'The work of the Denominational and National boards of Education in Victoria 1850 – 1862'. M.Ed. thesis, University of Melbourne, 1965, p. 21. 136 VA703. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848. 137 VA920. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848.

38 masters, ... the system and extent of degree of education to be taught in the schools and the terms on which the children of paupers will be admitted - in fact all that relates to the fiscal and temporal part of education.138

Eight months later, on 6 August 1848, Melbourne’s Catholics welcomed the first Catholic bishop with the arrival of James Alipius Goold. The new bishop immediately initiated the development of a Cathedral, schools and pastoral associations for his Catholic community. Perry continued with his own plans, establishing an experimental Grammar School at St Peters’s Eastern Hill in East Melbourne in 1849. Perry recognised and accepted that St Peters’s was dependent upon the middle classes, successful or aspiring to be so, for enrolments.139

The poor also received the attention of Protestant clerics. Salvation of the poor was a step towards moral sanctity. As Pawsey states, “although the bread of charity was conscientiously dispensed, it was seldom allowed to be sweet. Poverty was no less associated with guilt than moral transgressions, and a good deal of the concern was as much with making the poor virtuous as with alleviating their lot”.140

Transformation of the colony occurred on 5 August 1850 with the Australian Colonies Government Act of 1850 that detached Port Phillip district from New South Wales, creating the colony of Victoria. On 1 July 1851, the formation of a Legislative Council consisting of 20 elected members and a further 10 appointed by the Governor took place.141 The new government accepted responsibility for education. The importance of the separation of the colony was soon overshadowed by the discovery of gold near Ballarat. Society in Victoria was unprepared for the inflow of migrants. Bate states:

Victoria had the most socially dynamic goldfields in the world. ... The result was a huge migration during the 1850s of young, entrepreneurial, skilled and educated men, who were the natural builders of cities and developers of the countryside. The scale was large, creating a strong market for goods and

138 VA703. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848. 139 Porter, Brian (ed). Melbourne Anglicans: the Diocese of Melbourne 1847- 1997. Mitre Books, Melbourne, 1997. 140 Pawsey, Margaret M. Uncommon common schools an analysis of the Common Schools Act of 1862 and its social context. Ph.D. thesis, Monash University, 1981, p. 179. 141 Act for the Better Government of Her Majesty’s Australian Colonies, 1 July 1851, Victoria, 9 and 10, c. 35, p. 662.

39 services. For the first time in Australian history, there was vigorous up-country development.142

Limitless wealth awaited the lucky ones, as the news of gold discoveries spread across Victoria and the surrounding colonies. The South Australian Register reported that “Mr. Westgarth, Mayor of Melbourne, has stated the daily yield of the mines to be no less than the enormous sum of £10,000 sterling”.143 Crime was also becoming of great concern to the citizens, as the stories of inexhaustible wealth drew many lawless and unwelcome individuals towards the goldfields and Melbourne. As O’Neill states, “Gold was a magnet for undesirables. ... The difficulties in maintaining law and order in Victoria could be blamed on the social disruptions of the gold rushes but, more specifically, on the attraction of gold to the ex-convict”.144

A shortage of teachers soon followed, due to the gold fever that swept the colonies. O’Farrell states “the goldrushes [sic] after 1851, with their substantially Victorian location, drew a flood of further immigration, trebling the colony’s population in four years”.145 The swift increase in population left the colony unprepared for the influx of people that included children, free to roam without parental supervison. Concerns by the Victorian Government about the state of education led to the formation of a Select Committee. The findings, released in February 1853, recommended that both Educational Boards be abolished, resulting in a single one replacing them. The creation of a system of National Education without competition from Denominational Board schools became imperative. As the Courier stated, schools would ensure “the moral and intellectual advancement of the colony”.146 The Report also revealed the ineptitude and poor standards of teachers. The Courier reported:

the Committee also states that the efficiency of a school entirely depends upon the master, every exertion, almost regardless of expense, should be made to procure, retain, and train up competent teachers, and to place them in their proper position in the social scale.147

142 Bate, Weston. ‘Why is Victoria different?’ Victorian Historical Journal, 1987, Vol. 81, No. 1, June 2010, pp. 6-7. 143 South Australian Register, 6 November 1851. 144 O’Neill, Frances. ‘How gold shaped Victoria’. Victorian Historical Journal 1987, Vol. 72, No. 1-2, 2001, p. 128. 145 O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church and Community: An Australian history. Rev. ed. New South Wales University Press, Sydney, 1992, p. 85. 146 Courier, 19 February 1853. 147 Ibid.

40

However, a single system of National schools was not adopted at this time, largely due to Anglican opposition.

The returns for the year of 1855 detailed alarming results, with 11,985 pupils attending government aided denominational schools, while those attending National schools amounted to 3,532. Of greater concern were the 40,000 children residing in the colony who did not attend school.148 Furthermore, as O’Kane-Hale states, “one gold rush followed another, new townships sprang up needing priests and chapels, schools and teachers. … By 1856 Catholic schools had received £59,000 in government aid”.149 In 1858, Archibald Mitchie, Attorney-General of the Victorian government, proceeded to introduce into the parliament an Education Bill intended to remove the aid that was paid to denominational schools and to combine the existing system into a ‘National Board of Education’ administered by a ‘Board of Commissioners’.150

The Government’s slow response to the inadequate condition of education in the State was not well regarded. A call to arms, to challenge this situation of unjust distribution of aid to denominational schools, generated debate within the colony. The growing dissatisfaction with the state of education in the colony was not only confined to those in favour of a National system of education; clerics also wrote of their concerns. Bishop Perry’s stance did not provide his Anglican supporters with a clear understanding of his particular opinion. In the Church of England Messenger, Perry stated that, “as an individual he bitterly opposed state-aid as it involved the community in the guilt of upholding and promoting erroneous systems”.151 Goodman, however, concludes that “as a bishop [Perry] had felt for some time that it was expedient to make it a political issue, as in such a crisis it becomes a Christian to endeavour to strengthen and not to weaken the hands of our rulers”.152 As the Warrnambool Examiner reported:

148 South Australian Register, 13 January 1858. 149 O’Kane-Hale, F. ‘Catholic Education in Victoria 1839 – 1872’ in Catholic Education Office of Victoria, Catholic Education in Victoria: yesterday, today and tomorrow. Catholic Education Office of Victoria, East Melbourne, 1986, p. 11. 150 South Australian Register, 13 January 1858. 151 Bishop Perry, Church of England Messenger, January 1853. 152 Goodman, George. The Church in Victoria, During the Episcopate of the Right Rev. Charles Perry. Seeley and Company, London, 1892, p. 175.

41 As the extravagances of the palmy days of the gold fields are now beginning to be felt, and all classes are sternly impelled to reduce their expenses, so should the colonists feel that their strict duty compels them now to step forward, and by moral force compel their representatives to put an end to the present scandalous system of education.153

In 1862, Victoria experienced further challenges, with a New Board of Education established in order to replace the two existing boards. The Common Schools Act, took steps to absorb all property vested in the National School Board, and the former Denominational School Board was terminated.154 The land and school buildings, however, assigned to the trustees the power to consign them to the Board of Education, or liquate their assets for educational purposes. In an attempt to reduce religious interference in the administration of the schools, the Denominational School Board consisted of five representatives, with the proviso that no two members were from the same religious denomination. The original members included Charles James Griffiths, Anglican and politician, William Henry Archer, Registrar-General of the colony and a member of the Catholic Education Committee, Matthew Hervey, Presbyterian, Theodotus James Sumner, Wesleyan, and Isaac Hart, a liberal-minded Jew.155 Goold was not compliant with the decisions of the Board. Pledger asserts, that Goold “could not accept the attitude that it was a privilege, not a right, for the heads of denominations to supervise church schools receiving aid”.156

Bishop Goold also experienced troubles within his diocese during this period, not confined to the education question alone. O’Kane states, that:

The alliance between the state and the Catholic Church was an uneasy one; the disagreements between the Catholic bishop and the Board of Education in the next decade were basically a conflict of authority. ... It was not the only problem he had to face during these years of his episcopate. There was the perennial difficulty of procuring funds for building projects, a task greatly aggravated by the gold rushes.157

Sectarian rivalries of the 1840s transformed into political conflicts by the 1860s. The rise of Catholic politicians John O’Shanassy and Charles Gavin Duffy as

153 Warrnambool Examiner, 11 February 1862. 154 Common Schools Act. An Act for the better Maintenance and Establishment of Common Schools in Victoria, 25 Victoria, VA713, No.149. 155 Pledger, Philip J. ‘The Common Schools Board, 1862–1872’ in Albert G. Austin (ed), Melbourne Studies in Education, 1959-1960. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1961, pp. 96-97. 156 Ibid. pp. 96-97 and p. 103. 157 O’Kane, Frances. ‘The Catholic Church in the Port Phillip District and Victoria under Rev. P.B. Geoghegan and Bishop Goold, 1839-1862’. M.Arts thesis, University of Melbourne, 1973, p. 258.

42 Premiers of Victoria, contributed to the growing hatred of Catholics in the community. The education question, combined with the increased prosperity of Protestants and their involvement with the anti-Catholic Age and Argus newspapers, generated religious disharmony. Hogan states that “Protestants and liberals were united in their detestation of the influence of both Rome and Ireland on colonial politics”.158 A campaign of ‘No Popery’ commenced, generating anti-Catholic and Irish propaganda, with no-one immune, including priests, nuns and laity, and the act of Catholic miracles.159 This campaign finally ended with the fall of the O’Shanassy government. The former Premier had fought long and hard to support the development and survival of Catholic schools, proud of his Irish heritage, and this, eventually, led to his fall from public office. Pawsey argues, “Catholic children might retain their religion, but not the nationality in which it had its being”.160 Catholics also feared the impending changes to the payment of state aid and education by the Victorian Government. In May 1867, a large deputation from the Roman Catholic body presented their protest against the new Education Bill to the Chief Secretary and Attorney-General, George Higinbotham.161 Representing the group, Charles Duffy presented their concerns. He argued:

Catholics constituted one-fifth of the entire community, and they were unanimous in their opinion on the subject. He doubted that the existence of the denominational system had impeded the progress of education ... The bill would create a series of Protestant schools, taught by Protestant teachers and placed under Protestant control, and, in every case in which it was desired, having Protestant sectarian teaching.162

Their greatest fear was the teaching of religion within the schools by Protestants. There was also the fear that existing schools could close with the passing of the Bill, placing their children in jeopardy. Higinbotham, as the Minister of Instruction, took great pains to assure the deputation that their fears were unfounded and that their children not impelled to attend a particular school.163

158 Hogan, Michael Charles. The Sectarian Strand: Religion in Australian history. Penguin Books, Ringwood, Victoria, 1987, p. 103. 159 Pawsey, Margaret M. The Popish Plot: Culture clashes in Victoria 1860 – 1863. Studies in the Christian Movement, Sydney, 1983, p. 26. 160 Ibid. p. 160. 161 Sydney Morning Herald, 29 May 1867. 162 Argus, 29 May 1867. 163 Mercury, 1 June 1867.

43 On 7 May 1867, Higinbotham presented an address to the Legislative Council before recommending that the Education Bill be passed. He stated that:

The real cause of the present inefficiency of their educational system, and its enormous cost, was the connexion which existed between the schools and the various religious denominations. This was the result not so much of the action taken by the various clergymen connected with the denominations, as of the inter hostility and rivalry displayed by one sect towards another.164

Higinbotham also argued that religious instruction be encouraged, not enforced, and state aid discontinued. He intended that the Bill create a new education department under the control of a minister. Bourke affirms, “Education was to be compulsory, and the clergy would be allowed to give a common system of religious instruction”.165 At the meeting of the Anglican Church Assembly of Victoria on 4 February 1869, Perry presided over a discussion about the growth of secularism in Victoria and the continued disregard the State held for the spiritual development of children. As Perry argued:

Would not, he asked, a great and serious evil be inflicted on this country should education be entirely secularised, and colonial children be brought to consider themselves as children of this world only? It was, indeed, of the greatest economical importance to the State as well as spiritual importance to the Church.166

Higinbotham underestimated the high level of resentment towards this Bill, with all sides initially vocal in their anger towards his proposed amendments. Grundy confirms, “In the opinion of the Catholics the Bill fostered state support for Protestant proselytism while denying state aid for Catholics”.167 Presbyterians, however, then appeared in favour of Higginbotham’s changes to education. The South Australian Register reported, “the Presbyterian Assembly of Victoria have given notice to the Board of Education that they wish to get rid of their denominational schools”.168 Although they lamented the original objectives of the Bill of 1862, they considered some of the changes necessary for success in the improvement of educational standards within the colony. For the next two years,

164 Argus, 8 May 1867. 165 Bourke, D.F. A History of the Catholic Church in Victoria. Catholic Education Office, East Melbourne, 1988, p. 86. 166 Sydney Morning Herald, 10 February 1869. 167Grundy, Denis. Secular, compulsory and free: the Education act of 1872. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 1972, p. 9. 168 South Australian Register, 13 February 1869.

44 Higinbotham continued his fight to establish his government’s intended system of education without a great deal of success. As he stated, “the national and the denominational systems are being marshalled for the decisive struggle”.169

In May 1870, Sir James McCulloch, Premier of Victoria, presented his opinions of the unsuccessful attempts to impart changes within education. He drew attention to the “failure in the Legislature to its having been viewed with suspicion as an attempt to substitute morality for religion, and to ignore the rights of the clergy to interfere on the subject of education”.170 McCulloch considered that it was the responsibility and role of the Government to monitor and stem the instruction of any religious creeds or catechisms within schools in Victorian public schools. When the report was released for the year of 1870, the Victorian Common Schools Board noted that their financial expenditure on education was greater than New South Wales. The Inquirer & Commercial News confirmed, “the cost per child there [Victoria] is £8 8s. 1d, of which the State pays £1 13s. 3d. In New South Wales the cost per head is £2 9s. 6d, of which the State pays £1 15s. 7d”.171 Defiantly ignoring the view that this waste of money arose through financing an educational system that permitted competing schools, Goold commenced his attack upon the Government through his Pastoral Letter.172 Amid an election campaign, he condemned the passing of the new Education Bill as unacceptable for all Catholics, subjecting them, Goold stated, “to a tyranny the most odious and intolerable that could be devised for the subversion of the rights of conscience and religion”.173 Goold considered that those in power were ‘Godless’ and lacking commitment to religious ideals. His attempts to sway public opinion failed. With the passing of the Education Act of 1872, Victoria had a non- competitive system of education that was free of fees, secular and compulsorily requiring children to attend.174

169 South Australian Register, 16 October 1869. 170 South Australian Register, 31 May 1870. 171 Inquirer & Commercial News, 25 October 1871. 172 James Alipius Good, Pastoral Letter, 1872. Argus, 22 October 1872. 173 Ibid. 174 VA 714. Education Act of 1872, Victoria, 36, No. 447.

45 CHAPTER 2

2.1 The New Settlers of South Australia and the Desire for Education

The initiators of settlement in South Australia held grand hopes and aspirations. Pike claims that “South Australia was settled in 1836 by men whose professed ideals were civil liberty, social opportunity and equality for all religions”.175 Although altruistic in their intentions, the early settlers faced problems common to many in the colonies who sought new opportunities and employment. Pavla Miller states that, “it made the labouring poor and the unemployed alarmingly free of traditional morality and religion”.176 The Catholic settlers, however lacked religious instruction, and waited five years until the arrival, in 1841, of their first priest, Rev. William Benson. Born in Pethyr, Wales, his previous mission in the English Midlands had required experience and a strong work ethic. This benefitted the community he served. As Margaret Press states, “Poverty, even penury, was the common state of the Catholic community still”.177

Adelaide, formerly part of the diocese of Sydney, was created as an Episcopal See in 1843. In 1851, the issue of state aid to denominational schools had dominated the elections in South Australia. This divisive and contentious topic led to the formation of a Select Committee to investigate the operations and conduct of schools under the auspices of the 1851 Education Act. The original intention of the Act was to provide funding for the establishment of schoolhouses and add to the meagre salaries paid to teachers deemed as efficient. It also assisted with the funding of students who were regarded as destitute. After presentations by many witnesses, claims of sectarian teaching within government schools were ascertained to be without foundation. Catholic schools were able to continue to receive funding.178

175 Pike, Douglas. Paradise of Dissent: South Australia 1829 – 1857. 2nd ed. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1967, p. 3. 176Miller, Pavla. Long Division: State Schooling in South Australian Society. Wakefield Press, Netley, South Australia, 1986. 177 Press, Margaret M. From Our Broken Toil: South Australian Catholics 1836 to 1905. Archdiocese of Adelaide, Adelaide, 1986, p. 40. 178 Ibid, p. 18.

46 The first Bishop of Adelaide, Francis Murphy, died in April 1858, leaving his successor, Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, a diocese that consisted of 21 Catholic Churches. Murphy had previously accepted Government aid for schooling derived from the South Australian Education Act of 1857, but this grant was not supported or favoured by Geoghegan, and he refused to accept the conditions it engendered. Like Murphy, Geoghegan was also concerned with the lack of suitable education within the colony, but he believed that the government used education as a means to subvert and control Catholic ideology, and that the administrators of schools were liable to interference. The government, he argued in his “Pastoral Letter on the Educating of Catholic Children”, used the schools as “gigantic machinery for propagating Protestantism, and for disaffecting or proselytising the Catholic children, unhappily coming within its influence, from the religion of their parents”.179 Although Geoghegan lacked the popularity of his predecessor, he passionately believed in the creation of Catholic schooling. As Rice concedes:

For Geoghegan, therefore, Catholic schools were of the essence of the missionary project. Without them it was impossible to duly form the young members of the flock; without them there was the real danger of the young losing the great gift of the Divine Faith.180

While visiting Rome in February 1864 to source priests for his diocese in South Australia, the bishop’s health declined and he subsequently initiated a transfer to a less divisive location accepting an offer of a new See in Goulburn, New South Wales.181

The Anglican community in South Australia was also concerned with diminishing spiritual support for its parishioners. Hilliard asserts “Anglicans, when left alone ‘as sheep without a shepherd’, either lapsed into religious apathy or attended services conducted by Wesleyan Methodist, Primitive Methodist or Bible Christian local preachers”.182 These concerns led to the formation of the missionary

179 Geoghegan, Patrick, OSF, Pastoral Letter on the Educating of Catholic Children, 1860. 180 Rice, Robert. ‘Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, The second Catholic Bishop of Adelaide: His theological emphases compared with those of his predecessor Francis Murphy’. Australasian Catholic Record, April 2002, Vol. 79, No. 2, p. 221. 181 Rice, Robert. ‘Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, The second Catholic Bishop of Adelaide: His theological emphases compared with those of his predecessor Francis Murphy’. Australasian Catholic Record, April 2002, Vol. 79, No. 2. 182 Hilliard, David. Godliness and Good Order: A history of the Anglican Church in South Australia. Wakefield Press, Netley, South Australia, 1986, p. 27.

47 chaplains, who travelled throughout the districts and administered to their flock. Middle class Anglicans did not possess the sectarian opinions held by many of the lower classes. Hilliard states:

Anglican separatism, combined with a lingering resentment against the Church of England still felt by many people with a Dissenting background, meant that relations between the Anglicans and Protestant churches in South Australia were distinctly cooler that in many other parts of Australia.183

Many of the clergy were enthusiastic towards the creation of church schools; however, numerous parents favoured the system of free education provided by the government schools.

2.2 Woods’s Journey from England to Adelaide via Hobart

Julian Tenison Woods arrived in Hobart Town in 1855 to fulfil his new role as a prison chaplain, but this career was short lived due to the cancellation of these services. Bishop Willson wished to utilise Woods’s talents and offered him a professorship at a newly formed seminary. In his memoirs, Woods revealed how he had become dissatisfied with the conditions at the seminary, as he considered many of his students infants and far too young to appreciate his teaching skills. With the outbreak of scarlet fever and the temporary closing of the college, Woods travelled to Melbourne to join his elder brother, Edward, who had gained employment with the Argus newspaper.184

Woods was unable to settle within the Melbourne community and he abruptly departed having experienced the unwelcome attentions of the mothers of Melbourne, who regarded him an appropriate suitor for their daughters. Woods however, did not seek, nor approve of their attentions. He travelled to Adelaide to stay with another older brother, James, who had also settled in the colonies and, with his support, Woods was able to gain employment as a sub-editor of the Adelaide Times and editor of the Catholic paper The Chaplet, while continuing with his theology studies with the Jesuits at Sevenhill.185 The foundation of this superior order, originating from

183 Ibid. p. 45. 184 Doherty, Carmel Mary. J E Tenison Woods: His recorded years, Book I. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Wollongong, New South Wales, 1996, pp. 140-141. 185 Ibid, pp. 141-142.

48 Ignatius of Loyola, a Spaniard of Basque origin, created the Jesuit order, the Society of Jesus, in 1534. The priestly order continued Ignatius’ apostolic teachings and followed a religious rule whenever the church sent priests. As Whitehead states:

They [the Jesuits] initiated the first rigorous educational system in the Western world from 1540s onwards. ... Ignatius did not envisage members of the Society of Jesus being engaged in the education of secular youth: Jesuit education developed through his realization both that members of his new Society of Jesus required the highest levels of learning and that there was real demand from parents that members of the new order should teach their sons.186

The Catholic community in South Australia was experiencing a severe shortage of priests, which had resulted from the departure of men seeking their fortunes on the gold fields. The then newly appointed Bishop of Adelaide, Laurence Bonaventure Sheil, encouraged Woods to continue with his religious studies with the Jesuits in Adelaide, where Woods stayed for six months, receiving his Holy Orders on 4 January 1857. In March 1857, Woods travelled to his new parish of Penola with his younger brother, Terry, the latest member of the Woods family to emigrate to Australia. From his memoirs, Woods recalled that:

The southern portion of the district however was better land, being occupied by the Mosquito Plains, the Dismal Swamp, and Avenue Flats, while to the extreme south were the rich volcanic districts of Mounts Gambier and Schanck. … In all this district there were but three townships, namely Robe on the sea- coast, Penola almost on the boundary-line of the Colonies to the east, and Mount Gambier on the south’.187

Woods commenced his new role as a parish priest of an area that spanned 22,000 square miles and found favour with many people within his new community. The South Australian Register reported, “his polite and obliging manners and unostentatious demeanour, has won the esteem, not only of his own flock, but of many liberal-minded Protestants”.188 While trekking on horseback throughout the vast reaches of his parish, Woods continued his passion for geological discoveries and was a regular contributor to newspapers and scientific journals. His modest start was a letter detailing his find of fossilised bones on the banks of the Murray,

186 Whitehead, Maurice. ‘To provide for the edifice of learning’: Researching 450 Years of Jesuit Educational and Cultural History, with Particular Reference to the British Jesuits’. History of Education, January 2007, Vol. 36, No. 1, p. 111. 187 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p. 67. 188 South Australian Register, 27April, 1867.

49 published in the Adelaide Register on 30 July 1857.189 He quickly won the attention of the scientific world and, in 1862, published his first book, Geological Observation in South Australia: Principally in the district south-east of Adelaide, to critical acclaim.190 Archbishop John Bede Polding, however, was not enamoured with Woods’s other non-religious pursuits, expressing his concern that he not rely upon the Church for remuneration for his scholarly endeavours, particularly his current publication. Polding wrote to Bishop Geoghegan, “It must be necessarily an expensive affair. Dr Willson seems to be a particular friend of his and I suggested to his Lordship to write and give him a caution to that effect”.191 Regardless of clerical jealously, Woods’s reputation for academic scholarship soon increased and he became a fellow of the Geological Society of London.192 During his early years in Penola, his passion for science and contributing to scientific journals continued with undiminished fervour. Woods also shared his doubts and fears with Sheil, that the children of the country parishes lacked educational opportunities and religious knowledge.193

Sheil recognised that Woods possessed similar ideals to his own concerning the children of the diocese requiring a Catholic education. The bishop feared that, unless he was able to supply an effective Catholic system of education for his Catholic community, his parishioners risked being proselytised by other religious bodies. Foale states, “Sheil found the clergy of this poor diocese struggling to educate its children independently of the state because they believed that the children would be endangered in the existing government schools”.194 Government funding had been a satisfactory solution to the problem of establishing schools. However, as Burley confirms, “Although government funding became available to the churches for a short period, between 1846 and 1851, it was to be withdrawn finally in that year”.195

189 Adelaide Register, 30 July 1857. 190 Woods, J.E.T. Geological Observation in South Australia: principally in the district south-east of Adelaide. London : Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1862. 191 John Bede Polding, letter to Bishop Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, 21 November 1862. 192 Doherty, Carmel Mary. J E Tenison Woods: his recorded years, Book II. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Wollongong, New South Wales, 1997, p. 19. 193 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 79. 194 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: their foundation and early history 1866- 1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 8. 195 Burley, Stephanie. ‘None more anonymous? Catholic teaching nuns, their secondary schools and students in South Australia, 1880-1925’. M.Ed. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1992, p. 24.

50 The controls imposed by the Government, however, created concern. As Saunders concedes:

the Central Board of Education had been set up by the Education Act passed in 1851. It had authority to pay stipends to licensed teachers, to subsidise the building of schools and determine the ‘kind, quality and extent’ of the education imparted’.196

Sheil was not alone in his desire to provide education for his parishioners. He had the support of the colony’s Catholic bishops. In November 1862, at the Provincial Synod, the Archbishop and the bishops of Australia vowed to resolve this anomaly:

For reasons obvious to every well instructed Catholic, we must have for our children, Catholic Schools, Catholic teachers, and, as fast as we can supply them, Catholic books. Catholics must secure for their children above all things a religious education. … their children must, in school, breathe a Catholic atmosphere.197

2.3 The Meeting of Woods and MacKillop

The early years of the MacKillop family in Melbourne held great promise. Alexander MacKillop arrived in the colony with hopes of achieving greatness. He was a former seminarian and Scottish Catholic. He became active in the Catholic Church community and prospered in 1840s Melbourne. Although regarded as a man of substance, he was neither a practical man, nor one who sought stability and, despite being highly educated, he was financially reckless. MacKillop’s initial meeting with Flora MacDonald led to their marriage in July 1840, which a close friend, Father Bonaventure Geoghegan, later to become the second Bishop of Adelaide, officiated. Alexander’s close relationship with Geoghegan had developed from his early support of Geoghegan’s ministry. With the news of Flora’s pregnancy, Geoghegan presented Flora with a relic of the ‘True Cross’ to wear during her confinement. Seven siblings, Margaret, John, Alexander, Annie, Lexie, Donald and Peter, followed the birth of the MacKillops’ first child, Mary Helen, on 15 January 1842. In the years following, Alexander MacKillop’s lack of financial

196 Saunders, G. E. J. A. Hartley and the Foundation of the Public School System in South Australia in C. Turney (ed). Pioneers of Australian Education Volume 2: Studies of the development of Education in the Australian colonies 1850 – 1900. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1972, p. 153. 197 Catholic Church. Province of Australia. The pastoral address of the Most Reverend the Archbishop and of the Right Reverend the Bishops of the Province of Australia assembled in Provincial Synod, 1 November, 1862.

51 acumen and Flora’s lack of responsibility placed undue pressure upon Mary’s shoulders. Modystack elaborates that the “differences in the education of husband and wife contributed to the lack of mutual support and Flora also demanded too much of her children. This resulted in pressures being put on Mary that were quite unfair”.198

Mary MacKillop’s early life was similar in many ways to those of other young women living in 19th century Australia. Taking on the role as principle breadwinner, due to her father’s continual insolvency, Mary MacKillop dealt with harsh adversity by embracing religion and maintaining a strong work ethic, which she had developed during her years as a nursery governess and, later, as a shop assistant with Sands and Kenny Stationers in Melbourne. Her spiritual advisor and guide, during these early years in Victoria, was Bishop Goold who, with the support of Geoghegan, attempted to convince MacKillop to join the Sisters of Mercy, thus attaining her true spiritual vocation. After much consideration, Mary decided that this particular religious order did not meet her spiritual needs and instead, in 1861, accepted a position as governess with her aunt, Margaret Cameron, in Penola, South Australia. Separated from her family, MacKillop’s journey from Victoria to reach the Cameron household, located in scrubland and quite isolated, took three days by road. Thorpe states, “she spent her first night in tears of home-sickness, unaware that within a few days she was to meet a priest whose influence was to change the whole course of her life. This priest was Father Julian Tenison Woods”.199 Woods and MacKillop realised, after their initial meeting, that they shared similar religious beliefs and concerns regarding providing education for the poor children of the colony. They continued to write to each other and discuss these views in the following years.

On St Joseph’s Day, 19 March 1866, at the initiation of Woods, MacKillop, aided by her sisters, Annie and Lexie, established a religious school at Penola. MacKillop and Woods ensured that the curriculum provided would achieve educational success for her pupils and her newly appointed teachers despite an absence of financial support from the government. Two sisters, the Misses Johnson,

198 Modystack, William. Mary MacKillop: A woman before her time. Rigby, Dee Why West, NSW, 1982, p. 14. 199 Thorpe, Osmund. Mary McKillop: The life of Mother Mary of the Cross, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. 2nd ed. Burns and Oates, London, 1957, pp. 12-13.

52 had administered the previous school at Penola, but, with their impending marriages, they closed it. A new school had now become an essential requirement for the local township and for the parish priest, Julian Tenison Woods. The establishment of a school, staffed by Catholic laity, was also of vital importance to the Catholic hierarchy in South Australia, as it created a long-awaited opportunity to provide education that was faith-based.200

The Anglican schools founded in Adelaide mainly educated the middle classes and recreated the social and religious prominence that the church had held in England. The promoters of the National school system, however, were principally concerned with the creation of hard-working, conservative-minded children. These non-secular, government sponsored schools were present in Britain, America and Europe. As Katz states, in relation to government schooling in Massachusetts:

The extension and reform of education in the mid-nineteenth century were not a potpourri of democracy, rationalism, and humanitarianism. They were the attempt of a coalition of the social leaders, status-anxious parents, and status- hungry educators to impose educational innovation, each for their own reasons, upon a reluctant community.201

South Australia’s Catholics were unable to encourage the entry of any existing female orders. The combined aims of Mary MacKillop and Julian Tenison Woods also included the formation of an egalitarian, female religious teaching order; one not restricted by class or social standing, but, instead, that was directed towards young women of the working classes. To facilitate this, Woods created a Constitution202 and a Rule to ensure understanding and compliance with the aims of the order. The ideals of Franciscan poverty and the central government influenced the construction of the rule. Woods was also convinced that these women, bound by religious vows, would provide a stable environment within an educational setting and be models of Christian behaviour. South Australian bishop, Lawrence Bonaventure Sheil, was able to facilitate the acceptance of this new Australian order, which fortified his role as a Catholic educator within the diocese.203

200 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p.16. 201 Katz, Michael B. The Irony of Early School Reform in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1968, p.218. 202 Ibid, p.1. 203 Fitzgerald, Jim. ‘Too Kind and Gentle to Succeed’. Franciscan Newsletter, March-May 1986, No. 142 p.1.

53 Woods’s initial intention was to provide a system of education, at no initial cost, for poor or destitute children living in the country areas of the South Australian colony. Few funds were available to build this school and MacKillop’s brother, John, was called upon to assist with renovations in order to regenerate a former stable into a place of learning. Educational resources were also scarce and MacKillop thrived upon the challenges she now faced; her long held ambitions of teaching within a religious order had come within her reach.204

By the day of the school opening, MacKillop had dispensed with her fashionable dresses that, by then, she had given away to those in need. As Strevens states, “She began wearing a plain black dress as a sign of her religious dedication”.205 MacKillop commenced her new appointment mindful of Woods’s past instructions. She wrote to Woods, “the children are, on the whole doing their best to be attentive. When I see any of them inclined to rebel, it is enough to remind them of their promise. … they then at once try to be good”.206

The small school at Penola slowly grew. MacKillop proudly notified Woods in March 1867, that since the last Government Report, “the school has increased …we had 55. Now there are three more”.207 Discipline was an area that MacKillop undertook with serious intent. MacKillop wrote to Woods, “we have one naughty one though. Mary Galvin has been very troublesome. I had to put the B.R. [Birch Rod] on her today, and besides that the cane, before I could bring her to submission”.208

Many children had no regular experience of attending a school on a regular basis. Instead, they were from families that were largely illiterate. They were also reliant upon the whim of their parents, who did not believe that educating their children ultimately improved their situation in life. As Fogarty confirms, “in very few schools the children attended regularly for six months, but in others they came

204 O’Neill, George. Life of Mother Mary of the Cross (McKillop), 1842-1909: Foundress of the Australian Sisters of St. Joseph. Pellegrini, Sydney, 1931, pp. 22-23. 205 Strevens, Diane. In Step with Time: A history of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2001, p. 16. 206 Mary MacKillop, letter to J. Tenison Woods, February 21 1867. 207 Mary MacKillop, letter to J. Tenison Woods, March 4 1867. 208 Mary MacKillop, letter to J. Tenison Woods, March 26 1867.

54 only at such times as the caprice or convenience of parents might dictate”.209 The construction of a suitable curriculum, therefore, was based upon furnishing the children with enough skills to read a newspaper and attain numerical skills in order that they become reliable and worthy members of society. The educational promoters in Massachusetts shared this aim. As Katz explains, “the connection was unmistakable; schools were training grounds for commerce. What had been instilled in the mind of the pupil became thoroughly recognized by the man as the first importance in the transaction of business”.210

The skills taught and characteristics encouraged by MacKillop in her students were desirable for them to obtain steady and fruitful employment as adults. In addition, the Catholic Church would benefit financially through their parishioners’ increased ability to offer support. Foale confirms that:

Mary’s real uniqueness lay in the way she integrated the religious and the secular in her teaching. She set out to enable the children to learn reading and writing, arithmetic and history, and whatever else ... thought desirable ... as Roman Catholic children learning these things, by placing them in a situation where they were constantly breathing the atmosphere of their religion.211

MacKillop did not intend to provide these children with false expectations of their place in society. She believed that they should attain menial positions, possess the ability to count, read and support their parish financially, while adhering to Catholic teachings. Foale also acknowledges that the curriculum provided to her students was a practical one. She relates that Mary “...excluded subjects such as music, languages and painting from her curriculum and concentrated on the three Rs”. She did however, allow the girls to learn plain and fancy needlework, and instructed the older boys in bookkeeping.212

MacKillop’s teaching experience, with the support of Woods, became more defined. The daily activities provided at the Penola School commenced for all the children at 9.15am with the singing of a hymn to St Joseph and, once their morning

209 Fogarty, Ronald. Catholic Education in Australia 1806-1950, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 1959, p. 108. 210 Katz, Michael B. Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The illusion of Educational change in America. Praeger, London, 1971, p. 32. 211 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p.16. 212 Ibid, p.38.

55 prayers concluded, the students proceeded to complete their dictation. The students then followed a prearranged timetable that included writing, arithmetic and an examination of their conscience, prior to the calling of the school attendance roll. Studies continued until their period of recreation and dinner at 12.30pm. Afternoon activities commenced again at 1.30pm, with the children filing into the classroom singing their hymns and returning to their allocated seating areas.

The students, although differing in ages, were divided within their classroom into groups that ranged from first to fifth class. Daily activities were largely similar, but there were variations to the timetable to allow for reading, grammar, geography, science, needlework and bookkeeping, which were structured relevant to the ages being taught. Those students in the fourth class and above studied poetry and ancient Irish and English history. The study of history was an unusual inclusion, as it was not until the late 1880s that the study of English history was encouraged in the National school system in Australia. Physical activities were also encouraged and the children were required to perform exercises between 3.15pm and 3.30pm, when the school day ended with the attendance roll completed and the children dismissed, singing their hymns as they departed for the day.213

Lesson preparation by the teachers took place each evening, supervised by MacKillop, and consisted of a thorough and detailed construction of gallery and expository object lessons for each of the five classes. On the following day in class, pupil teachers and monitors provided assistance, with any deviation from the rigid timetable forbidden and unacceptable, as this was in breach of the Rules devised by Woods. He confirms that “... the Sisters must strictly adhere to the order and method laid down for them and not follow their own caprice or wishes however much better they may seem”.214 The sisters also continued their lesson planning during the weekends and set aside four hours each Saturday to continue with their pedagogical activities.

The training of the teachers within this school, and those Josephite schools that followed, originated from the ideologies of British educator, James Kay-

213 Woods, J.E.T. Directory and Order of Discipline, Adelaide, 1870, p. 84-86. 214 Woods, J.E.T and MacKillop, M. Directory or Order of Discipline for the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Book of Instructions for the Use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, 1870, p. 90.

56 Shuttleworth. As Russell acknowledges, “The training of teachers proceeded along the lines of the schemes developed in England in 1846 by Kay-Shuttleworth. ... and, it nullifies claims that teachers trained for the Catholic schools were deficient in professional preparation”.215 The provision of a superior method of training was of vital importance, as it also provided a visible method of moral discipline. As Kay- Shuttleworth confirms, “the order springing from a willing and intelligent obedience – the power of thought which is awakened only by the skill of a trained teacher, and all the other effects of those forms of teaching which alone civilize”216

Another underlying motivation that prompted the superior teaching methods espoused by Woods and MacKillop was the inclusion of Papal teachings within their system of education, in order to contest the spread of liberalism. The Papal encyclicals of Pope Pius IX assumed greater emphasis within their teaching methods and included ‘Quanta Cura’217 and the ‘Syllabus of Errors’.218 These particular teachings of the Catholic Church became important in the Catholic method of teaching in the colonies and were particularly important to Woods. As Pius IX warned, “the good of civil society requires that schools for the working class children and in general all public institutes shall be free from all ecclesiastical authority, control, and interference”.219 He condemned the prevailing trend towards secular liberalism that the State ought to have the entire direction of the formal education of the young.220

The appointment of Woods in 1867 as Director-General of Catholic Education, Chairman of the Board and Inspector of Schools throughout the diocese, left him overwhelmed and with little time for his own interests. These interests included his growing academic reputation as a scientist of note, from which he gained a great deal of personal satisfaction, while coping with his exhaustive duties throughout his 10 years in the bush. Woods, having relocated to Adelaide, was faced with the demise

215 Russell, Lyle P. 'The Evolution of the Josephite School Principal'. M.Ed. Admin thesis, University of New England, 1980, p. 32. 216 Kay-Shuttleworth, James. Memorandum on Popular Education. Woburn Books, London, 1868, p. 48-49. 217 Encyclical of Pope Pius IX. Quanta Cura Condemning Current Errors, promulgated on December 8, 1864. http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Pius09/p9quanta.htm 218 Pope Pius IX. The Syllabus of Errors Condemned by Pius IX. Issued by Holy See, 8 December, 1864. http://papalencyclicals.net/Pius09/p9syll.htm 219 219 Pius IX, Quanta Cura. Encyclical, 8 December 1864, XLV, 34 (109, A). 220 Ibid.

57 of his scientific pursuits and the loss of his financial support from writing. His sense of personal fulfilment had now diminished due to his increasing responsibilities, despite receiving overwhelming support from Sheil. Player states, “Establishing schools, finding and paying suitable teachers, upgrading buildings and providing text books and essential equipment presented considerable difficulty. In addition Woods tried to build the proposed centralised system of education”.221 His frustration with his increasing workload became more apparent in his correspondence. He wrote to MacKillop, “It passes really my comprehension to understand how so suddenly and completely the means of establishing the religious for poor schools are placed in my hands. The crosses must be to come after”.222

Sheil’s respect for Woods’s abilities continued to grow. Fitzgerald acknowledges that Sheil “recognised the genius of Fr Julian Tenison Woods, the priest in Penola who, with a young school teacher, Mary MacKillop, had visions of founding a teaching order of nuns specifically for the Australian situation”.223 Sheil was also pleased that the establishment of these sisters did not present, nor incur, further debts within his diocese and that they were willing to relocate within the country areas. Woods’s initial task was to report to Sheil on the standard of education in the Adelaide Archdiocese. He wrote in his letter to Sheil:

The merits of our system which was thus daily enlarging its sphere began to be acknowledged on all sides. Our children were no longer to be known as the idle and neglected wanderers of the streets and in the country they were snatched from the influence of the Protestant schools. There are plenty of records in the Adelaide papers to show that it was admitted that Catholic children were better provided with regard to education than any others and the marked improvement in them was undeniable.224

At a public meeting on 26 April 1867, held at St Francis Xavier’s Hall, a stone building adjacent to the Cathedral, Sheil appealed to the gathering of 300 parishioners to assist with zeal and energy implementing the “educational wants of the diocese”.225 Rice states that “Sheil’s prompt attention to the education question

221 Player, Anne V. 'Julian Tenison Woods 1832 – 1889: The interaction of science and religion'. M.Arts thesis, Australian National University, 1990, p. 175. 222 J.E.Tenison Woods, letter to Mary MacKillop, September 19 1866. 223 Fitzgerald, Jim. ‘Too Kind and Gentle to Succeed’. Franciscan Newsletter, March-May 1986, No. 142, p.1. 224 J.E.Tenison Woods, letter to Bishop Sheil, reporting on education in the Adelaide Archdiocese, Adelaide Archdiocesan Archives, February, 1871. 225 South Australian Register, 29 April 1867.

58 revealed how much it was a priority for him”.226 During this meeting, Sheil delegated Woods to read from a circular stating “…that in future Catholic Education would be conducted by a director-general, a central council and local boards subject to the local priest”.227 Woods confidently asserted that “... no person could be a good citizen unless he was a good Catholic; and a bad citizen was not likely to be a good Catholic”. The aims of education, according to Woods, stimulated a situation whereby “... young men in the colony should be able to compete nobly in the higher positions in the land”.228 With the final renovations on the schoolhouse now complete, the newly named St Joseph’s school held an examination for the local community, and Education Board members and used this opportunity to reveal the success of the Penola School. The Border Watch reported:

On Tuesday an examination of the children attending St. Joseph’s School, Penola, took place in the new school-room, which is a fine room 40ft by 20ft and about 14ft high. The examiners were well satisfied with the progress of the children, who are making rapid steps under the able instruction of the Misses McKillop.229

The outstanding success of this school and the formation of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph had now achieved its original purpose, which was to create a viable system of Catholic education, albeit on a small scale.

Sheil, ever mindful of new opportunities, in 1867 requested that the Sisters of St Joseph relocate to the Adelaide diocese to meet the needs of the growing population of Catholic children. This new education system, organised and controlled by a central authority, directed Woods to act with haste, although MacKillop’s initial response was not one of delight. The difficulties of the renovations and the cost of running the school had also presented her with financial problems. Her own admitted inability to plan effectively her financial responsibilities created further debt for Woods in the years to come. Many families were unable to pay their school fees and part of the ethos of the Institute was to provide education for the poor whatever their financial circumstance. Woods wrote to MacKillop,

226 Rice, Robert. ‘Adelaide’s Third Bishop, Lawrence Bonaventure Sheil osf (1815-1872): Some Aspects of his Theology’. Australasian Catholic Record, Apr 2003, Vol. 80, No. 2, p.60. 227 South Australian Register, 29 April 1867. 228 Ibid. 229 Border Watch, 13 June 1867.

59 I don’t think you understand the difficulties of the position. I want you into Adelaide, but you must not come alone, and I want you without at the same time injuring the work you have to do where you are ... without taking your school from under the protection of the institute.230

MacKillop, upon reflection, realised the disgruntled inference that her words had posed to her spiritual mentor and friend, and quickly sent her apologies and agreement to leave Penola. She wrote:

I did not deserve your last kind letter, but were I only to get what I deserve, there would not be much kindness for me unless, indeed, that true kindness which, in pointing out the faults I am so blind to myself, makes me more anxious to overcome them, and so be a little more prepared for serving God as he wishes. With the help and Grace of God I do not dread the future. Please forgive the anxiety and pain I have given you, and pray that I may be more humble and sincere.231

Woods’s response, although accepting of MacKillop’s current apprehension for her move to Adelaide, revealed concern that she heed his instructions concerning personal conduct and dress. Woods wrote to MacKillop:

It is really a severe cross to me to find that you are embarrassed just as I am about to move you into Adelaide. ... since so much is expected of you, remember what you are called to. I beg of you to particularly to acquire a habit of casting your eyes to the ground, say a few paces before you, not only in the street, but also when talking to lay people, and in everything learn to demean yourselves as religious. Please tell all the Sisters to speak of the Sisterhood as ‘our Institute’, not ‘our Order’, because we have no right to the title until we are approved by the Church.232

The arrival of MacKillop and Rose Cunningham in Adelaide on 23 June 1867 provided the Catholic community with cause for celebration, as their advent signalled the first, female, religious laity for the colony of South Australia. The sisters had not yet undertaken their final vows, nor were they in receipt of official status. Members of the parish however, warmly welcomed them. “Sisters of St. Joseph – Your presence this day affords us great pleasure, and we feel infinite gratification to be the first to welcome you to the diocese”.233 Woods, taking control of the situation and his own personal history with other female religious orders, responded with thanks on behalf of the sisters. His actions also reminded the sisters of his previous instructions, preferring that they appear to be quiet and unassuming,

230 J.E.Tenison Woods, letter to Mary MacKillop, 9 May 1867. 231 Mary MacKillop, letter to J.E.Tenison Woods, 13 May 1867. 232 J.E.Tenison Woods, letter to Mary MacKillop, 13 May 1867. 233 South Australian Advertiser, 29 June 1867.

60 as the Catholic hierarchy had yet to sanction their place within the Adelaide Catholic community. Past experience, by parishioners, of religious females was that they were usually selected from the upper classes of society, so many were shocked, initially, that some of the sisters were from the poorer classes, with no education or social standing. The sisters, however, settled into their new school, wearing their black habits and continuing to do so for a few more months. By Christmas, the Adelaide Institute had increased by 10 women and their habits had now changed to brown in honour of St Joseph.234

The new school was established in the St Xavier’s Hall in Wakefield Street, next to the Adelaide Cathedral site. Enrolments commenced with 60 students and, by the end of the year, this number had increased to over 200. Foale explains, “Results soon indicated that these women knew how to teach and could manage a school well”...Woods, “regarded the Hall as a Model School, where inexperienced female teachers could be trained in the arts of teaching and school management”.235 Woods also supposed that these teachers should be encouraged to join the fledgling religious order as there was no dowry, while literacy and teacher training was provided to those of good moral character.

The growing reputation of the new schools to provide a superior system of Catholic education had become well known throughout the diocese. Additional schools were opened, the first at Bowden, one and half miles from the city of Adelaide, then Yankalilla, 47 miles from Adelaide, followed by Gawler, 25 miles north of Adelaide. Newspaper reports regarding the schools, and the involvement of Woods especially, were favourable. As the South Australian Register reported:

The progress of the newly-founded system has, under his [Woods] care been most rapid, for the last returns show that now it embraces some thirty schools and 1,700 or 1,809 scholars. It is not difficult to imagine reasons why a purely denominational or sectional scheme should make advances disproportionately large as compared with any State system.236

The most important characteristic was the effectiveness of the system. The South Australian Register concluded that this was due to “... the instilling of religious

234 Modystack, William. Mary MacKillop: A woman before her time. Rigby, Dee Why West, NSW, 1982, p. 35 235 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 28. 236 South Australian Register, 7 March 1868.

61 principles into the minds of scholars ... to make piety a habit – the great incentive to good behaviour”.237 Further comments also noted the perceived disparity between State and religious schooling, and found that the Catholic system of education was effective. “So long as the State has satisfactory proof that the children are being trained up as good citizens, they should make no deep scrutiny into the particular religious course they are put through”.238 Although overseas during this important growth and development of the Institute and schools, Sheil, impressed with Woods’s achievements regarding education, advised his parishioners to maintain their commitment towards achieving the best outcome for the education of their children. Further educational improvements were sought and Sheil directed his attention towards the different social structures within his diocese in his Pastoral Letter of 31 July 1867. He was, he stated:

Well aware of the great want of superior schools in our diocese especially for the female portion of the young, schools wherein the daughters of those who are able and anxious to afford it, could receive a really superior education, combined with that pure and exalted moral training which can be obtained nowhere so well as within the walls of a convent school.239

Until the middle of 1868, the Sisters had set up a temporary convent in Grote Street, Adelaide, and when this property had become far too small for their growing numbers of new novices, they relocated to two cottages on the corner of Franklin Street and West Terrace. The return of Bishop Sheil, in December 1868, disturbed the relative harmony of their new living accommodations as another foundation of nuns, the Dominicans, had requisitioned their convent. Utilising donations received from his South Australian parishioners, Sheil, during his overseas mission, had successfully obtained further recruits for his education system; not just for the poor, but for all classes, with a superior education offered. He arrived by the Orient on the evening of Friday 4 December 1868, accompanied by the Rev. James Maher, Patrick Corcoran, John Roche, Joseph Murphy and Hugh Horan. In addition, seven Dominican Sisters arrived, Therese Moore, Catherine Murphy, Theresa Gaffney, Mary Molloy, Margaret Hayden, Margaret Waldrum and Catherine Meade.240 The Irish sisters, although young and experienced, had originated from Cabra, the parent

237 Ibid. 238 South Australian Register, 7 March 1868. 239 L.B. Sheil, Bishop of Adelaide, Pastoral Letter, Wexford, Ireland, 31 July 1867. 240 South Australian Register, 5 December 1868.

62 house of the Order of St Dominic, in Dublin. Sheil had complete confidence in the sisters’ teaching skills and their ability to provide a superior and moral method of teaching for the middle classes, despite their inexperience. Lewis acknowledges, “Bishop Sheil’s quest for a community of nuns to undertake this work led him to Cabra in Dublin, where he was able to find Sisters well equipped educationally and inspired with missionary zeal to fit them to the task”.241 The new foundation assisted Sheil’s plans in providing a higher status education for his Catholic flock, thus increasing their opportunities to achieve a presentable and worthy image in the diocese.

Bishop Sheil’s safe return to Adelaide provided the community with great satisfaction, as an eleven o’clock high mass was performed at St Francis Xavier’s Cathedral on 8 December 1868, celebrated by the Rev. Julian Tenison Woods, assisted by the Rev. W. Kennedy, deacon, and Rev. M. Kennedy, sub-deacon.242 Dr. Gunson, president of the Young Men's Society, surgeon to the Hibernian Benefit Society and director of the Catholic Building Society, read an address congratulating Sheil. He stated:

We also congratulate you upon being able to secure to your extensive diocese the much-needed services of an additional staff of zealous clergy; and we sincerely rejoice that your visit to Europe will be the means of establishing in our midst a community of religious ladies of the illustrious Order of St. Dominic.243

Woods had not been informed of the bishop’s plan to include the Dominican teaching order or their schools within the education system in the colony, nor had he been consulted regarding how the sisters might best fit into the current scheme of education that he presently conducted. The Dominican Sisters were also unsure of their role, as the area that their new convent and school, commandeered from the Sisters of St Joseph, was located in a poorer and less salubrious area than they had previously experienced in their former home in Dublin. Although now placed at a disadvantage due to their relocation, the Sisters of St Joseph did not openly shun the Dominican Sisters, even though the Adelaide community was fascinated and

241 Lewis, Constance Marie. 'Provision for the Education of Catholic Women in Australia since 1840'. Ph.D. thesis, University of Melbourne, 1988, p. 92. 242 South Australian Register, 8 December 1868. 243 Ibid.

63 enthralled by these traditional, Irish nuns, with their flowing white habits and black veils. The Dominican Sisters quickly rose to the challenge that Sheil had set them and placed advertisements within the Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald listing their proposed curriculum and fees. “For forty-five pounds per annum boarders could learn grammar, history, geography, astronomy, the use of the globes, writing, arithmetic, French, Spanish, Italian, and every species of plain and ornamental needlework”.244 For additional fees, students could receive tuition in music, drawing, dancing and singing. Woods, however, was not involved in devising the planned programme of the new school. Sheil took complete responsibility, thus rendering the Director of Education impotent; the sisters were simply under diocesan control. The relationship between Woods and the Dominican Sisters developed despite Sheil’s control over them and they held him in high regard. The planned programme of building created by the sisters also established the opening of a Female Deaf and Dumb Institute, next door to their new school.245 A swift programme of building commenced and, on 30 December 1868, the foundations for an extension to the Dominican convent in Franklin Street were laid. On 2 February 1869, St Mary’s, their new Adelaide school, opened with 20 pupils, rising to 40 within a short time. The Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald reported that “the Sisters of St. Dominic opened their convent school on Tuesday, February 2. There was a large attendance of pupils from highly respectable families, both Catholic and Protestant, and the number has since increased”.246

MacKillop, now known as Sister Mary of the Cross, continued to oversee the running of the Hall School until mid-April 1868, when she reluctantly resigned because her duties had become quite demanding due to the increase in numbers of novices entering the Institute. Her new role as Guardian of the Sisters was to reopen the Penola School and convent and to oversee the administration of the new schools.

Woods continued to live life at a frenetic pace. His involvement with the Institute, his parish duties and his role as Director of Education left him little time to continue his scientific discoveries or publish his work. By 17 December 1868,

244 Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald, 20 December 1868. 245 Northey, Helen. Living the Truth: The Dominican Sisters in South Australia 1868-1958. Holy Cross Congregation of Dominican Sisters (South Australia), 1999, p. 45. 246 Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald, 20 February 1869.

64 Woods had composed a hand-written document detailing the Sisters’ rule of life, and, after minor changes, Sheil provided written approval.

As Press acknowledges, “... the Australian Sisters of St Joseph were now an officially recognised religious congregation”.247 The creation of the schools was principally to provide education for the poor and the sisters did not receive any financial support from the government, but were dependent upon contributions made by members of their parish. Hepburn confirms that “the fees in Catholic Schools were 6d a week for lower classes, 1s and 1s 6d a week for higher classes. The fees, even at that rate, were too high for the poor whose cause the Sisters supported”.248 By this time, the sisters required further accommodation and sought a larger, two- storey property, offered rent free, to accommodate their needs in Dale Street, Adelaide. The school was established underneath and the sisters were accommodated on the floor above. It was assumed that the cost of the renovations would be met by the order. The growth of the Institute had far exceeded the expectations of the either MacKillop or Woods. Woods accepted responsibility for a heavy financial burden that had accompanied this growth.249

Early in 1869, Woods travelled to the southeast of the colony to raise funds for his schools. Suffering from poor health, he was tired and exhausted. He had also established another teaching order, the Brotherhood of the Sacred Heart, specifically designed to instruct young boys who were considered poor or destitute. His brother, Terry, a widower with three daughters, was one of the 10 who had joined. As the Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald, reported:

A free boys’ school for the destitute children has been opened in Grote-street in a small building at the back of the Convent of the Brothers of the Sacred Heart. A night school has also been opened there, for admission to which special application must be made to the Brothers themselves.250

247 Press, Margaret M. From Our Broken Toil: South Australian Catholics 1836 to 1905. Archdiocese of Adelaide, Adelaide, 1986, p. 159. 248 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, pp. 133-134. 249 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 103. 250 Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald, 20 July 1869.

65 Attendance at this school grew and, by August 1869, enrolments had risen to 120 pupils.251 Woods was convinced that the formation of the Brotherhood would achieve the same success as the establishment of the Sisters of St Joseph. He was, however, unaware of ongoing, internal squabbles that would soon contribute to its final demise. Four very successful boys’ schools were established, but the Brothers themselves created disharmony and were not as easy to manage as the Sisters of St Joseph. Furthermore, they lacked the support of the Catholic community.252

MacKillop was constantly travelling throughout the countryside, overseeing the schools of the Sisters of St Joseph that were established in South Australia and was unaware of the situation that would shortly embroil Woods. Some of the newly appointed novices confided to Woods that they had experienced visions and revelations as a result of visitations by the Virgin Mary. Not one to dispute the sanctity of religious beliefs, Woods continued to listen and share their declarations. Furthermore, public disclosures of ill-treatment of students by novices added to the problems, although these were later found to be without foundation. In addition, Woods’s growing popularity and recognition engendered jealousy. Lewis states, “by a combination of circumstances the clergy of the Adelaide diocese came to look on Woods as an idealist totally out of touch with reality, an impractical man of affairs who was managing to get himself into a good deal of debt”.253

These tales spread quickly within the diocese. Adding to the unwelcome publicity that these stories generated, other priests questioned Woods’s mental stability. Press states, “the publicity had nevertheless added fuel to the opposition to Father Woods, especially in the clerical ranks”.254 Reprimanded by Bishop Sheil, Woods’s activities were to be restricted. Sheil’s manner, although initially cool, became more conciliatory during the second Provincial Synod of Bishops held in Melbourne in 1869, with Woods in attendance as the bishop’s theologian. During the conference, Bishop James Quinn of Brisbane, who had become interested in the success of the Catholic school system in South Australia, approached Woods. He

251 Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald, 20 August 1869. 252 O'Neill, George. Life of the Reverend Julian Edmund Tenison Woods (1832 – 1889). Pellegrini, Melbourne, 1929, p. 157. 253 Lewis, Constance. ‘Mary MacKillop and the founding of the Josephites’. Champagnat an International Marist Journal of Education and Charism, Vol. 12, No. 1, 2010, p. 40. 254 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 104.

66 immediately requested that a group of the sisters be sent to Brisbane to commence a foundation there. Following Goold’s encouragement, Woods agreed. Woods’s reception at the conference, however, was not, he believed, a welcome one due to the malicious gossip generated in the previous months in Adelaide. The Catholic religious laity who attended chose to believe the spiteful rumours that flourished and he was refused permission to speak publicly to the other attendees.255

On his return to Adelaide, Woods advised MacKillop of her new mission to set up a foundation order of the Sisters of St Joseph in Brisbane. MacKillop was not pleased and feared that the inexperience of the novices available for transfer to Queensland might create further harm within the order. When Quinn’s letter arrived in October 1869, MacKillop resolved to travel to Brisbane with Sister Clare and Sister Francis de Sales and, on 8 December 1869, the sisters professed their vows and departed from Adelaide for Brisbane. MacKillop’s departure also created a lasting legacy toward the development of Catholic education in the South Australian colony. As Gardiner states, “by December 1869, when Mary left for Brisbane in December 1869, seventy-two Sisters were conducting twenty-one schools around Adelaide and in country districts”.256

With the departure of MacKillop from Adelaide in 1869, and the responsibility that Woods now assumed for the status of the Sisters of St Joseph, their schools slowly declined. A state of affairs was developing that soon set asunder all that Woods and MacKillop had strived to achieve for the reputation of the Institute. Bishop Sheil was also absent, visiting Rome, and his absence generated a disturbing, chaotic turn of events that eventually altered the friendship of Woods and MacKillop for the remainder of their lives.

255 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 144. 256 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, The authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, p. 70.

67 CHAPTER 3

3.1 Bishop James Quinn and the Arrival of the Sisters of St Joseph in Queensland

In May 1825, the convict settlement of Moreton Bay was established to accommodate repeat offenders from elsewhere in New South Wales. Four years later, in 1829, the first Anglican minister, Rev. John Vincent, with his wife and five children, unwillingly arrived. Within a month, Vincent sent the church authorities in New South Wales a request for the urgent erection of a church building suitable to house 1,000 worshipers. He also asked for a sexton and bell ringer, as well as a clerk and a gravedigger. Further, Vincent wished to have a larger school constructed, as the current one was situated in an undesirable location. Anglican Church authorities ignored his wishes and, falling foul of Commandant Patrick Logan, they recalled Vincent and he left Moreton Bay, within six months of his arrival.257

Moreton Bay in 1830 consisted of a population of 1,000, with the penal settlement ending in 1839. In 1842, the region became available to free settlers, but the education of children remained neglected. The Sydney Morning Herald, reporting on the region, stated:

We have no school yet, and very little prospect seemingly of soon getting one - owing, it is said, to the difficulty experienced in getting a school master and mistress to come here to reside; surely the times cannot be so bad in Sydney, when at least one hundred guineas per annum must go a begging and a certain prospect of an increasingly infantile community.258

On 17 January 1843, John Gregor, a former Presbyterian minister for the Church of Scotland, arrived. His responsibilities included providing schooling for children. Raynor states:

There was a Sunday School which met before the morning service on Sundays, but the average attendance was not more than fifteen. The day schools under the clergyman’s superintendence numbered three – two in Brisbane and one at Ipswich. They were, however, as Gregor himself reported, of a very humble

257 Harrison, Jennifer. ‘...not likely to command attention or to conciliate general esteem’: the Revd John Vincent, First Clergyman at Moreton Bay 1829’ in Harmers, M., Henderson, L and G. Colclough (eds), From Augustine to Anglicanism: The Anglican Church in Australia and Beyond, Proceedings of the conference held at St. Francis Theological College, Milton, February 12-14 2010, p. 96-97. 258 Sydney Morning Herald, 25 May 1843.

68 character, meeting in private houses and with an attendance in no case of more than sixteen259

By 1848, Gregor had become dissatisfied with his ministry, overwhelmed by the vast territory of his mission and the lack of support he received from his parishioners, who, although poor, were simply indifferent to religion. Drowning in a creek at the German Missionary Station at Nundah, few lamented his death. The Moreton Bay Courier reported:

He [Gregor] was placed in a rude wooden shell, without covering or ornament of any kind; the body of our late minister was carted on Sunday morning from the Germans' Station to Brisbane on a vegetable cart, which served for a hearse, being followed only by some two or three of the kind-hearted Germans.260

In Brisbane, Catholics did not receive their own Catholic priest until 1845, when the Archbishop of Sydney, John Bede Poulding, appointed Fr James Hanly to the district. The new priest established the first Catholic school in Elizabeth Street in 1846, with Michael Bourke as head teacher, assisted by his wife Mary. Approximately 56 pupils attended on the first day.261 He opened another school, in Ipswich, in 1847, but it closed within the year. In 1848, Governor Fitzroy established the Board of National Education comparable to that of the Irish National System and, within a day, a Denominational Board was approved. These boards were established to address the inferior standard of education in the colony.262 Catholics continued to create their own opportunities to resolve this situation. Fr Hanly initiated the construction of the stone building of St. Stephen’s Chapel in Brisbane, celebrating the first Catholic Mass there on 12 May 1850. There were just 60 Catholic families in the town at the time.263 Brisbane residents were aware of National education, as a prominent local Catholic, William Augustine Duncan, a former teacher, journalist, and currently the local customs officer, presented a lecture for his radical ideas on social equality and moral stance.264 Duncan’s lecture at the

259 Rayner, Keith. ‘The History of the Church of England in Queensland’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1962, p. 21. 260 Moreton Bay Courier, 29 January 1848. 261 Fogarty, Ronald. Catholic Education in Australia 1806-1950, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 1959, p. 39. 262 Wyeth, Ezra R. Education in Queensland: A history of education in Queensland and in the Moreton Bay district of New South Wales. Australian Council for Educational Research, Melbourne, 1955, p. 49. 263 Martin, Denis W. The foundation of the Catholic Church in Queensland. Church Archivists' Society, Toowoomba, 1988, p. 74. 264 Ibid.

69 Brisbane School of Arts in June 1850 discussed National education. Wholeheartedly throwing his support behind the National system of education, he argued:

There are, no doubt, still individuals to be found, and some of them in high stations too, who hold that the tree of knowledge is forbidden fruit to the poor; that education, if universally extended, would uproot society, unfit men for manual labour, and destroy all order and subordination among mankind. 265

Duncan considered that, despite the varying religious beliefs promulgated by the other churches, all should be concerned with the same moral purpose and intent in the education of children. As he stated, “we all adhere-professedly, at least-to the same principles of Christian morality. Let them co-operate with the laity in conferring on the children of this generation a good religious as well as a good moral and intellectual education”.266

On 6 June 1859, New South Wales separated from Moreton Bay with the creation of the new colony of Queensland. There were 10 denominational schools receiving funding from the Government along with 3 National schools run by an Education board, accountable directly to the new colonial government.267 Within a year, the Education Act of 1860 established a Board of General Education that implemented within Queensland the functions formally carried out by the National and Denominational Boards of New South Wales. The Board administered a National educational system derived from the Irish National system. As Watson confirms, the National system, “sought not only to provide the same religious teaching for Protestants and Catholics but to give simply an English course ... [defined] as reading, writing, arithmetic, spelling, object lessons, needlework and drawing; also British history, Scripture and composition”.268

A new Anglican minister, Benjamin Glennie, arrived in Brisbane in March 1860 to continue Gregor’s mission. He organised Sunday and day schools and was to be supportive of the new Bishop of Brisbane, Edward Wyndham Tufnell, who arrived in May 1860. Tuffnell arrived in the colony from England accompanied by

265 Moreton Bay Courier, 6 July 1850. 266 Ibid. 267 Board of General Education, Queensland, First Annual Report, 1860. 268 Watson, Tom. ‘There is a spirit in the place: The Brisbane Normal School in the nineteenth century’ in Greg Logan and Tom Watson (eds), Soldiers of the Service: Some early Queensland educators and their schools. History of Queensland Education Society, Brisbane, 1992, p. 59.

70 five priests, two deacons and four laymen. He possessed £7,000 in funds, but was, no doubt, dismayed to find that the Education Act of 1860 had abolished state aid to religion.269

On 14 April 1859, Bishop James Quinn was appointed to the new northern Catholic See of Brisbane. Quinn’s arrival was delayed until 12 March 1861, but he occupied some of his time before embarking by recruiting religious laity to accompany him to the new world. The new bishop was born into an affluent, middle class family. His parents bestowed, with religious fervour, four sons to the Catholic Church. Although Quinn co-existed superficially with other English members of society, he retained an inherent dislike for the English, as memories of his youth reminded him of the constant disparity in wealth and power he had witnessed in Ireland. Quinn spent 12 years training for the priesthood at the Irish College in Rome, received his ordination in 1846 and graduated with a Doctorate of Theology in 1848, when he was recalled to Dublin as a result of the republican occupation of Rome. Following his return to Ireland, he became the president of St Laurence O'Toole Seminary on 14 June 1850. The influence and memory of Rome became an integral part of his persona, which he continued to sustain throughout his years in Ireland and Queensland. As McLay states:

Rome to Quinn meant the Pope, Propaganda, Roman theology, canon law, and ceremonial - the visible symbol of a world-wide Catholicism, its centralising and unifying force. ... Ireland to Quinn meant his native land, his inborn faith. Ireland was the papal isle, a nation long loyal to Rome, a Catholic nation to whom their religion had become more and more important as everything else became lost.270

Archdeacon John McEnroe of Sydney had initiated a campaign in Ireland in 1851 to have Quinn appointed to the See of Brisbane. McEncroe’s role arose through the call for suitable, Catholic, religious laity to travel to the Australian colonies to preach. He became the official chaplain of Australia’s Catholics, with McLay affirming that he was an “unofficial leader of the Irish Catholics”.271 The Catholic populace was concerned with the shortage of priests and the dominance, at

269 Rayner, Keith. ‘The History of the Church of England in Queensland’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1962, p. 45. 270 McLay, Yvonne Margaret. ‘James Quinn First Catholic Bishop of Brisbane’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1974, p. 35. 271 Ibid, p. 103.

71 this time, of the Benedictines, as Irish priests did not favour re-establishing themselves within a community that did not possess Irish bishops. The founding members of the Queensland Sisters of Mercy, led by Mother Vincent Whitty, also accompanied him and arrived with five priests, one Italian, three French, and one Irish. Upon his arrival, Quinn was disappointed to discover the poor condition of the diocese, resulting from the lack of religious laity, the scarcity and substandard level of Catholic schooling and the financial debts presented to him. He had already acquired a £6,000 personal debt, so this further financial commitment was unwelcome. As Hanlon confirms,

Quinn’s Diocese was the poorest of the Australian Sees, in debt to the sum of £750, without even ordinary resources, and altar furnishings not even paid for. The arrival of the Bishop and his party only served to make things worse, increasing the debt to between £1200 and £1300’.272

Quinn was convinced that, if a Catholic population dominated throughout Queensland, his personal ambitions might also be realised. As Boland affirms, “When he arrived in the Colony and found all public figures engaged in controversy about education and systems of education, he was one of the few who had the experience to know what he was talking about”.273 Quinn’s personal ambitions drove his actions; his plan included promoting the entry of Catholics via the Queensland Immigration Society.

The 1861 Australian census, revealed a Catholic population in Queensland comprising 2,960 males and 2,577 females, with 5,537—the same number—giving Ireland as their place of birth, while 11,163 Queenslanders were born in the United Kingdom.274 The dramatic increase in the arrival of Irish immigrants became more apparent with the results of the 1864 census, which revealed an increase in Irish immigration in Queensland to 13,408. Quinn was convinced that he was offering his fellow Catholic compatriots an enhanced and prosperous future. As Boland affirms, “It had been Quinn's hope that these hundreds of families should settle on the land,

272 Hanlon, Christopher H. ‘From Quinnsland to Q150’. Aquinas Memorial Lecture delivered at the Francis Rush Centre, Brisbane, 3 December 2008, pp. 2-3. 273 Boland, Thomas P. ‘James Quinn: Monarch of all he surveyed’. Aquinas Memorial Lecture delivered at The Catholic Centre, Brisbane, November 12 1979, p. 7. 274 Australian Bureau of Statistics 1861, Australian Historical Population Statistics, 2006, ‘ Mean population by sex, states and territories’, Table: 68, cat. No. 3105.0.65.001, viewed 14 October 2011, http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/3105.0.65.0012006

72 forming strong rural communities”.275 Nevertheless, the continued arrival of Irish Catholics also increased the fear of religious disharmony. The influx of those considered undesirable emigrants generated the Immigration Act of 1864.276 As Evans states:

Ethnic quotas were also contemplated in an attempt to replicate the English, Welsh, Scottish and Irish proportions of the United Kingdom locally. This was primarily to counter the size of the Catholic Irish element and ensure a continuing Protestant hegemony in Colonial affairs.277

Construction of the first Normal school commenced in 1860 in Adelaide Street, Brisbane.278 Amid much fanfare, this National School establishment opened on 16 August 1862. The Courier, reported, “the building may be fairly considered to be one of the finest public edifices in Brisbane”.279 It was a training school for teachers, as well as a day school for children. The success of this school was soon apparent, with examinations for the pupils held in September 1863 conducted by the Inspector of Schools, Randal MacDonald, who was pleased with the results. Queensland Governor, Sir George Ferguson Bowen, attended to hear the results and bestow the prizes. In his speech, the Governor affirmed, “if they wished to prosper, they must do good, it being well known that they had only to do so and they must succeed”.280

Quinn implemented a sound Catholic system of education, thereby creating the good Catholic citizen. Others shared his aspirations, however, American educators were also drawn to the idea that, because of inadequate schooling and lack of religious supervision, criminality succeeds. In order to create a society free from depravity, a child must be taught within a controlled and well-planned environment. The failure of the parent could be overcome and the child reformed through suitable schooling. Joel Spring agrees that, “this pattern of thinking made it possible for educational leaders to envision a system of common schooling that would lead to a

275 Boland, Thomas P. ‘The Queensland Immigration Society: A Notable Experiment in Irish Settlement’. Royal Historical Society of Queensland Journal, Vol. VII, No. 2, 1963-1964, p. 321. 276Immigration Act, 1864. Immigration Land Orders 1861-1874, Queensland State Archives. 277 Evans, Raymond. A History of Queensland. Cambridge University Press, Port Melbourne, Victoria, 2007, p. 88. 278 Watson, Tom. ‘There is a spirit in the place: The Brisbane Normal School in the nineteenth century’ in Greg Logan and Tom Watson (eds), Soldiers of the Service: Some early Queensland educators and their schools. History of Queensland Education Society, Brisbane, 1992, p. 60. 279 Courier, 16 August 1862. 280 Courier, 10 September 1863.

73 moral and political reformation of society”.281 In order to complete his grand design, Quinn needed to capture the minds of the children and instil within them righteous and desirable, Catholic principles. McKenna concludes, “The Bishop of Brisbane was keen to establish parish schools to educate the children in his diocese because the knowledge and understanding of Catholic doctrine was meagre among many Catholics of the working class”.282

The bishop was determined that his forceful policies of religious education and the creation of new, secular schools not be undermined by the absence of funding from the Government. As McLay argues, “Quinn’s actions, during his early years were considered as being un-Australian by some as he encouraged many citizens to place the needs of the Church before those of the nation”.283 Recognising the support that he might garner from Tufnell if they united their educational aspirations, Quinn aligned himself with the Anglican bishop to gain funding for their schools. Le Couteur confirms:

Tufnell agitated consistently for Anglican schools and for the right to open new ones with state aid. He was supported by the Roman Catholic bishop, James Quinn, who was also seeking support for his diocesan schools. This unlikely alliance became notorious when the two bishops began a public campaign of petitions and public meetings to debate education policy.284

Many of the public meetings that Tufnell and Quinn attended, to publicly air their concerns regarding Public Education, dissolved into intense arguments. A meeting held on 14 December 1864, and attended by a large crowd, assembled on vacant land adjacent to the Police Court in Brisbane to hear the bishops state their grievances. The meeting, opened by Mayor Albert John Hocking, was initially delayed, due to a disturbance created with three young men having their ears boxed by an attending priest. Tufnell’s first grievance was directed towards the non- payment of two of his schools, leaving him having to pay the costs himself for the salaries of his schoolmaster and mistress. He alleged that the Board was inconsistent

281 Spring, Joel. The American School 1642-1990: Varieties of Historical Interpretation of the Foundations and Development of American Education. 2nd ed. Longman, New York, 1990, p.50. 282 McKenna, Margaret M. 'Women-very hopeful, not easily disheartened: the history of the congregation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Queensland 1870-1970’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 2008, p.34. 283 McLay, Anne. James Quinn: First Catholic Bishop of Brisbane. Church Archivists' Society, Toowoomba, Queensland, 1989, p.123. 284 Le Couteur, Howard. ‘Upholding Protestantism : The Fear of Tractarianism in the Anglican Church in Early Colonial Queensland’. The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, March 2011,Vol. 62, No. 2, p. 307.

74 in its dealings with parochial schools and that bias was present in the decision- making process and the awarding of funding. Tufnell, stated:

What he and those who thought with him complained of was, that the circumstances and organisation of the Board precluded them from doing justice to all parties interested in education. They were of opinion that the Board should be composed of high official personages that the powers of the Board should be strictly administrative and not legislative.285

The bishops called for amendments to the current system of education, supporters for and against within the crowd continued to argue and, shortly afterwards, the meeting dissolved with no satisfactory conclusion for the bishops or their supporters. Quinn’s rigid style of governance created fear among many religious laity in the diocese, especially Mother Vincent Whitty, who now felt the full brunt of his controlling and aggressive nature.286

Whitty had worked tirelessly, since her arrival from Ireland, to offer an educational opportunity to middle class children and was instrumental in the opening of St Stephen’s Cathedral, Brisbane, in 1861, St Patrick’s, in the Valley, in 1862, Ipswich and All Hallows in 1863, St Ann’s in 1868 and Nudgee in 1869.287 Her refusal, in 1864, to comply with Quinn’s demand to register the schools of the Sisters of Mercy in Queensland with the Board of Education angered the bishop. He demoted her to Reverend Mother of the Order and placed his cousin, Mary Bridget Conlan, in her place. Whitty accepted his decision without comment or argument. As O’Donoghue confirms, “as joint founder with Bishop Quinn of the Catholic education system, Mother Vincent’s was the less spectacular but more essential role. Victorian women in general and nuns in particular, shrank from public debate”.288

Mother Vincent Whitty, although dynamic and forthright, allowed Quinn to take a superior place in the education debate in Queensland, due to the role that Catholic society had created for her. Nuns, in particular, shrank from public debate. Quinn continued his aggressive and dominating style of governance towards all

285 Queensland Times, 10 January 1865. 286 O’Donoghue, Sister Mary Xaverius. Mother Vincent Whitty: Woman and Educator in a Masculine Society. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 117-118. 287 O’Donoghue, Sister Mary Xaverius. Mother Vincent Whitty: Woman and Educator in a Masculine Society. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1972, p. 345. 288 Ibid, p.30.

75 religious laity within his diocese. Following the arrival of Mary MacKillop and the Sisters of St Joseph in 1869, Quinn’s actions became more controlling.

Mary MacKillop had departed Adelaide on 8 December 1869, stopping initially at Melbourne and then continuing to Sydney. Quinn had refused to assist the Sisters with their travel expenses, but, in order to continue travelling to Brisbane, she discreetly obtained funds from her friends. MacKillop finally arrived in Brisbane with six female companions at 9.30pm on 31 December 1869 on the steamer, The City of Brisbane, where she was welcomed by Father John Cani, the Italian-born Vicar-General of Bishop James Quinn. Although accommodation had not been arranged for the Sisters, they accepted an offer from the Sisters of Mercy to stay at All Hallows where they remained for three weeks.289

On her first day in Brisbane, MacKillop received news from Cani that worried her. As Thorpe states, “it was the Bishop’s wish that all the schools in the diocese should accept the State grant”. MacKillop became alarmed, as the conditions imposed by the acceptance of the State grant could also influence the ideals and the content that she and Woods had devised for their schools.290

In Quinn’s absence, which was to continue throughout her stay in Queensland, MacKillop decided to open the Catholic schools, run by the Sisters of St Joseph, having gained the approval of Quinn’s temporary representative, John Cani. Mary’s intentions remained clear; to provide religious education for the poor children of the diocese, nurturing them as honest and effective members of Catholic society, despite their lack of social etiquette. She was convinced that these children did not have the capacity to rise above their station in life. Promoters of education in Canada West shared this view. As Alison Prentice states, “Class conflict and arbitrary class distinctions were to be eliminated, but not the classes themselves, for the labouring classes were clearly as essential to the social structure as were their middle class brethren”.291

289 Brisbane Courier, 1 January 1870. 290 Thorpe, Osmund. Mary McKillop: The life of Mother Mary of the Cross, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. 2nd ed. Burns and Oates, London, 1957, p. 91. 291 Prentice, Alison. The School Promoters: Education and Social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada. McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, Canada, 1977, p. 123.

76 The first residence that the Sisters chose was located in Tribune Street, but it was far too small for their needs and they moved, soon after, to Montague Street, also in South Brisbane. Their new residence was a former hotel that had been favoured by dubious clientele. It was in a bad state of repair and appeared to be haunted. Thorpe confirms, “the alleged satanic intruder, certainly caused the Sisters a great deal of annoyance and inconvenience. Their sleep was disturbed by noises of various kinds, their beds were violently shaken and they experienced a sense of suffocation”.292

In the early months of 1870, the Sisters opened three schools, St Mary’s, South Brisbane, the ‘Swamp School’ and St Joseph’s at Woolloongabba. Two more schools followed, St John the Baptist’s, Petrie Terrace and, later, St John the Baptist at Maryborough.293 The Sisters maintained their previous teaching methods, consisting of teaching the children simultaneously, and kept to a uniform timetable. They did not allow any further changes to be implemented. Adhering to a set programme ensured success, MacKillop believed. The Sisters also continued to omit music from their curriculum. As McEntee affirms:

the womanly graces and refinements, which particularly suggested class distinction, were in Mary MacKillop’s estimation, foreign languages and instrumental music. She considered these talents above the level of the poor. Music would make poor children dissatisfied with their way of life.294

MacKillop also did not favour or encourage homework for her students, as she believed that, without adequate supervision, the tasks that were set not only failed to meet her high standards, but also resulted in poor attention paid to the desired standards she had set for her students. Tobin states:

Without the strict and careful supervision of teachers or monitors, tasks set to be done at home were very likely to be slap-dash. Most children came from homes where education was not held in highest regard. It was a duty for parents to send their children to school.295

292 Thorpe, Osmund. Mary McKillop: The life of Mother Mary of the Cross, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. 2nd ed. Burns and Oates, London, 1957, p. 92. 293 Tobin, Susan M. If I have not love, Volume I. Queensland Catholic Education Office, Brisbane, 1987, p. 19. 294 McEntee, Walter. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus in Queensland, 1869-1880’. B.Arts Hons thesis, University of Queensland, 1978, p. 36. 295 Tobin, Susan M. If I have not love, Volume I. Queensland Catholic Education Office, Brisbane, 1987, p. 18.

77 By March of 1870, MacKillop was becoming increasingly aware of the problems at the Institute in Adelaide. Seemingly concerned when responding to Woods’s correspondence, she was now intensely aware of her own difficulties with Cani and the constant controls implemented by the Catholic diocese during Quinn’s continued absence. She wrote to Woods, “Dr Cani says the Bishop wishes to have all the schools under the Board; from the way he sometimes expresses himself, I think he himself, does not. Upon the whole, our part of it is at a standstill”.296 Cani, was also becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the defiance that he sensed in MacKillop’s actions, as she refused to seek State aid or allow her schools to be registered with the Government Board. Cani refused her offer to remove the Sisters of St Joseph from St Mary’s and he insisted that they continue teaching the students placed in their care. Appointed as their confessor, Cani denied the Sisters the Sacrament of Penance and the devotional ceremony of Benediction, and forbade other priests from administering them to the Sisters.297 MacKillop considered seeking the aid of the Sisters of Mercy to counteract Cani’s demands, as they had also suffered from Quinn’s past attempts to change their Rule. After much contemplation, she realised her plan could not succeed, especially after discovering the harsh treatment Mother Vincent Whitty suffered by confronting Quinn in the past, with his cousin, Mary Bridget Conlan, now in the leadership role of Reverend Mother, instead of Whitty. Resigned, by now, to the sheer futility of her situation, MacKillop concluded that her attempts to gain support from the Sisters of Mercy for herself and her order were futile and made a final plea direct to Cani. Mary, writing to Cani stated, “Father, it is impossible for us to become in any way connected with Government and be true to the spirit as well as the letter of our Rule. ... Our first duty requires of us – our schools be Catholic ones, not Government ones”.298

While Woods’s response to MacKillop’s emerging trials in Queensland was conciliatory, and he firmly reminded her “that it is not in Queensland that the real battle will be have to be fought”.299 Disclosing his growing apprehension over his current role as Director of the Institute in Adelaide, he warned her of the

296 Mary MacKillop, letter to J. Tenison Woods, 21 January 1870. 297 McKenna, Margaret M. With Grateful Hearts! Mary MacKillop and the Sisters of St. Joseph in Queensland, 1870 – 1970. Sisters of St. Joseph, North Sydney, 2010, p. 69. 298 Mary MacKillop, letter to Rev. Dr. Cani, 27 March 1870. 299 J.E.T Woods, letter to Mary MacKillop, 11 April 1870.

78 consequences of Government intervention in the provision of education. He wrote to Mary:

It is not here in the matter alone but all State interference with the Church’s province which is in question. ... We want Catholic children; we want to make them what the Church wants them to be. Government has nothing to do with that. We can’t have interference and God does not want its aid.300

The situation between Cani and MacKillop remained unresolved. His behaviour continued to be one she considered to be gruff and uncommunicative; and Quinn had yet to return from his overseas mission. Mary’s time in Queensland ended, and she returned to Adelaide, arriving at Easter, 1871.301

3.2 The Institute and Woods’s Fall from Grace

Woods continued with his parish duties, as spiritual Director of the Sisters and Inspector of Schools, while maintaining his journalistic and academic endeavours. His personable and charismatic nature drew many to him, but not the clergy of the South Australian colony. He was an English Jesuit priest, surrounded by many new clergy who were of Irish descent and who resented the establishment of a Jesuit hierarchy in South Australia. Many parish priests disputed the teaching abilities of the Sisters of St Joseph, who were perceived as both illiterate and troublesome. Woods’s methods for change also created distrust and resentment throughout the diocese. His amiable manner, combined with his ability to rush through life without debate and investigation of the need for new Catholic schools, became of concern to many religious laity.

The Vicar-General of Adelaide, John Smyth, regarded Woods with kindness and demonstrated his personal support, including him in the activities of the parish. On 6 March 1870, the foundation stone for a new Dormitory at the Dominican Convent was laid with much ceremony. Smyth officiated, assisted by Woods. After the ceremony, the large crowd that attended listened intently to the sermon that Smyth presented. As the South Australian Register, reported:

300 Ibid. 301 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, the authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, p. 79.

79 The battle of the Church was fought in the schoolroom, in training up the youth to become respectable and religious young men and women and an ornament to society. He also spoke in high terms of the Nuns of St. Dominic and the Sisters of St. Joseph, who had parted with home, and friends, in order to impart to the youth a good religious and secular education.302

Woods’s decision in early 1870 to appoint a new Superior to the Adelaide order, Sister Ignatius, was not well considered. He compounded this error by another appointment, that of Sister Angela to act as Ignatius’s consultant and novice mistress. These women were young, inexperienced and portrayed a sense of holiness that enraptured Woods. He accepted their claims of experiencing visionary episodes. Woods possessed an overwhelming belief in the legitimacy of religious apparitions, deriving his inspiration from his former mentor, Peter Julian Eymard, during his earlier years with the Marist community in France. Both women competed against each other for the attention of Woods, who did not regard their behaviour as being unusual for those who held strong spiritual beliefs.303

In April 1870, a serious and distressing event occurred in Kapunda, 48 miles north of Adelaide, where the Sisters had opened a school in 1868. Sheil had appointed Franciscan priests, Charles Horan and Patrick Keating, both newly arrived to the South Australian colony, to the parish of Kapunda. To Sheil, this area was an important part of the Catholic mission in the colony and he encouraged these men to establish a Franciscan community there. The behaviour of the men, however, became unsettling to those around them, especially to the Sisters of St Joseph, who now realised the danger that the children under their care were suffering. Foale affirms that Horan and Keating “were accused of neglecting their parochial duties, overstepping the bounds of propriety and engaging in behaviour demeaning to their state”.304 The Sisters became aware that Keating, within the confines of the confessional, was sexually abusing the children placed in their care. The Sisters reported their findings to Woods, who swiftly reported the situation to Smyth. Keating was dismissed and returned to Ireland, but Horan escaped punishment, due to his friendship with Sheil. In consequence, Horan directed enmity towards those he

302 South Australian Register, 8 March 1870. 303 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 143. 304 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 60.

80 felt had publicly humiliated him. Hepburn confirms, “Father Horan was in fact so angered by the report made on his friend and confrere to the Vicar General that he openly determined to destroy Father Woods by destroying the Institute of St Joseph”.305

The year of 1870 continued to be a difficult one for Woods, with the closure of the Southern Cross, as requested by Sheil in order to create a new Catholic paper, the Irish Harp. Thus, Woods lost any financial support, but he continued to incur debts from the paper he had edited. Further renovations were required for the refuge, as it now required relocation from Franklin Street to Mitcham, and the Franklin Street convent sought additional rooms, due to the growth of the Institute.306 The original design by Woods of the Institute’s Rule created further consternation to the Sisters, who were working in joint authority to administer to the other members of the Institute, as the Rule stipulated that two sisters must oversee the running of the order. Difficulties arose regarding their designated roles and which of the Sisters should perform particular duties. To resolve the emerging and contentious situation, Woods took over the roles of general superior and provincial himself. Further confusion and resentment developed between the remaining sisters, who were becoming alarmed by the constant manipulation of Woods by Sisters Ignatius and Angela, who, by then, had increased their fraudulent behaviour to a dangerous peak, in order to retain Woods’s attention. As Foale confirms:

they [Ignatius and Angela] set the house on fire, and threw logs of wood and other objects at each other, apparently without any thought for the possible consequences. ... At night they rang bells, turned on taps and generally disturbed the neighbourhood.307

The Vicar-General, Father John Smyth, was concerned with the sisters’ apparition claims and sent a detailed account of this situation to Rome. This would ensure that Woods did not receive support for his findings from the Holy See and that the diocese, in Sheil’s absence, was not found at fault for encouraging such deception. Woods and Smyth had developed a friendship since Woods’s early years

305 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 144. 306 Toole, Kellie Louise. ‘Innocence and Penitence Hand Clasped in Hand’: Australian Catholic Refuges for Penitent Women, 1848-1914. M.Arts thesis, Department of History and Politics, University of Adelaide, April, 2010, pp. 6-7. 307 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 63.

81 as a priest in Penola, although Smyth held misgivings regarding Woods’s inability to recognise that Sisters Ignatius and Angela were manipulating him. He was determined to provide a barrier between Woods and Father Horan; however, with the death of Smyth on 30 June 1870, Woods’s protection from malevolent religious actions vanished, despite the departure of the priest, Keating, from South Australia three weeks earlier. Horan’s vengeance gathered momentum. The other members of the clergy were becoming increasingly concerned with the disturbing events that encircled the Sisters of St Joseph, but chose to direct their criticism towards Woods, who appeared to consider that the unfolding state of affairs with the sisters as being of little import. Woods considered that the difficulties experienced with the order, at this time, were simply part of the struggle to achieve religious greatness. His vast array of duties left him constantly exhausted, with little time for self-reflection. Despite his overwhelming roles as Director of the Institute, Inspector of Schools, journalist and priest, Woods continued to develop an additional plan to establish another order devoted to religious prayer and reflection. Initially, he had discussed the idea with his friend, Father Angelo Ambrosoli, a Marist living in Subiaco, Adelaide, in 1871, who supported his idealistic aims and did not agree with the torrent of abuse that Woods was experiencing. Ambrosoli also did not agree with the restrictions placed upon the priesthood in Australia and frequently addressed his concerns in letters to his compatriots in Rome. Ambrosoli stated, “I do not approve of the savage attacks but I cannot but be of the public opinion: that is, that there is a dire need for priests here and something must be done to obtain them”.308 His pleas for assistance were unsuccessful and he left to travel to Sydney, where he later became the chaplain of St Vincent’s Hospital.309

3.3 Religious Anarchy

The return of Sheil from Europe, on 2 February 1871, to his Adelaide diocese was not a welcoming one. Ill and weary from his lengthy travels, upon his arrival he received two lengthy petitions, written by priests within his diocese, from Reverend Charles Horan. The petitions not only requested the reform of the Sisters of St

308 As cited in, Girola, Stefano. ‘Missionary Priest Angelo Ambrosoli in 19th Century Australia’. L’Osservatore Romano, 11 March 2009, p. 13. 309 Cahill, Desmond. ‘Paradoxes and Predictions: Italians and Catholicism in Multicultural Australia’. Paper presented at the Italian Australia Institute, Park Hyatt Hotel, Melbourne, 26 May 2000.

82 Joseph, they also claimed that the Sisters were ignorant and illiterate. The petitions stated:

That at least three quarters of the actual members of the community are in fact incapable of teaching: that if the number of candidates admitted in future continues in the present formidable ratio, the Diocese will be quickly inundated with a multitude of uneducated and ignorant Sisters who will be an intolerable burden on priests and people while being of no use in the instruction of the Catholic youth of this colony.310

Undermined by the difficulties of the situation he was now facing and unwell, Sheil subsequently retired to his bed for three days. This retreat presented an opportunity for Horan to influence Sheil’s decisions and strike against Woods. Press states:

Previously [Sheil’s closest advisor] had been Father Woods, but during 1871 ... the closest person was his fellow Franciscan, Father Horan, who enlisted the support of many of the priests of the diocese in a vendetta against the Director of Education. ... with such an adviser, there was little likelihood that the bishop would take an objective view, even if his health had been unimpaired.

The return of MacKillop to Adelaide, at Easter 1871, presented the bishop with a final solution to the growing unrest. He called for Woods to explain the charges made against him, which he courteously provided to the bishop. Woods then requested that the bishop accept his resignation from his duties as Director of Education, thereby removing him from the financial liability associated with the diocesan funds. He also requested a transfer to a country parish, and Sheil agreed. Woods’s new appointment removed him as a member of the Cathedral staff and his new parish was St Laurence’s in North Adelaide. Unfortunately, he fell ill once again and returned to the country to recuperate. Woods’s health slowly improved, but, while travelling home to North Adelaide, adversity struck. Doherty, from his memoirs, states that “he met with an accident by being thrown out of his buggy; two of his ribs were broken”.311 The events that he had left in Adelaide prior to his illness did not diminish during his recuperation in the countryside. Moreover, he was not in a robust state to fight against those who sought to remove him from South Australia. Doherty affirmed:

He had never possessed a strong constitution and latterly he had been much enfeebled. He used to assent to everything that was asked of him and allowed

310 Priests’ Petition to Sheil on his return from Europe, February 1871. Archives of Propaganda Fide, Rome. 311 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p. 99.

83 himself to be led like a child. ... Father fell a victim without difficulty for he trusted everybody and gave everyone credit for honesty of purpose.312

The visit to Adelaide by Bishop Matthew Quinn in July 1871 became an important milestone towards the considerable changes that the Institute underwent during the coming years. Quinn met with Woods and requested that he visit Bathurst to perform some missions and retreats for the clergy and the Sisters of Mercy.313 He also asked Woods to send the Sisters of St Joseph to his diocese to serve the country towns and mining settlements. Woods relished this opportunity and considered it an opportunity to regain his original purpose as a missionary priest and leave behind the traumatic events of the past few years. He was convinced by then that Sheil and his retinue of advisors did not hold him in high regard. Encouraged by Sheil to recuperate fully before he returned to his pastoral duties Woods left Adelaide on 1 August 1871. Those he left behind considered his departure as one of flight, although he, perhaps, could see that great troubles lay ahead for the Institute and himself, with a far-reaching impact on those of his friends who remained. Woods’s journey to Melbourne coincided with the opening of St Patricks Cathedral in Ballarat, where he assisted, having received an invitation to attend by Bishop Matthew Quinn during his visit to Adelaide. Leaving Melbourne, Woods travelled on to Sydney, arriving on 12 August 1871, where he spent much of his time visiting the Marist Fathers.314 Further travels in August found him in Bathurst and Dubbo, where he received a telegram advising him of the disbandment of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph in Adelaide. Distressed, and at a loss to understand the blame now being apportioned upon him, he immediately returned to Sydney where Archbishop Polding encouraged him to remain silent upon the matter, and to remain with him until a clearer understanding of the situation emerged.315 Woods agreed, however, he sent letters to Sheil and to the Sisters reaffirming his unwavering support.316

312 Ibid, p. 100. 313 A retreat is regarded by the Catholic Church as a series of days passed in solitude and consecrated to practices of asceticism, in particular to prayer and penance. 314 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 121. 315 Ibid, p. 125. 316 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p.102

84 3.4 The Excommunication of Mary MacKillop

Even before MacKillop had returned to Penola, she had become aware of the growing unrest throughout the Catholic community and clergy within the South Australian diocese. Travelling from Brisbane, upon her arrival in Melbourne she appeared shocked to hear the stories circulating regarding her Institute in Adelaide. Gardiner states, “as she passed through Victoria she heard startling stories about visions and other extraordinary happenings in Adelaide”.317 However, by now she was aware of the growing scandals in South Australia as Woods and the other Sisters had kept her informed of the growing turmoil. Bishop Goold refused permission for MacKillop to visit him and he directed that, whilst in Melbourne, she desist from begging, except from those persons that she regarded as friends. Reaching Penola, the reality of the unfolding situation concerned her, as she learned that the sisters were now subject to ridicule and derision. Consequently, in April 1871, she returned to Adelaide.318

Sheil’s health continued to decline and he became increasingly more dependent upon Horan for advice and assistance with pastoral matters. Regardless of the unfolding situation, Sheil continued to treat the Sisters politely and he visited them at their convent in Franklin Street. The sisters with whom he met on 1 September were invalids under care and he misjudged them, instead, as being Sisters of Joseph, regarding them as being idle and lazy while seeking to find fault with the current occupants of the convent. His displeasure with the administration, teaching and operation of the Institute had, by then, become more apparent. He volubly declared that the Rule required some necessary changes that required governance. Sheil became increasingly disturbed and angry by the accounts that had continued unabated. Outstanding debts and unqualified teachers amongst the sisters also dismayed him. As Foale acknowledges:

As bishop of the diocese, Sheil was the sisters’ ecclesiastical superior. He had an added claim to jurisdiction over them because their Institute had been founded in his diocese and owed its continuing existence to his approval and

317 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, the authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, p. 99. 318 Ibid, p. 79.

85 patronage. He had the right to make necessary change to its rules and, if circumstances appeared to warrant it, the power to disband the sisters.319

Those sisters who defied his decisions were instructed to depart from the Institute immediately. This situation worsened within a few days when MacKillop sent a firm letter to the bishop declaring her distress and dismay, and asserting her intention to leave the order if Sheil considered further changes to the Rule. MacKillop wrote to Sheil,

I cannot in conscience see the Rule altered and still remain a Sister. ... If then in any way it may please Him that you should alter the Rule then, my Lord, I feel that I must take the alternative you offered, and leave the Institute, until it may please God to give me in some other place what my soul desires.320

MacKillop’s letter angered Sheil, as he now considered her attitude headstrong and unworthy of her position within the order. Horan and the other priests continued the examination of the convent with the intention of finding fault and creating disharmony within the order. Mary attempted to contact the bishop to resolve her concerns. On 20 September 1871, MacKillop requested an interview with the bishop, ostensibly to inform him about the new foundation sought by Bishop Matthew Quinn in Bathurst, having received a telegram from Woods confirming this request. Horan refused her appeal to consult with the bishop without enlightening Sheil of her purpose. Her attempts to obtain a copy of the changes also met with his refusal. She sought further information regarding the proposed changes to the Rule and requested that they wait until the return of Woods, but Horan was greatly incensed with these requests. As Foale confirms, “Horan retorted indignantly that Sheil, not Woods, was the bishop”.321 MacKillop, by now upset and distraught by the curt responses directed to her by Horan, reluctantly acquiesced with his directive to visit the convent at Bagot’s Gap the next day. Horan had reached the pinnacle of his subversive and sinister plan by ordering MacKillop to visit the school at Bagot’s Gap, 50 miles from Adelaide, and not John’s, as supposed by the bishop. Horan had, thus, successfully engineered her removal from Adelaide, while he continued his meddling with the Institute’s administration and organisation. The removal of

319 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 91. 320 Mary MacKillop, letter to Bishop Sheil, 10 September 1871. 321 Foale, Marie Therese. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph: their foundation and early history, 1866-1893’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1987, p. 206.

86 MacKillop provided him with an opportunity to finally gain control of the Institute and punish the Sisters of StJoseph for their part in the dismissal of his friend, Father Ambrose Patrick Keating, due to their allegations of his being responsible for the sexual abuse of children in 1870. On 22 September 1871, MacKillop returned to the convent and, at a late hour, received a visit from Horan when he pronounced that, due to her rebellious conduct, Sheil had excommunicated her. This circumstance, apparently, was due to her refusal to visit St John’s instead of Bagot’s Gap; a situation that Horan, by omission and his own deceit, had constructed to instigate the downfall of Mary and the Institute. The situation was generated by Horan alone. At eight o’clock on the morning of 22 September 1871, Sheil accompanied by Horan and four other priests, visited the Cathedral Hall School to inform Sister Monica of the changes to the Rule, which he refused to provide upon her request. Sheil and Horan then continued on to the convent, requesting that MacKillop attend immediately. On her entrance, Sheil commanded her attention by not offering her a blessing. Horan’s plans had reached a divisive conclusion. As Modystack confirms:

he [Sheil] ordered Mary to kneel before him and said, on account of her disobedience and rebellion, he had to pronounce on her the awful sentence of excommunication. ... You are now Mary MacKillop, free to return to the world, a large portion of the wickedness of which you have, I fear, brought with you into this Institute.322

MacKillop later revealed to Woods her sense of shock at the revelation of the deceit purported by Horan and, finally, her shocked acceptance regarding the moment of excommunication. As MacKillop wrote to Woods:

I simply felt like one in a dream all the time. An awful scene, one that I can never forget, followed. When I was ordered to leave the Church, my poor Sisters followed, and some, particularly Sister Paula, seemed bereft of all reason. She shrieked like a mad being, and oh dear, I hope I shall never hear the like again. ... It was hard, very hard to put on a secular dress.323

MacKillop accepted her order to leave the convent and sought refuge with James Woods, brother of Julian. She hoped that her stay would be a temporary one until she was able to arrange alternative accommodation, as she was now required to live within the community clandestinely. Her failure to do so was cognisant upon Sheil’s conditions, as the bishop had warned her that anyone that associated with her

322 Modystack, William. Mary MacKillop: A woman before her time. Rigby, Dee Why West, NSW, 1982, p. 67. 323 Mary MacKillop, letter to J.E. Tenison Woods, 26 September 1871.

87 was also liable to excommunication. Finding support with James Woods and his family was a great relief to her and she valued the kindness shown. MacKillop wrote to Woods,

Your poor brother is so good to us and takes such a beautiful view of our being in his house. He has faithfully promised me not to write one word against Bishops or priests as long as we are under his roof.324

Mary’s mother, Flora, sought an explanation from Sheil for his actions and punishment towards her daughter. Flora MacKillop wrote to Sheil:

The Telegrams that have issued from time to time in the papers caused me and other friends great pain and anxiety. We would not give credence to their correctness, being under the impression that only notorious sinners would be so dealt with. ... I deem it my duty as a Catholic to beg of your Lordship to let me know her real crime.325

Her letter, however, did not sway Sheil’s stance on MacKillop’s situation. Emmanuel Solomon, an Adelaide Jew, provided the 20 former Sisters of St Joseph with accommodation. His generous offer allowed them to stay at his house in Flinders Street on a rent-free basis, whereby they all moved into the property, with Teresa McDonald now acting as their superior. Their former occupations had now disappeared. Forbidden to teach, they sought work where they could and remained silent on the events that had preceded this move.326

3.5 The Death of Bishop Sheil

Towards the end of December, Sheil travelled to Willunga, a small township 29 miles from Adelaide, to recuperate from his long and persistent illness. During this sojourn, he was deeply reflective and, within 10 days, sent for Mary MacKillop. The prospects for the future of MacKillop and the Institute suddenly became both promising and secure. Unfortunately, Shiel’s health continued to suffer and he died from septicaemia, contracted from an infected carbuncle, on 1 March 1872. His body was taken to the Cathedral of St Francis Xavier. As Thorpe states, “Mourning was manifest everywhere. The pillars, the sedilia, the organ loft, the chancel

324 Ibid. 325 Flora MacKillop, letter to Bishop Sheil, 29 September 1871. 326 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 97.

88 windows, the Episcopal throne and the pulpit, all were draped in black”.327 Throughout the night, the Sisters of St Joseph remained present and prayed for the loss of their bishop, with mourners filing in and out of the Cathedral with genuine regret. For the Sisters of St Joseph, their many prayers received answers. O'Loughlin confirms, “the dread sentence of Excommunication under which [Mary] languished was solemnly removed, and the Sisters reinstated to their former positions. ... On the feast of St Joseph, 1873, the Sisters again resumed their holy Habit”.328

Shortly before his death, Sheil appointed a new administrator to the Adelaide diocese, Christopher Augustine Reynolds, who became embroiled in further religious upheaval due to two opposing teams vying for power and control. They consisted of those who supported Horan versus the other priests, who by then supported Reynolds, and were perceived as an anti-Horan party. Reynolds and his supporters had closely monitored the behaviour of the sisters prior to their reinstatement and considered them innocent of the charges. Horan, angry and resentful of his diminished power, disputed his current position and that of the new administrator, and delivered enraged sermons from the pulpit directed at all. As reported by the South Australian Advertiser:

There have been some disagreements among the clergy, one of whom, the Rev. G. Horan, has been forbidden to preach by Father Reynolds, on account of two orations from the altar, principally directed against the Irish Harp, a Catholic newspaper.329

Although away from Adelaide during Horan’s latest angry outburst, on his return, Reynolds swiftly suspended Horan and another priest, James Nowlan, who departed for Sydney. Reynolds sought assistance from Polding, who refused to become involved in his decision.330 The Bishop of Bathurst, Matthew Quinn, and the Bishop of Hobart, Daniel Murphy, were present at the Apostolic Commission in

327 Thorpe, Osmund. Mary McKillop: The life of Mother Mary of the Cross, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. 2nd ed. Burns and Oates, London, 1957, p. 121. 328 O'Loughlin, Mary Chanel Sister. Life of Mother Mary, foundress of the Sisterhood of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. Boys' Industrial Home, Westmead, New South Wales, 1916, p. 73. 329 South Australian Advertiser, 28 March 1872. 330 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 136.

89 Adelaide on 30 May 1873 and accepted evidence upon the state of affairs that had developed. Its findings attributed blame to Horan. As stated in its submission:

To Father Charles Horan one can therefore attribute the dispersion of the Sisters of St. Joseph. The Sisters were indeed not without fault, but not such as to justify the very harsh treatment imposed on them. The motive, then, for the antipathy Father Horan conceived for the Sisters of St. Joseph and which enabled him to influence the mind of the Bishop so much against them was that it was they (together with their director, Woods) who had discovered the serious misdemeanours of another Irish Franciscan called Keating.331

Priests, Horan, Nowlan and Keating despised Woods as he had reported their inappropriate behaviour to Father Byrne. These priests sought every opportunity within their grasp to ridicule and deride Woods, and their hatred towards him remained undiminished. Horan was guilty of ignoring Nowlan’s and Keatings immoral conduct as he himself was known to consort with women in his own home. Nowlan however, chose to direct his licensious and drunken behaviour towards the Sisters of St Joseph and many other women in the parish of Kapunda. Keating, had violated the sanctity of the confessional by his indecent abuse of children within the Confessional. This had been reported by the Sisters of St Joseph at Kapunda to Woods who had reported the inappropriate and immoral behaviour of these men first to Father Byrne and then Father Tappeiner. In his submission to the Apostolic Commision on 11 June 1873, Tappeiner confirmed Woods’s initial report on the immoral and inappropriate behaviour of priests, Horan, Nowland and Keating.332

Woods returned to Adelaide in June to attend the Commission. Finally and, publically those present chose to allocate blame to him for the accumulation of debts. Those present favoured MacKillop’s testimony over that presented by Woods, and, dejected, he departed from Adelaide shortly after. The Commission encouraged MacKillop to visit Rome as soon as possible, advising her to travel alone, in lay attire, and use the persona of a widow named Mrs. McDonald.333 Reynolds also

331 Submission for decision by Propaganda Fide, Rome, on the disturbances in Adelaide and the choice of a new Bishop. Adelaide, April 1873. 332 Evidence of Fr. Joseph Tappeiner S.J. Archives of Propaganda Fide, Rome: SOCG 1873 Vol. 1000, 1405- 1413v. 11 June 1872. 333 Thorpe, Osmund. Mary McKillop: The life of Mother Mary of the Cross, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. 2nd ed. Burns and Oates, London, 1957.

90 received warm support from the Commission leading to his consecration as Bishop of Adelaide on 2 November 1873.334

334 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 140.

91 CHAPTER 4

4.1 Woods’s Missionary Life Begins and a New Foundation is Formed

On the evening of 1 August 1872, Woods commenced his overland journey to New South Wales to begin his missions at the invitation of the Archbishop of Sydney and the Bishops of Bathurst and Maitland.335 The township of Bathurst, that Woods journeyed towards, was the site of Australia’s first inland settlement, located on the central tablelands of New South Wales, 129 miles from Sydney. Visiting the area in 1815, New South Wales Governor, Lachlan Macquarie, recognised the importance and potential of the district, as it was the starting point of most of the exploration that opened up the west and southwest of the country. This area, Macquarie affirmed, was “very capable of yielding all the necessaries of life”.336 He inaugurated the township of Bathurst on 7 May 1815.

The settlers sought a place for religious devotion. Barker states, “In August 1833, when allotments in Bathurst were first sold, the district had Anglican and Presbyterian congregations but no Church building”.337 The construction of the Anglican Church of the Holy Trinity, Kelso, commenced in February 1834, with assistance from the colonial government and additional donations acquired locally. On 23 April 1835, the church was completed. This was the first church built inland in Australia. The Sydney Gazette reported, “Rev. Samuel Marsden, senior, Chaplain of the Colony, and officiating for the Archdeacon, performed the solemn duty of consecrating the newly erected Church to public worship, on Easter Sunday, in [the] presence of a very numerous and respectable congregation”.338 Bishop William Grant Broughton was impressed with the favourable reception he received in Bathurst. He stated:

At eleven o'clock we went to the church, which I consecrated, with the churchyard: and as the news of my arrival quickly spread there was a very good

335 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p.106. 336 State Records NSW: Colonial Secretary; NRS 1046, Copies of Government and General Orders and Notices 1810-1819 [SZ759, pp. 100-114]. 337 Barker, Theo. A History of Bathurst: The early settlement to 1862, Volume I. Crawford House Press, Bathurst, New South Wales, 1992, p. 139. 338 Sydney Gazette, 23 April 1835.

92 congregation who were, I understand, much pleased and impressed with the ceremony which none of them had ever before witnessed.339

The Anglican parish of Bathurst achieved formal status in 1842. Other churches were established, with the Presbyterian church of St Stephens in Bathurst being built in 1835 and the Wesleyan Methodist chapel in 1837.340 The Catholic Church, since 1839, had been serviced by Father Michael O’Reilly, who claimed a flock of 300 parishioners, but desired a more practical and permanent place of worship. Barker states, “a permanent building had been commenced at the corner of Keppel and George Streets. This was St Michael’s Church”.341 Within two years, 300 parishioners had donated £2,000, creating ample funds for the growing Catholic population. On either side of the tower, two large, Gothic windows were installed, with each composed of mitred lead in the shape of diamonds342. Many Catholics provided financial assistance for the completion of the church, irrespective of their financial circumstances. As the Sydney Chronicle reported:

Many of the poorer people even now give double and some treble the amount of those who are in much better circumstances. Let this hint suffice, and stir up yourselves. Catholics of Bathurst, give a long pull, and a strong pull, and then a pull altogether, then your church will soon be completed.343

All religious denominations, however, shared a common goal; to provide a system of education for the children of Bathurst and the surrounding areas. The Anglican Church school opened in 1833 at Kelso, with an enrolment of 14 boys and nine girls, under the care of schoolmaster H. Fleming. Presbyterian children were also catered for and, in 1838, Thomas Ewing taught students at the Bathurst Presbyterian school while his brother, Robert, instructed the students of the Kelso school. The school at Kelso closed at the end of the year and, in 1839, only the Bathurst school remained, with Robert Ewing in charge and enrolments recording 40 boys and 10 girls attending.344 A Wesleyan Methodist denominational school,

339 Whitington, Frederick Taylor. William Grant Broughton, bishop of Australia: With some account of the earliest Australian clergy. Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1936, pp. 115-116. 340 Bathurst Historical Society. A Short History of Bathurst, Volume I. 4th ed. Western Advocate, Bathurst, New South Wales, 1977. 341 Barker, Theo. A History of Bathurst: The early settlement to 1862, Volume I. Crawford House Press, Bathurst, New South Wales, 1992, p. 156. 342 Sydney Chronicle, 18 July 1846. 343 Ibid. 344 SR NSW: Returns of the Colony, Blue Books, 1828-1854 [4/6288-89].

93 established in 1848, attracted up to 19 boys and 25 girls.345 During the week, the school served as a day school for children, and on the Sabbath, it became a Sunday school. The Catholic school of St Michael’s was opened in 1849, with enrolments of 27 boys and 22 girls.346 Catholic schools were in a poor state of repair, despite 49 Catholic schools in New South Wales in 1852 receiving £2,666 from the government through the Denominational Schools Board. Anglican schools received £4,364, the Presbyterians, £851, and the Wesleyans, £469, over the year. As disclosed in the Sydney Morning Herald:

Upon the whole the Board have much reason to be satisfied with the state of the schools of the denominational system, and have only to regret that in many cases the country school houses are much dilapidated, which, however, from the limited sum at the disposal of each denomination cannot be helped.347

Bathurst quickly became a region of colonial expansion and progress, further prompted by the discovery of payable gold accredited to Edward Hammond Hargreaves on 7 April 1851. The colonial government granted “Hargreaves a reward of £10,000 and appointed him as the Commissioner of Crown Lands for the goldfields”.348 Bathurst and its surrounds underwent an astounding transformation due to the discovery of gold. The Sydney Morning Herald announced, with much enthusiasm, that at Bathurst, “a perfect mania has seized upon all classes of the community. Everybody, and everything, are completely out of their usual order”.349

Archbishop Polding visited Bathurst in September 1851. He officiated at the Roman Catholic Church of St Michael’s and, later, visited the goldfields at Sofala. A parishioner presented an Episcopal Cross manufactured from Bathurst gold to the Archbishop. The Bathurst Free Press reported, “The chain and the cross weigh 13 ozs, 8 dwts. It is inlaid with colonial rubies, agates, pearls and bordered with filigree; ... the whole being the work of a young man, a native of the colony”.350

From all stations of life, people swept into the township on their way to diggings to seek their fortune. While many of the newly arrived prospectors worked

345 Ibid. 346 Ibid. 347 Sydney Morning Herald, 14 June 1853. 348 Sydney Morning Herald, 7 May, 1851. 349 Sydney Morning Herald, 23 May 1851. 350 Bathurst Free Press, 2 October 1851.

94 diligently, numerous others “were spending their time in drinking and riot”.351 This situation of drunken debauchery slowly declined as the miners returned to their previous occupations, while many settled and found new employment within the Bathurst district. Charles Green, the Gold Commissioner of the Western District, reported his findings on the shape of the goldfields in August 1855. He stated:

Gold digging has thus become a more settled occupation in this district, and the residents on the gold fields pay more attention to their comfort now, than they formerly did. The population generally is well behaved and orderly, whilst the license fee is collected with but little difficulty and the amount of crime is wonderfully small.352

Following his arrival in Bathurst in 1853, Catholic priest, Dean Grant, exhibited a religious zeal that spread throughout the Catholic community. He held a meeting in August 1857at St Michael’s Church in Bathurst to garner support and encourage co-operation between the Catholics of Sydney and the University of Sydney for the erection and foundation of St. John’s College. Freeman’s Journal, reported, that:

Dean Grant from the chair, said they had assembled to deliberate on one of the most glorious movements that had been instituted since the Colonies had been discovered. ... Dean then explained that the Government had offered 18 acres of very valuable land, and £20,000 for the erection of a College, as well as £500 per annum for the Rector.353

The meeting was a success, with the attendees contributing £1,400 and Grant donating £200 towards the establishment of St. John’s College in Sydney.354 The generosity of the Bathurst Catholic community inspired Grant to initiate the construction of a Cathedral in Bathurst. The Bathurst Times and Mining Journal advertised the announcement of the annual collection in aid of the Catholic Cathedral Building Fund on 26 September 1858.355 The meeting was well attended by people from not only the Bathurst area, but also the surrounding districts. As the Bathurst Times and Mining Journal stated, “The people seemed all to be animated with laudable ambition towards the erection of a new Cathedral. The handsome sum of

351 Sydney Morning Herald, 24 December 1851. 352 Empire, 14 August 1855. 353 Freeman’s Journal, 5 September 1857. 354 Ibid. 355 Bathurst Times and Mining Journal, 26 September 1858.

95 £600 was paid down in solid cash upon the table”.356 In January 1859, Grant had come closer to attaining his personal quest, the construction of the Cathedral had cost, at this stage, £12,000, although an additional sum of £4,000 was still required for completing the spire, the chancel and internal fittings. To achieve funds for this final stage, Grant implemented the ‘penny-a-week’ system of parishioner contributions.357

Grant was also responsible for the formation of the Young Men’s Catholic Society in Bathurst, with the first meeting held in January 1859.358 The founding of this Society was not based upon the need to welcome young men into a structured and religious society; its purpose was to stem the flow of liberal thought and actions. As Hogan confirms:

The common enemy of all the churches was the spirit of rationalism, which went with the prevailing ideology of progress. A reliance on science, proclaimed in ways, which challenged traditional doctrines about the Bible, was joined with the dominant liberalism of economic and social theory to produce a ruling ideology, which seemed to push the churches into a corner reserved for the gullible and the unthinking.359

The Catholic hierarchy feared that their parishioners had become non- compliant with the teachings of the church, due to prevailing liberal forces. These concerns related to the relative paucity of priests throughout the colony, falling levels of church attendance and the government intervention in Catholic education, through limiting the teachings of the church within the curriculum. Catholic clergy responded to these concerns by providing a structured, religious environment that encouraged the development of pious and respectable Catholic citizens. Having lost touch with the burgeoning working class, the church’s response was to provide a society that supported and maintained religious controls. The clerics intended, to “evangelise the mobile working population on the goldfields and the pastoral stations”.360

356 Ibid. 357 Freeman’s Journal, 15 January 1859. 358 Freeman’s Journal, 29 January 1859. 359 Hogan, Michael Charles. The Sectarian Strand: Religion in Australian history. Penguin Books, Ringwood, Victoria, 1987, p. 96. 360 Ibid.

96 The growth and expansion of the Catholic Church in the Bathurst region was assisted by the appointment of additional Catholic bishops in New South Wales, including Matthew Quinn and his cousin, James Murray, in Maitland. Matthew Quinn, younger brother of James, was born in 1821. He entered Propaganda College in Rome in 1837 and, on completion of his studies in 1839 at the Pontifical College, graduated with a doctorate of sacred theology in September 1845. Seeking a mission to satisfy his religious endeavours, he travelled to Hyderabad in India in July 1847, however, poor health prevailed and he returned to Dublin in 1853. On his return, he provided a constant flow of Irish immigrants for his brother, James, in Queensland. His efforts in facilitating Irish relocation to the colony of Queensland received recognition. As noted in Freeman’s Journal:

Matthew Quinn is no ordinary man. On first introduction to (him) you feel yourself in the presence of a plain, genial, kind-hearted man and nothing more. Gradually, higher qualities develop themselves; only when you see the works he has performed you realise the true character of the man.361

Quinn’s other pursuits included his appointment to the position, previously held by his brother, James, of Vice President and finally President of St Laurence O’Toole’s Seminary. His personal ambitions were finally realised on 14 November 1865, when elected as Bishop of Bathurst. He was consecrated as the Bishop of Bathurst in the diocese of New South Wales on the same day as his cousin, James Murray’s consecration as Bishop of Maitland. Matthew Quinn, aged 45, arrived in Sydney in October 1866 and seized control of his new See of Bathurst on 1 November 1866.362

Shortly before Quinn’s arrival in Sydney, the Public Schools Bill had generated fiery debate upon its second public reading. Supporters advocated the premise that, if State education became free and open to all, the light of education, toleration, civilisation and morality would soon to shine from every house. The Empire reported:

Ragged urchins would disappear from our streets – juvenile vagrancy and crime would be unknown – a more intellectual tone would be given to society and the

361 Freeman’s Journal, 13 September 1873. 362 Moran, Patrick Francis. History of the Catholic Church in Australasia: From authentic sources. Oceanic Publishing, Sydney, [n.d].

97 working man be enabled those great blessings which nature and art affords, instead of seeking amusement in the excitement of dissipation and riot.363

Government authorities supported the view that the provision of an equitable system of education to the young of the colony ensured the eradication of criminal tendencies. Similar commentary was also prevalent in Canada West, during in the years 1836 to 1850, with the establishment of public elementary schooling. Canadian educational reformer, Edgerton Ryerson, supported this view.364 Schooling, he believed, was a means of social control, and required the inclusion of three processes that included physical, moral and intellectual development. Curtis confirms:

Intellectual education was necessary both as a source of pleasure for the individual, and because mature individual will was essentially rational. But without sound moral training, intelligence would be engaged in activities dangerous for the state, religion, and social order.365

On the day that Quinn and his party arrived in Sydney, the Catholic people of the city were overjoyed and even the very heavy rain, which fell on the Monday, the day of their disembarkation, did not prevent a large crowd from gathering to welcome him. He arrived with Bishop Murray, nine priests and 16 Sisters of Mercy. The Sydney Morning Herald reported,

Quinn’s large and formidable greeting at the Quay became a procession, somewhat curtailed because of the weather, initially formed at the quay and the distinguished arrivals led with great ceremony to the Cathedral where a Te Deum 366 was sung in thanksgiving for their safe arrival and speeches of welcome delivered.367

After the welcoming ceremony, during the social and religious events that followed, Quinn became an unwilling participant in the debates about education in Australia. Sweeney acknowledges, “he carefully and tactfully refrained from any statements, which might jeopardise his standing with the authorities, and

363 Empire, 11 October 1866. 364 Curtis, Bruce. Building the Educational State: Canada West, 1836-1871. Falmer Press, Barcombe, England, 1988. 365 Ibid., pp. 26-27. 366 Te Deum is an abbreviated version of an original hymn entitled, Te Deum Laudamus, ‘Thee, O God, we praise’ translated from the original Latin text into a hymn of rhythmical prose used by monks from 502. A.D. It is in frequent use as a celebratory and thanksgiving hymn to God or representatives, such as clergy. 367 Sydney Morning Herald, 23 October 1866.

98 unnecessarily antagonise them. Yet his intense patriotism and zeal for religion made him very sympathetic to the views expressed”.368

Not all in the colony were impressed with the familial or cultural connections that the new bishops possessed. Archbishop Polding, especially, feared the ‘pollution’ that the Irish clerics would bring to Australia. Polding detailed his concerns to a friend in Rome, Bishop Thomas Joseph Brown, also a Benedictine cleric. He stated:

I believe Australia is indebted to Dr Quinn of Brisbane for the nomination of his brother and his cousin Dr Murray to the finest sections of New South Wales erected into Sees of Bathurst and Maitland. Too much ‘Quinnine’ for my taste. Same as ever you will say, and not without cause. However as priests must be appointed to the other Sees, and I am here, I suppose I shall be consulted and possibly may prevent that intensely Irish party from having all things their own way.369

Quinn was a clever and manipulative man, who knew instinctively how to coax a favourable mention of his presence. He was always mindful of his public comments and those directed towards his superiors. He was proud of his ability to make judgements based upon his own perception of righteous behaviour. One of Quinn’s first acts, on his arrival in Bathurst, was to vacate his own house, The Deanery, in favour of the Sisters of Mercy.370 He also delegated to the Sisters, the Roman Catholic Certified Denominational School at Bathurst. Within two months, he converted four rooms of the boys’ school into rooms for a high school for girls and a low school for girls that received the new name of Saint Mary’s Girls’ School.371 As MacGinley states, “Boarding, for example, became more a function of distance than social class, especially as fees became more realistic for a predominantly average middle class society which wanted a good functionally adequate further education for its daughters”.372 The rapidity of Quinn’s plans grew and his intentions remained clear. He believed that Catholic children required Catholic schooling that encouraged a devout and pious relationship with the church.

368 Sweeney, Brian, J. ‘Bishop Matthew Quinn and the Development of Catholic Education in New South Wales, 1865 – 1885’. M.Arts thesis, University of Sydney, 1968, p. 30. 369 John Bede Polding, Sydney, letter to Bishop Thomas Joseph Brown, 20 January 1866. 370 Freeman’s Journal, 19 January 1867. 371 Ibid. 372 MacGinley, Rosa. ‘Irish Women Religious and their Convent High Schools in Nineteenth Century Australia’. The Australasian Catholic Record, Jan 2010, Vol. 87, No. 1, p. 16.

99 This ensured their future respectability and, thus, improved their position within the community. The Freeman’s Journal reported that he “believed that education should develop future leaders”.373

Quinn, due to increasing demands placed upon his pursuit of new schools, realised that he required an additional, religious teaching order to travel to the outer regions of his diocese, as he needed to enlarge the opportunities for Catholic children by increasing the presence of religious laity. Crowley affirms that,

[Quinn] also needed teachers. The Sisters of Mercy were established in Bathurst but the children of the gold diggers and those living in the western region of the diocese were without teaching sisters. Nor were any of the existing religious orders likely to be willing to endure the isolation and hardship involved in living and teaching in such areas.374

During a visit to Adelaide in June 1871, Quinn visited the convents and schools of the Sisters of St Joseph. Impressed with their teaching skills, he extended an invitation to Woods to commence a new foundation in his diocese, and for Woods to visit him and conduct retreats for the clerics and priests of his diocese. Woods arrived in Bathurst in August 1871 and immediately commenced his missionary work with zeal. Freeman’s Journal reported:

On Sunday [August 27] a general retreat for the people of Bathurst and the neighbourhood commenced, and concluded on Sunday last. It was conducted by the Very Rev. Father Woods. ... The Cathedral was crowded, three times daily, with persons of all callings and ages and I may say add denominations eager to listen to the holy teachings that fell from the eloquent lips of the preacher.375

Woods journeyed with Quinn on to Sydney to present a lecture on Education, having been selected by Polding to explain the Catholic Education system then currently achieving success in South Australia. The Freeman’s Journal responded, full of praise for Woods’s knowledge of and insight into the establishment of a viable system of education. The Journal concluded, “we, too, have entered the Slough of Despond from which our more fortunate neighbours have just emerged. We, too,

373 Freeman’s Journal, 26 August 1867. 374 Crowley, Marie. Women of the Vale: Perthville Josephites 1872 – 1972. Spectrum Publications, Richmond, Victoria, 2002, p. 10. 375 Freeman’s Journal, 9 September 1871.

100 have to contend against the insidious if not open hostility of the administration of National Education”.376

Quinn realised that his plans to initiate a wider scheme of Catholic education required immediate action, as the establishment of further religious orders in his diocese was necessary to provide the type of system best suited to the needs of his parishioners. Quinn had been involved in the Apostolic Commission in Adelaide, as a co–commissioner, to investigate the Adelaide Church in 1872. During this investigation, he had formulated his plans for the Sisters of St Joseph to open a foundation in his Bathurst diocese. Their acceptance and subsequent arrival, on16 July 1872, ensured that Quinn’s plans took shape. He had also extended an invitation to Woods to visit the Bathurst diocese. As McNamara states, “it was Dr. Quinn who induced him to leave the diocese of Adelaide, where he was not wanted, and to labour with him in giving missions to the people and retreats to the Nuns of the diocese of Bathurst”.377

The newly arrived Sisters of St Joseph included Sisters Teresa McDonald, Superior, Hyacinth, Joseph, and Ada Brahan, a former Jewish convert, later to become Sister M. Aloysius. Early the next morning, the sisters opened their first school at the Vale Road, Perthville, with 24 children. The partially completed building that the sisters used as a convent was the sacristy, which also served as the church, school, community room and kitchen. The slab construction of the building allowed cold air to penetrate inside. Snow became a blessing as it stopped the wind from howling through the building. Freeman’s Journal stated that, “the newly opened convent of the Sisters of St. Joseph in the Vale, differs somewhat in its scope and aim from the ordinary establishments of a conventional nature”.378 The building that the sisters occupied was of a temporary nature until their new convent was constructed. As Crowley acknowledges,

it was to serve as their convent for the next four months. A denominational school had already been functioning in the church at The Vale. Within a week

376 Freeman’s Journal, 11 October 1871. 377 McNamara, M. ‘Father J.E.T. Woods and the Bathurst Foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph’. The Australasian Catholic Record, Jan 1930, Vol. VII, No. 1, p. 26. 378 Freeman’s Journal, 16 November 1872.

101 the sisters had taken charge of the school and were busy teaching. Soon they began to visit the sick and the aged and parents of their pupils.379

Quinn’s rapid provision of suitable schooling for the children of his parishioners gained recognition. The Freeman's Journal commended his actions:

Practically conversant as he has been with educational institutions in the old country, unqualified success must result from the care and forethought he has evinced in organising these mid-links as it were between primary and advanced education of the highest order.380

Quinn believed that additional schools were required in his diocese. The sisters agreed, opening the Sofala Catholic School 28 miles north of Bathurst in 1872. When visited by the School Inspector on 25 September 1872, the enrolments totalled 37 pupils, which consisted of 16 boys and 21 girls. The Inspector was pleased with the standard of discipline in the school. Singing was, however, omitted from their curriculum, he complained, adding that the current lesson records did not meet the standards set by the Board. He also stated that the teachers lacked enthusiasm and the abilities of the pupils ranged from tolerable to fair.381

At the request of the Archbishop, Woods returned to Bathurst and Maitland from Sydney, in September 1872, to present spiritual retreats for the local clerics. Bishop Murray’s health had declined and he had journeyed to Europe to recuperate. Woods’s tireless missionary work continued throughout the two dioceses. As Doherty states:

He used to preach three times every day besides giving an instruction in the afternoon to the children and he heard all the confessions himself unless in a very large population. In the intervals between Church duties he was generally occupied in writing letters to the great number of Sisters of St. Joseph scattered over the various colonies.382

Bishop Quinn considered that the presence of the Sisters of Mercy and the establishment of the Sisters of St Joseph within the diocese would ensure that Catholic Education would flourish and encourage Catholic children to become useful and highly regarded members of the community. At the prize-giving ceremony held

379 Crowley, Marie. ‘The Contribution of Women Religious in Rural Australia’. The Australasian Catholic Record, Jan 2010, Vol. 87, No. 1, p. 22. 380 Freeman’s Journal, 18 January 1867. 381 New South Wales. Report of the Council of Education upon the condition of the public schools and of the certified denominational schools for 1873, p. 14. 382 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p. 109.

102 at the Vale school in late 1872, he commented upon the growth of Catholic teaching by the sisters. He acknowledged that:

by means of the Sisters of St. Joseph he would establish such schools as they saw there that day in the most remote and scattered districts and by means of the Sisters of Mercy he would have schools in all the large centres of population.383

On the feast day of Epiphany in January 1873, Woods departed for Queensland, as Quinn sought his clerical assistance. He remained there for the next 12 months. His health had declined, but he could continue his missionary work.

Enrolments at the Sofala school had increased to 53 pupils by 1874.384 The members of the new foundation also increased, with the entry of seven postulants, by Christmas 1873, led by Sister Teresa MacDonald. Sisters Hyacinth Quinlan and Joseph Dwyer remained at the Vale Road school in Perthville. In February 1873, another group of sisters arrived from Adelaide, consisting of Philomena Galvin, Joseph Mary Fitzgerald and a novice, Helena Myles. Catholics in the township of Wattle Flat, 21 miles north of Bathurst, collectively sought the appointment of the sisters to teach their children. By March 1873, they arrived in Wattle Flat, impressed with the enrolment of 80 children, but distressed to find that the small population was very poor, living in huts of sub-standard construction.385

On 28 March 1873, Mary MacKillop left Australia for Rome. Bishop Reynolds and Father Tappeiner encouraged her to seek approval for the Rules of the Institute from the Holy See.386 They had contemplated sending Father Woods, but, in consideration of the urgency of the sisters’ insecurity over the absence of Papal approval for their Rules, decided that Mary should go instead.387 No consultation between MacKillop and Woods took place, nor did she advise him of her departure, and it was only upon her arrival in Rome that he was informed that she had left. This failure in communication can be attributed to Woods being on a missionary tour of

383 Freeman’s Journal, December 1872. 384 New South Wales. Report of the Council of Education upon the condition of the public schools and of the certified denominational schools for 1874, p. 163. 385 Burford, Kathleen E. Unfurrowed Fields: A Josephite Story, NSW, 1872-1972. St. Joseph’s Convent, North Sydney, NSW, 1991, p. 14-15. 386 Woods, J.E.T and MacKillop, M. Directory or Order of Discipline for the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Book of Instructions for the Use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, 1870. 387 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989, p. 127.

103 Queensland and not able to be contacted, due to the lengthy delays in postal services.388

Gardiner relates that Woods was told of MacKillop’s journey to Rome and was instructed by Bishop Reynolds to return to Adelaide before her departure to discuss the necessity of Papal Approbation for the Rule of the Sisters of St Joseph. Should he be delayed he was to send a telegram advising of his date of arrival.389 Woods refuted these claims. In his memoirs, he explained that he had advised MacKillop to visit Rome earlier that year to seek support for the Institute, and that he had invited her to meet with him to discuss the approach he recommended. He learnt of her visit to Rome after her departure and did not receive a letter to explain her actions. From this moment, their correspondence ceased.390 MacKillop’s visit was a success as she gained Papal attention and consideration for the Rules and Constitutions of the Sisters of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Her actions displeased James Quinn, as he considered himself more worthy of their attention. Moreover, their lack of concern for his own authority heightened his growing anger over MacKillop’s actions.

The diocese of Bathurst concerned Matthew Quinn. The unruly behaviour of children, wandering the streets of German Hill, 49 miles northeast of Bathurst, especially worried him. They did not present the image of Catholic respectability that he had hoped to promote in his efforts to educate the Catholic poor. The sisters arrived in the township in June 1874 to establish a school. The Freeman’s Journal reported:

During the week the Sisters of St. Joseph went to German Hill to supply a need caused by the NSW Council of Education withdrawing its aid from the Catholic denominational school teacher, Miss O’Meara. They occupy a small slab hut through which weather in every form finds its way. But these heroic ladies are in no way daunted.391

388 Ibid, p. 128. 389 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, the authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, p. 121-122. 390 Doherty, Carmel Mary. J E Tenison Woods: His recorded years, Book I. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Wollongong, New South Wales, 1996, p. 211. 391 Freeman’s Journal, 20 June 1874.

104 In August 1874, the sisters, accompanied by Sister Teresa MacDonald, established another school at Trunkey Creek. Located in the rugged Abercrombie region, 34 miles south of Perthville, it had been referred to as a ‘tent town’ of 1,300 people and 17 hotels in 1870.392 As the gold rush diminished, the population dwindled and so did the enrolments at the new school. The sisters’ stay in Trunkey Creek was a temporary one.

The school at German Hill also faced closure for another reason. It was mistakenly built above a water reserve on Crown land. The sisters refused to leave and established themselves inside a stable, using it as a classroom despite government opposition. A sister of the order, Sister Borromeo McMahon, believed that there was a more sinister purpose behind their eviction from the school in Wattle Flat and that the responsibility lay with Henry Parkes, who was not in favour of the sisters.393

Woods’s own life had reached a crossroads, as he was no longer required by Quinn to supervise the new order of diocesan Josephites. On 2 January 1873, he left Sydney to spend a year travelling throughout Queensland, performing his missionary work with his customary zeal. He had contemplated visiting the Northern Territory, but the absence of a Catholic population and his own indeterminate ill health prevented him. Also under consideration was a visit to New Zealand, but, instead, he chose to travel to Tasmania to continue his religious and academic pursuits.394 His welcome in Tasmania provided him with a sense of satisfaction. On 15 June 1874 in Hobart, he presented a rousing sermon to a very large congregation at the dedication of St Joseph’s Church. As the Hobart Town Mercury reported, “the Rev. Julian Tenison Woods delivered a most impressive and eloquent discourse on the Sacred Heart of Jesus, explaining that the object of the ceremony was to dedicate the diocese to the special care of the Saviour”.395

392 Burford, Kathleen E. Unfurrowed Fields: A Josephite Story, NSW,1872-1972. St. Joseph’s Convent, North Sydney, NSW, 1991, p. 16. 393 Crowley, Marie. ‘German Hill’. Paper presented at German Hill (Lidster), Orange Parish Pilgrimage to commemorate the Centenary of the death of Blessed Mary MacKillop, 15 August 2009, p. 1. 394 Julian Edmund Tenison Woods, Memoirs. Archives of the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Fortitude Valley, Queensland, 1887-1889. 395 Hobart Town Mercury, 15 June 1874.

105 In the Bathurst diocese, Sister Teresa MacDonald’s health diminished and she returned to the Vale by coach on 9 January 1876. Her health deteriorated further and she died on 13 January 1876. Sister Joseph had assumed the role of protector that Sister Teresa had held. Her actions, however, did not shield her from the influence of Matthew Quinn, who sought control over the sisters within his diocese and desired to change the Constitution of the Institute.396 Quinn was unfamiliar with those who did not conform to his idea of cloistered nuns. His brother, Bishop James Quinn of Brisbane, and his cousin, Bishop James Murray of Maitland, united with him in his opposition to the current Rule of the sisters. However, the sisters possessed a centralised authority structure. This created difficulties due to their varying locations, as the Mother House was located within a diocese not connected to their own. They also feared further financial burdens as the sisters were completely dependent upon the diocese for their employment, housing and support.397 Quinn had been raised and educated in an hierarchal and structured environment under Catholic Church control, and his resentment against them grew. As Zimmerman states:

There is little doubt that they [the Sisters of St. Joseph] and Woods were very much instruments in Quinn’s plan to establish his own education system. To this end he sought to deflect Mary from her stand on central government and to gain control of the sisterhood. ... Quinn believed that as a bishop he needed to be a strong figure, able to unite-his people by giving uniformity to their religious and moral beliefs and practices.398

Quinn proceeded to outline his objections with the existing central governance of the order and the power MacKillop held as General Superior. He argued that she restricted the inclusion of music within the existing curriculum and that all Catholics deserved to be taught conventional social skills.399 MacKillop, however, had remained committed to this exclusion since the formation of the teaching order. Her view was that students and their families were unable to afford this unnecessary luxury, as, during their lives, few would achieve a higher social status and that such fripperies were, therefore, redundant. Her reasoning for this omission also included

396 Woods, J.E.T and MacKillop, M. Directory or Order of Discipline for the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Book of Instructions for the Use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, 1870. 397 Foale, Marie Therese. The Josephite story: The Sisters of St. Joseph: Their foundation and early history 1866-1893. St. Josephs Generalate, Sydney, 1989. 398 Zimmerman, Beverley. ‘A new order: Bishops Matthew Quinn and James Murray and the Diocesan Sisters of St. Joseph 1876 and 1883’. The Australasian Catholic Record, April 1991, Vol. 68, No. 2, pp. 183-184. 399 Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 25 July 1874.

106 the sisters themselves, as the playing of music in the church encouraged them to put aside their egalitarian spirit and seek personal gratification for their accomplishments.

On 7 and 12 September 1874, MacKillop and Quinn met at the Sisters of Mercy Convent in Baggot Street in Dublin to discuss and resolve their continued disagreements regarding the acceptance of the Constitutions. Nevertheless, both remained unconvinced and unwilling to compromise over the changes undergoing examination in Rome. Quinn’s plans to achieve a balanced and desirable system of education within his diocese required a curriculum that encouraged all levels of social development and respectability. He planned to create a new generation of Catholics who received a balanced education that enabled them to be honest and hardworking community leaders within the Catholic Church in the colonies. His attempts to thwart the acceptance of the Rule by the Holy See during MacKillop’s absence failed. With the support of Father Tappeiner, then spiritual Director of the Institute, and Bishop Reynolds of Adelaide, MacKillop’s journey to Rome had achieved papal approbation with central governance approval despite Quinn’s appeals to have it rejected. Quinn and Murray also resented that the location of the Mother House for the Institute remained in Adelaide, viewing this location as a means of providing Bishop Reynolds with increased power over their own dioceses.400

In January 1875, MacKillop returned to Australia accompanied by 15 new postulants from Ireland, unaware of the turbulent events soon to unfold within the diocese of Bathurst. Arriving in Sydney, she was met by Father George Francis Dillon, with the news that her former friend and spiritual advisor, Woods, had created a new foundation of nuns there, who were devoted to spiritual reflection. In 1872, Woods, with the aid of Father Ambrosoli, who was now active in the Sydney diocese, had established the new order consisting of three women as novices. They included Anne Lafferty, Ellen Connolly and Mary Libskin. These women without a Superior, travelled to Brisbane in 1874, forming the nucleus of the Sisters of

400 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, the authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, pp. 218-219. Mary MacKillop, letter to Sr Josephine McMullen, Brisbane, January 1877, p. 106.

107 Perpetual Adoration.401 Although poverty hampered them during their years in Sydney, Woods attempted to support them. Their needlework also assisted them financially. MacKillop was shocked at the news of this new order and her response was dismissive. She stated that “poor Father Director is deluded in some things”.402 From this moment, MacKillop only addressed her former ally as Father Woods; their ties of friendship had broken down.

Matthew Quinn had also been travelling overseas during Mary’s spiritual and educational mission. He visited Rome and Ireland seeking further religious persons to volunteer for his Australian mission, returning to Bathurst in 1875. Regardless of MacKillop’s pleas to her congregation to remain united and committed to the authority of the Rule, then officially sanctioned by Rome, the sisters in the Bathurst diocese remained under the control of the bishop. Matthew Quinn’s long awaited and carefully calculated plans reached fruition on Christmas Eve in 1875. He acted with great haste, gathering the sisters together and announcing the immediate formation of a diocesan order of the Sisters of St Joseph at Perthville, under his direct supervision and control. Quinn’s anger increased, becoming further incensed when discovering that MacKillop had visited the sisters in his diocese, travelling alone and at night by public coach, and encouraging them to renewing their vows under the new Rule, and especially without his permission to do so.403

Woods was in Tasmania and Quinn girded for battle, communicating with Rome to vent his anger. He argued, “I for one protest against it in the strongest terms as a scandal to my people, to my priests and to my nuns. I use this strong language, not because I am in the slightest degree excited, but it is better to tell the truth frankly”.404

The bishop, incapable of patience and not prepared to conciliate further, commenced his plan to remove the authority of MacKillop from the Josephites within his See. The lack of consultation by Rome, incited his venom further. He

401 Boland, Thomas P. Quiet Women. Refulgence Publishers, Deception Bay, Queensland, 1974. 402 As cited in O’Neill, George. Life of Mother Mary of the Cross (McKillop), 1842-1909: Foundress of the Australian Sisters of St. Joseph. Pellegrini, Sydney, 1931, p. 223. 403 Crowley, Marie. Women of the Vale: Perthville Josephites 1872 – 1972. Spectrum Publications, Richmond, Victoria, 2002, p. 62. 404 Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 28 January 1876.

108 wrote, “how the Propaganda could have allowed the essential portion of the Rule of a Community in my diocese without consulting me is a thing I cannot understand and this too at the bidding of a woman who never spent one hour in religious training”.405

The situation had now reached an impasse, with MacKillop withdrawing her nuns from the diocese, as they, too, had been unable to accept the command of Quinn to join a diocesan order. Although Quinn did offer all of the sisters the choice of returning to the Adelaide Institute, only two sisters from 16 remained, Sister Hyacinth Quinlan and Sister M. Evangelist Duggan.406 It was a period of great sadness and anxiety for all of the sisters. As de Sales Tobin described:

We cannot help admiring the straightforward manner in which His Lordship acted towards the sisters. ... at all times and on all occasions. Even when they gave him their decision, which was quite opposed to his views, he showed no anger, no roughness of manner, as many others under like circumstances might have done; more especially as he foresaw what a drawback the withdrawal of the sisters from his diocese would be.407

The bishop not only sought to create an equitable system of Catholic education to challenge the State-provided schools, he needed to retain the remaining Sisters of St Joseph, especially Hyacinth, who had the most religious training. As Brady states, “she had been appointed to train the nine postulants from Ireland during Teresa’s illness”.408 The General Council in Adelaide, however, requested her immediate return to the Mother House, but the bishop impelled her to stay, although Hyacinth had accepted the new Constitution and had renewed her vows.409 In her letter to MacKillop on 24 January 1876, she had offered her continued allegiance to MacKillop and the Institute. Hyacinth confirmed that she “would never waver”.410 She was not able, however, to adhere to her pledge, as shortly afterwards she made a

405 Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 18 April 1876. 406 Bridget Quinlan, later to take the name of Sister Hyacinth was born in Clare, South Australia. She accepted the name of Sister Hyacinth when she joined the Institute of St. Joseph in Adelaide in 1868 at the age of 16 and lived in the Grote Street Convent with Mary MacKillop and received her religious formation from Mary and Father Woods. She remained throughout the disruption and turbulence of the troubles in Adelaide and was a major influence during the development of the early years of the Diocesan order in Perthville, New Zealand and as a later addition to the Tasmanian foundation. 407 de Sales Tobin , S.M. ‘History of the Bathurst Foundation’. Manuscript, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Adelaide, 1883, pp. 15-16. 408 Brady, Josephine Margaret. ‘Sisters of St. Joseph: the Tasmanian experience: the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Tasmania 1887-1937’. Ph.D. thesis, Australian Catholic University, Victoria, 2004, p. 36. 409 Constitutions of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, Adelaide, 1875. 410 Hyacinth Quinlan, letter to Mary MacKillop, Vale Road, Perthville, 24 January 1876. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, North Sydney.

109 new commitment to the diocesan order formed by Bishop Matthew Quinn and advised MacKillop of her decision. She stated:

My dear Mother Mary, I wish to acquaint you that I have entirely placed myself under the authority and care of the Bishop of Bathurst. I have taken this step for the greater glory of God and the salvation of my own soul. Begging a share in your pious prayers, I am my dear Mother Mary, Your affectionate sister in J.C. Mary Hyacinth.411

Hyacinth stayed, perhaps coerced by Quinn to change her mind and remain under his control, facing not only danger to her immortal soul, but to the souls of the new novices as well.412 Undoubtedly, Hyacinth was now placed in an untenable position and her decision to remain in Perthville was not an easy one. The threat of her immediate relocation for retraining with the Sisters of Mercy at Bathurst was also part of her personal deliberation in making this momentous decision to stay and join the diocesan order and not to return to the familiar confines of the Adelaide convent. Now 24 years of age, Hyacinth became the Sister Guardian of the Diocesan Sisters of St Joseph and she wore the black habit of her new order.413

Following the separation of the order, Woods returned to Bathurst from Tasmania, where he had undertaken his missionary work from January 1874 until November 1876. He later met with MacKillop in Penola for their final meeting. This was not considered by either as successful, as both parties left bereft, disappointed in the stance held by each other during the years that had passed. Later, MacKillop apportioned greater culpability towards Woods and his actions during his years as Director of Education and his support of the Adelaide visionaries for the rift.414

Woods accepted Quinn’s invitation to assist with the restructuring of the Perthville order into a diocesan one, in order to revise the Rule and preach missions within the diocese. Woods’s religious influence had diminished dramatically. He understood that he was to have no further authority with the sisters in Adelaide, as

411 Hyacinth Quinlan, letter to Mary MacKillop, Vale Road, Perthville, 30 January 1876. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, North Sydney. 412 Zimmerman, Beverley. The Making of a Diocese: Maitland, its bishop, priests and people 1866-1909. Melbourne University Press, Carlton South, Victoria, 2000, p. 173. 413 Strevens, Diane. In Step with Time: A history of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2001, p. 22. 414 Gardiner, Paul. An Extraordinary Australian: Mary MacKillop, the authorised biography. E.J. Dwyer, Newtown, New South Wales, 1994, pp. 218-219. Mary MacKillop, letter to Sr Josephine McMullen, Brisbane, January 1877.

110 instructed by Bishop Reynolds, but he continued to correspond with them. Press confirms that “he felt an abiding sense of rejection by his religious superiors, and the fact that many of the Sisters of St. Joseph were still writing to him and giving him their confidence only partly assuaged the hurt”.415 The spiritual role that Quinn presented to Woods at this time increased his sense of purpose and belonging, realising now that he had been cast adrift from all that he had achieved in his former diocese of Adelaide.

MacKillop also faced her own period of adjustment, as she discovered, unhappily, that in July 1877, Woods had been corresponding with the Sisters of the Solitude of Mary in Adelaide. Even though they did not belong to the Sisters of St Joseph, two sisters from the Solitude were corresponding back to Woods. They refused to obey MacKillop despite their supervision by the Josephites and MacKillop’s insistence that they abandon their penitential life.416 Woods then experienced a sense of freedom, able to choose his own missions and, by undertaking Quinn’s requests, achieve recognition for his spiritual input, not just his academic accomplishments.

The bishop, having achieved his aim of diocesan control, sought to amend and include his own suggestions for the development of the new order, which he required to be framed in strictly canonical terms. It differed from MacKillop’s new Rule pertaining to authority and poverty and it recognised the importance and significant role of the bishop. It recognised that the bishop was the sole authority of the Institute and was responsible for all areas of convent life, including their finances and religious observances. Also included was the recommendation that “the Sisters shall not take wine, spirits or any other intoxicating drink. No general dispensation can be allowed on this Rule”.417

Quinn’s desire to establish further schools remained undiminished and, by January 1878, Dr. Byrne provided a detailed report concerning Catholic Education in the diocese of Bathurst. He stated:

415 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 176. 416 Mary MacKillop, letter to Sr Josephine McMullen, Brisbane, 31 July 1877. 417 Woods, J.E.T. Rules of the Institute of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph, Bathurst, 1878.

111 The scattered state of the rural Catholic population, the unsettled nature of mining districts, the limited means, not to say poverty of by far the greatest portion of the Catholic inhabitants, together with the almost total absence of aid from the State, all combine to check the progress of Catholic Education in the Diocese.418

On 2 July 1878, Woods completed the changes for the Institute and provided an additional Explanation of the Rules, as he considered that the wording of the Rule itself was cold and unfeeling.419 He also included in the Rules the opportunity to teach music, but “only in circumstances of necessity in keeping with the objects of the Institute”.420 The addition of music tuition within the curriculum was welcomed, as the fees that this generated enabled many communities within the order to flourish. The boarding of students within their schools became commonplace rather than rare. The syllabus and the timetable were identical to the original ones designed for the first school in Penola. All of the subjects remained the same, with similar content from the first class to the fifth.

Woods accepted that his authority was substantially less than he had held in Adelaide. Tranter states, “he continued to believe in God’s Providence at work in all things, and contributed to the work of his Church wherever and however he could. His presence at Perthville matched the flexibility of Sr Hyacinth”.421 Quinn’s pursuit to provide an equitable system of Catholic Education met with further success due to the influence of Woods. As the new community of sisters of St Joseph grew, so did the number of schools that were established, as well as the attendance. By 1879, the Bathurst Diocesan Record reported, “that there were thirty-three schools in the Bathurst diocese with a total enrolment of 2,276 children”.422

The Sisters of St Joseph were not to remain in isolation within the Bathurst diocese, as Woods soon received a request from Father Charles Kirk, a parish priest in Wanganui in the North Island of New Zealand. Woods offered his approval to send a foundation and, on 14 April 1880, four diocesan sisters, personally selected by

418 Bathurst Diocesan Record, 1 January 1878. 419 Woods, J.E.T. Rules of the Institute of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph, Bathurst, 1878. Woods, J.E.T. Explanation of the Rules of the Institute of St. Joseph for the Catholic Education of Poor Children, Sydney, 1877. 420 Rules of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph, Bathurst, 1878, p. 24. 421 Tranter, Janice. ‘Foundations, the forces at work in the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, 1883-1913’. M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 1988, p. 152. 422 Bathurst Diocesan Record, 1 November 1879.

112 Woods, departed on the Wakatu for Wellington in New Zealand. Woods bid them a fond farewell, after having accompanied them to the docks for their departure. Those that commenced their new mission included Sister M. Hyacinth Quinlan, Sister M. Clare Rubie, Sister M. Joseph Kinsella and Sister M. Teresa Schmidt.423

Quinn was not content simply to accept that he had attained success with his mission to provide an equitable system of Catholic Education throughout his diocese. In July 1880, he organised a conference in Bathurst to implement the establishment of a programme to meet the present and future educational requirements of the diocese. All priests were summoned to attend and his proposals considered the result of long and careful planning, utilising his years of experience. He suggested that there were three areas of utmost importance. They included, “training schools to provide good teachers, a thorough inspection of these teachers’ work and the means to maintain both”.424 The conference was a great success, with the clergy pledging to cooperate, an appeal to the laity to ensure support for training facilities for both male and female teachers, and the establishment of a diocesan Board of Education with a competent system of inspection. By 1880, Bishop Quinn’s plans had reached a satisfactory conclusion. As Sweeney concludes:

His greatest achievement was that he had rallied his fellow suffragan Bishops into a team. They spoke with one voice and this unity had given thrust and purpose to their pronouncements, vigour and incisiveness to their actions, and already showed signs of moulding clergy and laity into a determined and enlightened body.425

The work of the remaining Sisters of St Joseph continued, regardless of Quinn’s educational achievements, but the sisters were adrift from their original religious order and a separation divided the original Josephites, who supported Central Rule, and those who had chosen diocesan control. Nevertheless, Woods continued to support them during the establishment of their new order and schools. A period of growth and stability lay ahead for the remaining sisters. Their methods of teaching had benefitted and they became more diverse through the expansion of their order and, most particularly, through coming under diocesan control. In

423 Strevens, Diane. In Step with Time: A history of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2001, p. 26. 424 Bathurst Times, 21 July 1880. 425 Sweeney, Brian, J. ‘Bishop Matthew Quinn and the Development of Catholic Education in New South Wales, 1865 – 1885’. M.Arts thesis, University of Sydney, 1968, p. 97.

113 September 1880, the Bathurst Diocesan Record commented that “five more schools had been taken over or opened by the Sisters of St. Joseph, and four by the Sisters of Mercy”.426 Their objective of providing education for the poor children of the diocese remained constant and the respectability of the Catholic children of the diocese grew.

4.2 Bishop James Murray and Development of the Maitland Diocese and Schools

The rich agricultural land and high content of alluvial minerals found adjacent to the Hunter River in New South Wales was the inspiration for continued settlement throughout Maitland, located 103 miles north of Sydney and 22 miles northwest of Newcastle. The area consisted of three villages at a considerable distance from each other, Morpeth, Maitland and Wallis’ Plains. Governor Macquarie permitted limited permanent settlement in the area by well-conducted convicts, awarding them tracts of land suitable for farming. The main area of settlement, West Maitland, originally named Wallis Plains located at the central navigation point of the river, was opened up for settlement by 1822. The first chaplain for the region was the Reverend George Augustus Middleton and he remained the sole resident, Anglican pastor in the lower Hunter Valley from mid 1821 to mid 1827. Roach states that “Middleton was an independent character who reluctantly ceded to authority, and this trait brought him into conflict with Governor Darling and the Archdeacon [Scott]”.427 These spats led to his censure by the Evangelical movement of the church through savage attacks on him in the Sydney Gazette in 1826.428 Brian Roach comments that, “More than anything, he is remembered for his absenteeism, an unjust charge which has long overshadowed his contribution to the development of the church in the Hunter Valley”.429 With the revocation of the Charter of the School and Church Funds Corporation, and public discontent regarding the distribution of public funds for schooling escalating, Richard Bourke took action to resolve the growing unrest. Bourke, on 30 September 1833, clarified the current situation. He wrote:

426 Bathurst Diocesan Record, 1 September 1880. 427 Roach, Brian. ‘George Augustus Middleton – A Prodigal Priest? M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 2003, p. 15. 428 Sydney Gazette, 26 August 1826. 429 Roach, Brian. ‘George Augustus Middleton – A Prodigal Priest? M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 2003, p. 63.

114 The sum of £400 ... has been appropriated by the [New South Wales Legislative] Council, to be paid in the next year in aid of a similar sum to be raised by private subscriptions, for erecting Roman Catholic Chapels at Maitland and Campbelltown. A Chapel was begun at the latter place as well as at Parramatta some years ago, but neither have been completed from want of funds.430

This news benefitted the Maitland area, as the first church built north of Sydney was St Joseph’s Catholic Church, East Maitland. It took considerable time to be completed. In 1835, Father Watkins held mass in a building that possessed a roof of sorts and had an earthen floor.431 The National Board established a school at East Maitland in 1848 and another at Morpeth in 1863. The area of Maitland contained a large population of Catholics. With the arrival of newly appointed Catholic bishop, James Murray, in 1866, a new era commenced with his desire to create his own system of education for his diocese. Murray, born in County Wicklow in 1818, was a grandnephew of Daniel Murray, Archbishop of Dublin. He studied philosophy and theology at Propaganda College in Rome. Murray honed his diplomatic skills in his previous position as secretary to Paul Cullen, Archbishop of Dublin. On his arrival in Maitland, Murray became greatly concerned that the children of the upper classes were not receiving a Catholic education, instead receiving tuition by Protestants. He believed that their attendance might lead to their conversion and renouncing of their faith. Rising to the challenge before him, he sought the services of the Dominican Sisters from Ireland. They were an old, established, Irish order, founded in Galway in 1643 under the jurisdiction of the Irish Dominican Provincial. In 1717, a community of these nuns went to Dublin.432 Difficult years followed; the sisters were forced to suppress their true beliefs, beneath a uniform of secular dress, to thwart the Penal Laws enforced by English authorities towards Catholic beliefs and education.433 The nuns, however, chose to ignore the laws and continually flouted them. The Act created by the Penal Laws, stated that:

no person of the popish religion shall publicly teach school or instruct youth, or in private houses teach youth, except only the children of the master or mistress

430 Governor Bourke to Lord Stanley, 30 September 1833, Historical Records of Australia, 1st Series, XVII, pp. 224-233. 431 Campbell, Harold. The Diocese of Maitland, 1866-1966. Catholic Church, Diocese of Maitland, New South Wales, 1966. 432 MacGinley, Mary Rosa. A Dynamic of Hope: Institutes of Women Religious in Australia. 2nd ed. Crossing Press, Sydney, 2002, p. 141. 433 Laws in Ireland for the suppression of Popery, commonly known as the Penal Laws.

115 of the private house, upon pain of twenty pounds, and prison for three months for every such offence.434

Mrs. Bellow, known within the order as Sister Mary, ran the school that the nuns established and the nuns disguised themselves as seamstresses, taking in boarders to conceal their true objective of educating the young. Their work continued and, in 1819, with borrowed funds, they purchased a property in Great Cabragh to continue their educational ethos, which they achieved with great success. In 1829, the Penal Laws were withdrawn and Catholic Emancipation was granted. Thus, the sisters no longer had to suppress their true vocations. Ireland was in desperate need of schools and spiritual guidance. In 1847, the sisters, led by Mother Mary Aloysius Purcell, opened their school, St Mary’s in Kingstown,435 in the Port of Dublin, as a boarding school for young ladies. Harriet Daly had purchased this property for them as a Dominican convent. The Cabra Annals stated that “she was concerned in this famine year for the poverty-stricken children of this seafront area”.436 In the following year, a school was established for the poor. Within 20 years, the sisters’ numbers had risen to 44. They had enrolled 867 poor children, 56 boarders and, within their day school, 36 pupils.437 The unwavering convictions that they held towards providing a sustainable and Catholic philosophy of education soon led them further than the shores of Ireland. As Hellwig states:

These Dominican women had ‘Truth’ as their motto; a truth that meant not the cold defence of dogma, but living with eyes wide open to the reality of their world. ... It was from within this tradition that they began to see new needs: for mass education and especially for women. ... for evangelisation in different countries.438

In 1867, Bishop James Murray also considered the challenge of providing new schools and a Catholic ideology for his parishioners in his new diocese of Maitland. Prior to his departure from Ireland, he had visited the sisters at their convent and

434 Penal Laws, An Act to Restrain foreign Education, 7 Will III c.4, 1695, Section 9. 435 The harbour town of Kingstown, prior to 1821 was known as Dunleary. The name was changed to Kingstown in honour of King George IV's visit that year. In 1920, the town was renamed Dun Laoghaire in the Gaelic form. 436 Annals of the Dominican Convent of St. Mary’s, Cabra, Ireland, p. 114. Dominican Archives, Strathfield, New South Wales. 437 Irish Catholic Directory, 1860-1880, Dublin. Also published under Sadlier’s Catholic Almanac. D and J Sadlier and Company, New York, 1859-1896. 438 Hellwig, Elizabeth. Up she gets for up she must: An account of a journey from Kingstown, Ireland to Maitland, Australia in 1867 during the Age of Sail. Dominican Sisters of Eastern Australia and the Solomon Islands, Strathfield, New South Wales, 2001, p. 12.

116 requested that they consider joining him in the Australian colonies. They agreed. In 1866, he wrote to them and requested that they join him in Maitland. He wrote, “First, then I must tell you that you are wanted very badly here. The children of the upper classes are being educated by Protestants or are not going to any school, and you must come out and put an end to this business”.439 He added:

it is of the matter of great importance that a Convent should be established at once to give a good Catholic education to all classes of the rising generation of Maitland. The people are quiet and docile, and I have no doubt that my view will carry the day by nice arrangement.440

Murray also assured the sisters that, despite the former owner of their proposed convent in Maitland being a parson, he planned to arrange a Mass in order to banish any evil spirits that might be lurking within.441 Murray advised the Rev. Mother Anne Columba Maher, the Prioress, that the selection of the travellers was of vital importance to the successful outcome of his plan to provide an effective system of education in his diocese. He wrote, “there is much talk here about education and especially about secular education which we would call in Ireland Godless education and there is a general dislike for this shadow or phantom of education which is a mere sham”.442 The bishop’s plan required different levels of abilities from the sisters, who he regarded as highly educated. He also requested a first-class musician to instruct his new students. In his first Pastoral Letter to the clergy and laity in December 1866, the bishop declared:

No greater evil can be introduced into any country than a bad system of education, which perverts the minds and corrupts the heart of the youth of the country and gives full scope to infidelity and indifferentism. ... It is our duty to pray that God in his mercy may avert such evils from us, and inspire our rulers with wise councils in securing for the people of this colony a system of education based on religion and carried out under its powerful saving influence.443

With the departure of the Good Shepherd Sisters from his diocese at the end of 1866, Murray prepared for the arrival of lay teaching staff at the existing certified

439 Bishop James Murray, East Maitland, New South Wales, letter to Mother Prioress, M.M. Ursula Maher, St. Mary’s Convent, Kingstown, 20 November 1866. Catholic Diocesan Archives, Newcastle West, New South Wales. 440 Ibid. 441 Ibid. 442 Bishop James Murray, East Maitland, New South Wales, letter to Mother Prioress, M.M. Ursula Maher, St. Mary’s Convent, Kingstown, 21 November 1866. Catholic Diocesan Archives, Newcastle West, New South Wales. 443 Rt. Rev. Dr. Murray, Pastoral Letter, Maitland, 1 December 1866, p. 14.

117 denominational school. The 1866 Public Schools Act stipulated that the Council of Education appoint teachers employed in these schools to be suitably qualified. Murray’s concerns were realistic; he feared that his choices would not receive fair consideration. The Act confirmed:

In all such certified denominational schools unless application be made from the authorized heads of the denomination to the contrary teachers of the same religious denomination as that to which such schools shall belong respectively shall be appointed and such teachers shall be subject to such examination and approval as may be prescribed for the teachers in public schools.444

His concerns grew, detailed in his correspondence to his friend, Father O’Rourke, in Ireland. He concluded, that:

I have set my heart on having magnificent schools in Maitland in order to give prestige to Catholic Education in this district, and I am persuaded the Sisters of St Mary’s will carry out my aims to the fullest extent. ... The Government has passed a most iniquitous law re education which renders it godless, but in the large towns where we can have a good attendance of children, our schools will not be affected by the new law.445

The bishop gained approval for the appointment of interim Catholic lay teachers, the Misses Healy, to teach at St John’s Denominational School.446 Final preparations now complete, the Dominican sisters departed on 8 June 1867 from Gravesend in England on the wooden sailing ship the Martha Birnie. Father William Stone and Father Joseph O’Carroll accompanied the sisters at the request of Bishop Murray.447

On 10 September 1867, Murray’s cousins, Prioress Mother Agnes Bourke and her own sister, Subprioress Letitia Bourke, arrived in Maitland accompanied by four choir nuns and two lay sisters from Kingstown in Dublin. Although relatively young, all of the sisters had received an excellent education in their former homeland. They moved into the convent recently vacated by the Good Shepherd Sisters, who had taught in the denominational school and catered for the poorer

444 New South Wales Council of Education. An Act to make better provision for Public Education, 22 December 1866, XXII, 30 Vic, Act No. 22, p. 78. 445 Bishop James Murray, East Maitland, New South Wales, letter to Archdeacon O’Rourke, 19 January 1867, Ireland. Catholic Diocesan Archives, Newcastle West, New South Wales. 446 New South Wales Council of Education. Certificate of Registration, St. John’s Denominational School, West Maitland, June 1867. Dominican Archives, Strathfield, New South Wales. 447 The Martha Birnie Journal. Account of the Voyage of the Sisters from St. Mary’s Convent Kingstown on the Mission to Maitland (Australia) 1867. Dominican Archives, Strathfield, New South Wales.

118 classes.448 Their new day school, designated as the Convent of St Mary and St Laurence O’Toole, and catering for the upper class children of the region, opened within a few days.

The bishop continued with his own plans to establish a system of education that met the needs of all classes of Catholic children. In his Pastoral Letter on 8 December 1867, he encouraged his parishioners to make every effort and sacrifice to enrol their children in the Catholic schools, thereby deterring the Protestant proselytisers in the State schools. Murray asked for a “heart and soul unity in the great and arduous struggle in which we are now compelled to engage for the freedom of education”.449

The Catholic view of education was based upon the teachings of the Church and those of the Pope, Murray stated. He believed that the publication of the Syllabus of Errors had generated anti-Catholic feeling and had contributed towards the creation of the Public Schools Act of 1866. He argued, “if the Holy Father had not put out the Syllabus in 1864, one would fancy that he had before his eyes the Public Schools Act, or it was possible that the framers of the Act saw the Syllabus and based their legislation upon it”.450

Bishop Murray, however, accepted the teachings of the Church without reservation, with McGinn commenting, “His view coloured both his administration of the diocese and his general influence on Australian Catholicism”.451 The bishop received praise for the introduction of the Dominican sisters. The community recognised their emphasis on social grace and refinement and the success of the curriculum provided in this school received considerable praise. Attending pupils enjoyed the music and languages. As Freeman’s Journal confirmed:

On Monday, 14th inst. [1868], the pupils of the Dominican Convent, West Maitland, terminated their scholastic year by a musical entertainment given in

448 The Order of the Good Shepherd Sisters was founded in 1857 by Archbishop Polding, he changed their name to the Sisters of the Good Samaritan in 1867 and withdrew them from the diocese of Maitland. 449 Rt. Rev. Dr. Murray, Pastoral Letter, Maitland, 8 December 1867. Catholic Diocesan Archives, Newcastle West, New South Wales. 450 Moran, Patrick Francis. History of the Catholic Church in Australasia: From authentic sources. Oceanic Publishing, Sydney, 1895, p. 265. 451 McGinn, W.G. ‘Bishop Murray and the Pattern of Australian Catholicism’. The Journal of Religious History,1971, Vol. 6, Issue. 4, p. 348.

119 the presence of his lordship, the Rev. Dr Murray and several priests of the neighbouring districts. ... In the French conversation particularly, the children manifested a remarkable acquaintance with the language.452

As the sisters’ reputations for scholastic and cultural achievements grew, so did their enrolments, with many of the students being Protestants. As Zimmerman states:

the number of non-Catholic girls attending Dominican schools was partly due to the attractiveness of Dominican training. The Catholic Church answered a need among the wider community; in a new materialistic society and democratic age, it offered tradition, order beauty and spirituality, certainty and selflessness.453

Bishop Murray respected the Dominican nuns within his diocese and treated them with care and courtesy and, in return, they aided his programme of comprehensive educational provision. Zimmerman confirms that “Murray was especially concerned with the power and significance of religious women and their role in relation to piety, womanhood and family. These women were crucial to his plans and, in many ways, to his success as a bishop”.454 Murray, in praising the efforts of the sisters, alleviated the likelihood of their disagreement with his actions. Purcell argues, “It was easy enough for Murray to keep them submissive by playing on their fears of worldliness, and to keep them uninformed about the political clashes in which they were pawns, lest knowledge issue in independent action”.455

The support of the sisters was vital in Murray’s quest to provide a Catholic education for all classes of society, rich or poor. He was also astute by implementing a cost effective way to make the schools self sufficient, although State aid was still available during his early years in the diocese. As MacGinley relates, “At the time of his arrival, in his diocesan there were already 12 Catholic denominational schools receiving government aid”.456 The sisters conducted the Dominican boarding and day schools separately and, when visited by William Wilkins, secretary to the

452 Freeman’s Journal, 20 December 1868. 453 Zimmerman, Beverley. The Making of a Diocese: Maitland, its bishop, priests and people 1866-1909. Melbourne University Press, Carlton South, Victoria, 2000, p. 163. 454 Zimmerman, Beverley. ‘She Came From a Fine Catholic Family: religious sisterhoods of the Maitland Diocese, 1867-1909’. Australian Historical Studies, 2000, Vol. 115, p. 253. 455 Purcell, Maureen. ‘The Original Sin: Submission as Survival Women Religious in the Early Maitland Diocese’ in Sabine Willis (ed), Women Faith and Fetes: Essays in the History of Women and the Church in Australia. Dove Communications in association with the Australian Council of Churches (New South Wales), Commission on Status of Women, East Malvern, Victoria, 1977, p. 197. 456 Tranter, Janice. ‘Foundations, the forces at work in the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, 1883-1913’. M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 1988, p. 31.

120 Council of Education, he praised the additions made to the original St John’s school.457 Murray also realised that, in order for the Dominican sisters to teach the poor in schools, they would have to leave their cloistered convent and travel outside the safety of their seminary. This required changes to the rules of their congregation and had been considered by Murray prior to the sisters relocating from Ireland. He intended to provide an authentic Catholic education in his diocese by whatever means possible as, to him, children were the future of respectable Catholic society. Tranter states that, “he loved the ‘little ones’, but in the matter of education and also in that of marriage, he took a firm separatist line towards those not sharing the Catholic faith”.458 Murray also favoured the placement of teachers who had been educated by the Dominican Sisters within his schools. Freeman’ Journal noted:

We have heard no noise about these schools, yet our readers of the Hunter, and in the West, know of their existence ... In the convent at Maitland, young women of good character are at present being trained for the special object of taking charge of these pioneer schools.459

On 30 April 1872, the opening and dedication ceremony of the Dominican Church of St Mary and St Laurence O’Toole in Maitland, adjacent to the Dominican convent, took place. Murray was overseas, due to ill health, and had requested that his cousin, Matthew Quinn of Bathurst, oversee the ceremony. Archbishop Polding, assisted by Bishops Quinn of Bathurst, Lanigan of Goulburn and O’Mahoney of Armidale, performed the dedication. The occasional sermon, preached by Father Julian Tenison Woods, was eloquent.460

By 1883, Murray introduced a further two religious female teaching orders into his diocese; the Bridgidines from Mountrath in Ireland were invited to Coonamble and the Sisters of St Joseph from Bathurst, who he requested create a new foundation in Lochinvar, a small village west of Maitland. By this time, Woods had fallen foul of Bishop Matthew Quinn, who had arrived in Orange at the end of 1882. With his customary religious passion, Woods had delivered a sermon that displeased Quinn. Woods’s punishment was his immediate banishment from the region. Clearly, he

457 MacGinley, Mary Rosa. Ancient tradition, new world: Dominican sisters in Eastern Australia 1867-1958. St. Pauls Publications, Strathfield, New South Wales, 2009. 458 Tranter, Janice. ‘Foundations, the forces at work in the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, 1883-1913’. M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 1988, p. 64. 459 Freeman’s Journal, 15 August 1868. 460 Freemans Journal, 12 October 1872.

121 had served his purpose as a facilitator for the sisters. Press confirms that “he was persona non grata in the three country dioceses after this time”.461 This agreement between the Bishops of Bathurst, Maitland and Goulburn barred Woods access to the Sisters of St Joseph.462 This did not deter Woods. Brady asserts that “Woods’s contact with the Sisters of St. Joseph, therefore, was limited to correspondence”.463

By the end of 1882, the Government withdrew State-aid from the denominational schools. The Catholic bishops created new schools to educate all members of their dioceses, whether rich or poor with increased vigour. Four sisters from Perthville established the new foundation of Josephites at Lochinvar on 2 September 1883.464 The founding members included Ambrose Joseph Dirkin, Imelda Flood, Aloysius Cahill and Baptist Dugan. Each had a respectful relationship with Woods. Tranter states that:

the founding sisters of Lochinvar, therefore, never met Mary MacKillop, but were called to live as she did. ... they [were] a group of Josephite Sisters founded by Father Woods, separate from the continuing influence and guidance of Mary MacKillop.465

Their first year of enrolments included a first class of 23 children, a second class of 20 and a third class of 11 students. This total of 54 rose to 61 students by the following year, with the inclusion of a fourth class.466 Woods continued his clandestine correspondence with the sisters, and was a valuable source of support and guidance to them. In his letter to Sister Dirkin, written during his stay in Malaya, he advised her that, in order to overcome the obstacles in her way, she should place her trust in God and excuse the bishops for their unmerited treatment of him. He wrote, “I have had 17 years of opposition and persecution, so I am well used to it”.467

461 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, p. 193. 462 Crowley, Marie. Women of the Vale: Perthville Josephites 1872 – 1972. Spectrum Publications, Richmond, Victoria, 2002, p. 75. 463 Brady, Josephine Margaret. ‘Sisters of St. Joseph: the Tasmanian experience: the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Tasmania 1887-1937’. Ph.D. thesis, Australian Catholic University, Victoria, 2004, p. 83. 464 Express, 15 September 1883. 465 Tranter, Janice. ‘Foundations, the forces at work in the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, 1883-1913’. M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 1988, p. 151. 466 Diocesan School Inspector’s Reports, 1883 and 1884, Sisters of St. Joseph, Lochinvar. 467 Julian Tenison Woods, Thaiping Perak Straits Settlement, Malaya, Letter to Sister Ambrose Joseph Dirkin, 19 March 1884. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, New South Wales.

122 Woods’s health became severely undermined.468 He warned the Sisters at Lochinvar, whose numbers had now risen to 19, that, due to his poor health and failing eyesight, his letters might diminish and he advised them to retain their love of God and adherence to the Rule that he had written. He stated:

We have gone through many trials and difficulties, and many enemies have surrounded us, but what has it all meant except to show us the value of the Rule, and what would come of the destruction of its spirit or principles. You will be the weapons with which the Sacred Heart will defeat the pride and the infidelity of the world.469

468 Julian Tenison Woods, Villa Maria, Brisbane, letter to Sister Mary Joseph, Lochinvar, 7 November 1886. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, New South Wales. 469Julian Tenison Woods, Sydney, letter to the Sisters of St. Joseph, Lochinvar, 9 September 1887. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, New South Wales.

123 CHAPTER 5

5.1 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in the Colony of New Zealand

In 1839, the New Zealand Gazette and Wellington Spectator proudly claimed that, “the surface of the [North and South] islands are estimated to contain 95,000 square miles, or about 60,000,000 acres, being a territory nearly as large as Great Britain”.470 The promotion for settlers to establish themselves by obtaining their own land led to new opportunities for immigration and received a high level of unrestricted promotion by the New Zealand Company established in Britain. Burns, states:

The earliest New Zealand Company had been founded at a time when colonisation was in the minds of numerous people throughout Britain, when it was seen as the answer to so many problems. To the needs of the poor for employment and a decent standard of living, to the desire of the wealthy for promising investment and a smart new speculation – that it was natural for eyes to strain to focus on the distant island of New Zealand, so rich so ripe for colonisation.471

Unlike New South Wales, New Zealand was not populated with convicts. The Governors of New South Wales administered the free settlers whose immediate concerns, in the 1830s, included the fear of annexation by the French and of retaliation by Māori chiefs, rather than local autonomy. New South Wales governance continued until self-government was achieved with the enactment of the Constitution Act of 1852.472

In 1831, Edward Gibbon Wakefield devised a plan to recreate a perfect English society in South Australia. His previous prison record for forgery and deception had resulted in him and his brother, William, receiving a three-year term in Newgate prison, but this did not deter his sponsors, Charles Buller and Sir William Molesworth, from assisting him. Although his plans to colonise South Australia succeeded, his own influence diminished and he turned his attention towards New

470 New Zealand Gazette and Wellington Spectator, Volume I, 21 August 1839, Page 7. 471 Burns, Patricia., Henry Richardson (ed). Fatal Success: A history of the New Zealand Company. Auckland, New Zealand, Heinemann Reed, 1989, p. 18. 472 Government of New Zealand, Constitution Act 1852. An Act to Grant a Representative Constitution to the Colony of New Zealand, 30 June 1852.

124 Zealand by publishing pamphlets and books to garner public support.473 As Durrer relates,

Gibbon Wakefield and the Colonial Reformers, who comprised the New Zealand Company, actively pursued and eventually won a strong base of public support in Britain. Public opinion represented the cornerstone of the Company’s efforts, and toward that end the Company produced and distributed a substantial amount of literature about New Zealand for public consumption.474

The aims of the Company were not of an altruistic nature, but based upon a profit-making motive. The Company, however, did seek to reinforce social disparities. Campbell confirms that the Wakefield scheme of land purchase achieved, if it did not exactly aim at, the maintenance of class distinctions. The idea was to purchase land as cheaply as possible from the Maoris and then sell it at a higher price, from £1 to £3 an acre in the different settlements, so that the labourer should not be able to become a landowner himself without first working for many years for wages.475

The Company’s overriding financial enterprise was designed to initiate immigration that was generated by a system of loans and provided a process of systematic colonisation where only a select group of settlers would be chosen, based specifically upon their social and moral standing and professional qualifications. Those chosen sought a new life, far from Britain, that might provide them with new opportunities. Many of the new arrivals, although respectable, were poor. The new colonists spread across a vast territory. The North and South Islands of New Zealand consisted of dramatically diverse terrain, with the South Island considered far superior and more desirable for farming, due to the lack of trees and heavy vegetation. This enabled the new settlers to commence farming quickly. The North Island, however, presented extreme challenges to the new colonists, due to the vast areas of scrubland and forests that required clearing. The provision of schools was a particularly difficult additional task. In 1839, the New Zealand Company decided to

473 Burns, Patricia., Henry Richardson (ed). Fatal Success: A history of the New Zealand Company. Auckland, New Zealand, Heinemann Reed, 1989. Pike, Douglas. Paradise of Dissent: South Australia 1829 – 1857. 2nd ed. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1967. 474 Durrer, Rebecca. ‘Propagating the New Zealand ideal’. The Social Science Journal, 2006, Vol. 43, pp. 173-174. 475 Campbell, Alexander Elmslie. Educating New Zealand. Wellington, New Zealand, Department of Internal Affairs, 1941, p. 21.

125 invite James Buchanan, a teacher from England, to emigrate to set up the first infants’ school in Nelson. Dakin relates:

In its first weeks, the school had an enrolment of 34. Fees were 6 pence a week for instruction in reading and spelling only; and an additional 3 pence a week was charged for instruction in writing, arithmetic and grammar; and a further 3 pence for higher branches of education. The charge for all instruction given at the school of the Nelson School Society was only 3 pence per pupil per week.476

This early venture failed, but the settlers opened a group of schools in Nelson modelled on those of the nonconformist British and Foreign School Society.477 The Society had commenced in England in 1808 and had gained the support of a number of prominent, evangelical and non-conformist Christians. It formulated polices from the Quaker ideals of Joseph Lancaster, who had become concerned about the moral and physical circumstances of impoverished children. The initiators implemented a monitorial system with support provided by charitable donations to pay the teachers, with the aim of providing education to the poor throughout the British Empire. The involvement of Ladies’ Committees was particularly important, with their selection of members conditional upon their possession of high ideals. These principles, Goodman concedes, included “maternal intelligence, moral purity and piety”.478 Sinclair states that, in New Zealand, “about a quarter of the early settlers were illiterate, while another fourteen percent could read but not write. Few of their children received any formal education”.479 In New Zealand, these British and Foreign School Society schools became successful and, due to an agreement with the New Zealand Company, their non-sectarian method of education flourished.

The arrival of missionaries in the colony led to a population growth and the establishment of the churches.480 The Church Missionary Society, originally established in London in 1799, was specifically designed to propagate the knowledge

476 Dakin, Jim. ‘The Elementary Schools of Early Nelson 1842-1856: A Case of Community Development’. Journal of the Nelson and Marlborough Historical Societies, November 1982, Vol. 1, Issue 2, p. 1. 477 Ewing, John L. Origins of the New Zealand Primary School Curriculum 1840-1878. Wellington, New Zealand, New Zealand Council for Educational Research, 1960, pp. 2-3. 478 Goodman, Joyce. ‘Languages of Female Colonial Authority: The educational network of the Ladies Committee of the British and Foreign School Society, 1813-1837’. Compare, 2000, Vol. 30, No. 1. 479 Sinclair, Keith. A History of New Zealand. Penguin, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1959, p. 101. 480 The Society for Missions to Africa and the East was founded on 12 April 1799 in London by Anglican ministers contemplating the role of the Society in spreading the knowledge and word of the gospel amongst overseas colonies they considered as heathen. In April 1812, the Society was renamed the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East.

126 of the gospel amongst indigenous people.481 In January 1814, the Society set up a School Fund to convert children to the Protestant faith. The Church Missionary Register reported:

The instruction of children facilitates access to their parents, secures their friendship and conveys information to them through unsuspected channels. The minds of children are more susceptible and less under the influence of habit and prejudice than those of their parent.482

Anglican Minister, Samuel Marsden had contact with Te Pahi, a powerful chief from Rangihoua in the Bay of Islands, during the New Zealander’s visit to his Anglican church in Sydney in 1805. Invited to visit New Zealand, Marsden recognised an opportunity to evangelise the indigenous population. He arrived at Oihi Bay in the Bay of Islands, holding his first Christian service there on Christmas Day, 1814. The first group from the Church Missionary Society consisted of 25 people, including children accompanied by schoolmaster and farmer, Thomas Kendall.483 Marsden had selected the missionary groups on the basis of their middle- class backgrounds, with some possessing the ability to teach the Māori skills such as carpentry, brick making and black-smithery. As MacDonald states,

the evangelical CMS missionaries active from 1814 were sent to their work as married couples and families. The model was one of both moral and worldly economy, designed to demonstrate the benefits of a Christian life against both heathenism and the dissolute habits of sojourning European whalers, sailors and traders.484

Marsden’s plans involved first, civilising the Māoris before making them Christian and then utilising them as servant labour for their new masters, the missionaries. Thus, the missionaries were to teach the Māori social and practical skills initially and then moral and Christian values. Fitzgerald agrees, [as] “It was anticipated that the introduction of the Gospel to indigenous people would transform

481 Prochner, Larry, May, Helen and Kaur, Baljit. ‘The blessings of civilisation: nineteenth-century missionary infant schools for young native children in three colonial settings – India, Canada and New Zealand 1820s– 1840s’. Paedagogica Historica, February – April 2009, Vol. 45, Nos. 1-2, p. 84. 482 Church Missionary Society Register, Jan 1814. Church Missionary Society, L and G Seeley, London, 1814, pp. 29-30. 483 Middleton, Angela. ‘Missionization in New Zealand and Australia: A Comparison’. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 2010, Vol.14, Issue 1. 484 MacDonald, Charlotte. ‘Between religion and empire: Sarah Selwyn’s Aotearoa/New Zealand, Eton and Lichfield, England, c.1840s -1900’. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada, 2008, Vol. 19, No. 2, p. 49.

127 them from their (supposedly) heathen state to civilised and Christian congregations”.485

The Church Missionary Society was part of the Evangelical movement sweeping through the colonies during this period. The members of this Society possessed the supreme conviction that the heathen natives could acquire religious salvation through embracing the teachings of gospel. As Hall states:

The Evangelical revival of the late eighteenth century provided middle-class men and women with a language redolent with certainty – the certainty of religious conviction. ... Religious belief provided a vocabulary of right – the right to know and speak that knowledge, with the moral power that was attached to the speaking of God’s word. ... and what it was to be English.486

The beliefs held by the missionaries drove them to convert the Māori and recreate them in their own image, that of the respectable English middle classes or deserving lower classes. They were however, denied the advantages of power held by the missionaries, who practiced an imperial ideology of hierarchy and status.487 The establishment of schools for the purpose of indoctrinating and converting the indigenous children remained a high priority for the missionaries, as they believed that the Māori children possessed great religious potential and could be utilised within their church activities. Prochner, May, Helen and Baljit confirm that, “the move by missionaries to introduce infant schools was a response to the intellectual potential they observed in young Maori children, along with concerns for their moral welfare”.488 Within eight years, the initial groups from the Church Missionary Society were followed by the Wesleyan Methodists, who, in 1822, arrived on the South Island. Purchas states that,

Marsden’s group and the Wesleyans formed a rough agreement that the east coast of New Zealand was to be the sphere for the Church of England’s labour and the west that of the Wesleyans. This division of evangelical labour was

485 Fitzgerald, Tanya. ‘Jumping the Fences: Maori Women’s Resistance to Missionary Schooling in Northern New Zealand 1823 – 1835’. Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, 2001, Vol 37, p. 2. 486 Hall, Catherine. White, Male and Middle Class: Explorations in Feminism and History. Polity, Cambridge, 1992, p. 207. 487 Burton, Antoinette. Empire in question: Reading, Writing, and Teaching British Imperialism. Duke University Press, Durham, 2011. 488 Prochner, Larry, May, Helen and Kaur, Baljit. ‘The blessings of civilisation: nineteenth-century missionary infant schools for young native children in three colonial settings – India, Canada and New Zealand 1820s– 1840s’. Paedagogica Historica, February – April 2009, Vol. 45, Nos. 1-2, p. 95.

128 offset by the advent of a Catholic mission under Bishop Jean Baptiste in 1838.489

Catholic missionary actions contrasted remarkably with those of the Protestants. The Catholic connection with the Māori was one of mutual respect and the efforts of the Protestants to malign the Catholics drew additional conversions. Marsden and his missionary groups, however, remained committed to their original convictions that, by changing the customs and heathen practices held by the Māori, they would become respectable Christians. Marsden, Davidson confirms, “was committed to the introduction of civilisation as a precursor to the introduction of Christianity”.490 Paterson relates that,

Maori conversion to Christianity was characterised by a number of features. Of course, it originated from missionary agency, but religion, along with other aspects of Pakeha knowledge, such as literacy, was initially spread from the missions into more distant regions by enthusiastic Maori themselves, and established missionaries were aided by a considerable number of Maori teachers.491

Marsden, however, feared that, by learning the Māori language and understanding their customs, missionaries might place themselves in religious peril. Furthermore the buildings that were constructed were insufficient for their intended purpose. Middleton confirms that, “during the early years of the missions in New Zealand, missionaries were virtually prisoners of their Maori patrons, entirely dependent on them for their safety and for a large part of their food supplies. Institutional missions often encircled their structures with high walls”.492

For the first two decades of settlement, Māori students were unable to read or write in the English manner. As Jones and Jenkins confirm:

While local Māori often wanted to be taught by Pākehā (their name for the white settlers), the settler-teachers on the other hand generally refused to be recipients of Māori teaching. This, the coloniser’s inability or refusal to learn from the indigene necessarily laid down from the beginning of an education

489 Purchas, Henry Thomas. A history of the English Church in New Zealand. Christchurch, New Zealand, Simpson and Williams, 1914, pp. 92-95. 490 Davidson, Allan K. Christianity in Aotearoa: a history of Church and Society in New Zealand. 2nd ed. New Zealand Education for Ministry, Wellington, New Zealand, 1997, p. 8. 491 Paterson, Lachy. ‘Māori “Conversion” to the Rule of Law and Nineteenth-Century Imperial Loyalties’. Journal of Religious History, June 2008, Vol. 32, No. 2, p. 221. 492 Middleton, Angela. ‘Missionization in New Zealand and Australia: A Comparison’. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 2010, Vol.14, Issue 1, p. 184.

129 system within which indigenous knowledge’s had no real place for Māori or Pākehā, making impossible an educational engagement in Māori interests.493

The first Catholic cleric to arrive in New Zealand was French-born Vicar– General, Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier, on 10 January 1838. He had been raised in an impoverished, although respectable, upper middle class household. His early years spent as an officer in the French Dragoons also equipped him with an ability to converse with all classes. At the age of 22, he entered the seminary of St. Irenaeus at Lyon. He completed a degree at the Seminary, with his ordination taking place on 13 June 1829. Marcellin Champagnat, from Hermitage, invited Pompallier to assist with the foundation of the Marist Brothers in October 1832. On completion of this task, Pompallier became chaplain to La Favorite, a boarding school in Lyon for boys.494 His appointment by Rome as Vicar Apostolic of Western Oceania and titular Bishop of Maronea, on 13 May 1836, surprised many. Simmons acknowledges that “he had very little training or experience in administration and pastoral work and none at all in missionary work”.495 Despite lacking these perceived skills, Pompallier provided his sense of honour, drive, ambition and passion towards his new missionary tasks, that included providing education for the poor.

The established Māori population did not welcome the newcomers to their traditional lands and violent disagreements over land rights developed. In 1840, New Zealand became a British Colony after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi. The new Lieutenant Governor of New Zealand, William Hobson, and his secretary, James Freeman, co-authored the treaty.496 The Treaty of Waitangi was signed on 6 February 1840 for the specific purpose of establishing a political pact and to create a nation state and form a British system of governance in New Zealand. One copy was written in English and another in Māori. The Treaty initially contained three articles:

In the English version, Māori cede the sovereignty of New Zealand to Britain; Māori give the Crown an exclusive right to buy lands they wish to sell, and, in

493 Jones, Alison and Jenkins, Juni. ‘Invitation and Refusal: A Reading of the Beginnings of Schooling in Aotearoa New Zealand’. History of Education, March 2008, Vol. 37, No. 2, p. 188. 494 Simmons, Ernest Richard. Pompallier, Prince of Bishops. CPC Publishing, Auckland, New Zealand, 1984, pp. 22-23. 495 Ibid, p. 24. 496 Treaty of Waitangi - Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Archives New Zealand, accessed from: http://archives.govt.nz/exhibitions/treaty

130 return, are guaranteed full rights of ownership of their lands, forests, fisheries and other possessions; and Māori are given the rights and privileges of British subjects.497

On the day the Treaty was to be signed, Pompallier interrupted the proceedings with a critical request of his own. He was, as Keys states:

concerned with the matter of religious freedom within the Treaty, about which no one appeared to be troubled by. ... he requested that Captain Hobson make known to all the people the principles of European civilisation, obtaining in Great Britain, which would guarantee free and equal protection to the Catholic as to every other religion in New Zealand.498

Hobson agreed to the insertion of an additional Article, thus providing religious freedom for the inhabitants of the colony and the Catholic Church’s right to remain in the country. Governor Hobson stated that “the several faiths (beliefs) of England, of the Wesleyans, of Rome, and also Maori customs and religion shall alike be protected by him”, this inclusion assured all religious denominations “free tolerance in matter of faith”.499 The final acceptance of the Treaty by the Māori remained one of resignation, as their rights had diminished. Their attitude became one of conciliation and regret for the loss of their land ownership. Both sides, however, remained completely unaware of the ambiguity and the full ramifications that the Treaty contained. As Belich confirms:

The group of Maori chiefs who signed the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 thought they were obtaining a substantial flow of valuable Pakeha in return for ceding a loose and vague suzerainty. The British thought that, in return for the introduction of order and civilization, they were to get full and real sovereignty.500

The wars that continued after the signing of the Treaty, through to the late 1870s on the North Island, demonstrated this uncertainty.501 In 1841, New Zealand became a separate colony from New South Wales with the Royal Charter

497 Treaty of Waitangi, 'The Treaty in brief', accessed from: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/treaty/the-treaty- in-brief, Ministry for Culture and Heritage, updated 16 June 2011. 498 Keys, Lillian. The Life and Times of Bishop Pompallier. Pegasus Press, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1957, p. 127. 499 'The Treaty in brief', accessed from: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/treaty/the-treaty-in-brief, Ministry for Culture and Heritage, updated 16 June 2011. 500 Belich, James. The Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict. Auckland University Press, Auckland New Zealand, 1988, p. 20. 501 Belich, James. The Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict. Auckland University Press, Auckland New Zealand, 1988.

131 establishing three provinces.502 They included New Ulster (North Island, north of the Patea River), New Munster (North Island, south of the Patea River plus the South Island) and New Leinster (which included Stewart Island and Rakiura).503

The New Zealand colonists desired an effective system of schools similar to that provided for the Māori by the Church Missionary Society. As Prochner states, “Education for indigenous children shared the aims of public education to promote social and economic stability and social amelioration. ... the colonial relationship between indigenous peoples and Europeans steered indigenous education along a separate and segregated course”.504

Catholics funded their own schools. The first Catholic school, St Peter’s, opened in Auckland in 1842, with schoolmaster, Edmond Powell, overseeing a schoolroom located within a small building that contained a chapel for religious services in Shortland Street. The parish priest, Father Petitjean, welcomed the donations received from the parishioners and thanked them publicly in the Auckland Chronicle. Petitjean affirmed “that Protestants would be accommodated and be excluded from the period when Catholic children received their instruction. The subjects taught included all the branches of a common good education; the girls of course [receiving] instruction in needlework”.505

The appointment of Anglican bishop, George Augustus Selwyn, in 1841, commenced the groundwork towards providing suitable schools for the colonists’ Anglican children.506 The bishop arrived in Auckland on 30 May 1842 aboard the vessel, the Bristolian.507 Selwyn was a man of action. He journeyed throughout the colony to obtain information about his new diocese and how best to help his parishioners. In 1843, after arriving in Waimate to establish his community in the

502 New Zealand, Ministry for Culture and Heritage. ‘NZ officially becomes British colony’, 15 September 2011. Accessed from: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/letters-patent-issued-making-new-zealand-a-colony-separate-from- new-south-wales 503 Ibid. 504 Prochner, Larry. ‘Early Childhood Education Programs for Indigenous Children in Canada, Australia and New Zealand’. Australian Journal of Early Childhood, December, 2004, Vol. 29, No. 4, p. 10. 505 Auckland Chronicle, 25 January 1843. 506 Selwyn received his consecration and appointment to the diocese of New Zealand on 17 October 1841. In 1858, the diocese was subdivided and he was selected as Primate of New Zealand from 1858 to 1868. On his return to England in 1867, he was appointed Bishop of Lichfield, a position he held from 1868 to 1878. 507 New Zealand Gazette and Wellington Spectator, 15 June 1842.

132 houses provided by the church Missionary Society, he noted the lack of religious support for his parishioners and their poor living conditions. In his memoirs, he detailed his initial impressions and the tasks that lay ahead. Selwyn stated:

Every day convinces me more and more that we are better placed here than in one of the English towns. The general laxity of morals, and defect of Church principles, in the new settlements, would make them dangerous places for the education of the young, and render it almost impossible to keep up that high tone of religious character and strictness of discipline which is required, both as a protest against the prevailing state of things, and as a training for our candidates for Holy Orders.508

The bishop did not remain long in Waimate, as he was called to Auckland within a few days to administer to the establishment of his bishopric. From there, he frequently travelled overland to administer to his parishioners. These journeys presented him with a clearer understanding of the religious provision needed within his diocese. He was a traditionalist and a strong believer in Church doctrine. Mackey confirms that he was “a young man much influenced by the call to apostolic traditions”.509 Selwyn considered that the lack of suitable buildings to provide tuition to Anglican children was of the highest priority and publicly announced his intentions to resolve this. He presented his criticism of the current situation in New Zealand in the Daily Southern Cross. The bishop stated:

One chief complaint against all our Colonies is the absence of good schools. Many persons in our native land, who are anxious to emigrate, are still prevented from leaving Home from a consideration for their families, and mainly because of the difficulty of giving their children anything like a liberal education. Most of the Colonies certainly labour under great disadvantages as respects the means of education, and we are not surprised that parents should have much reluctance in removing to countries so proverbially destitute of good, schools as the British Colonies.510

Selwyn’s intention was to establish an Anglican preparatory school for boys, under teachers possessing English university qualifications and supervised by the clergy. Fees were to be reasonable and boarding facilities provided. Only then might parents be satisfied with the type of education that their children deserved; one that provided all of the benefits to ensure that social and financial success be a part of

508 Tucker, Henry William. Memoir of the life and episcopate of George Augustus Selwyn, D.D., Bishop of New Zealand, 1841-1869, Bishop of Lichfield, 1867-1878. E.P. Dutton, New York, 1879, p. 124. 509 Mackey, John. ‘The Passing of the New Zealand Education Act, 1877: The Genesis of a State School System in the Nineteenth Century’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Notre Dame, Indiana, 1963, p. 292. 510 Daily Southern Cross, 7 December 1844.

133 their children’s future aspirations, Selwyn argued.511 . It was also important that future colonists in England understood why this was important. As Selwyn stated, “their children will receive a liberal education in New Zealand”.512 The construction of the College of St John the Evangelist in Meadowbank, three miles from Auckland, commenced in 1843.513 Davidson acknowledges that:

Selwyn’s multi-level institution had a theological department, schools for English and Maori Boys, an infant school and Maori teachers’ school. Added to this were the hospital, printing department and other useful industries, which along with daily worship and the common dining hall for the whole community created a unique educational environment. Selwyn was on the cutting edge of a new movement in the Anglican world, the founding of theological colleges.514

The Governors of New Zealand did not consider the importance of developing a structured system of education of vital importance. Davies states that,

the first three governors - Hobson, Shortland and Fitzroy - took no interest in education and it was left to individuals and communities to make their own arrangements. It was not, therefore, until 1845 and the arrival of Governor [George] Grey, that education was given any official recognition.515

The New Zealand governors avoided the difficulties and sectarian disputes experienced in the Australian colonies, by allowing the Anglican, Presbyterian, Roman Catholic and Wesleyan Methodist churches to occupy an equal footing before the law.516 The government provided funding to each of the four denominations.

In May 1841, Bishop Pompallier advised Governor Hobson that he required aid to establish a Catholic religious and educational facility in Auckland.517 He received two acres for a burial ground that adjoined the Protestant one in Symonds Street on the outskirts of Auckland, but was unsuccessful with his request for land for a college and recreation ground.

511 Curteis, George Herbert. Bishop Selwyn of New Zealand, and of Lichfield: A Sketch of His Life and Work with some Further Gleanings from His letters, Sermons, and Speeches. Paul Trench, London, 1889, p. 76. 512 Ibid. 513 Davidson, Allan. ‘Under the Eye of the Bishop. The College of St. John the Evangelist and the Diocese of Auckland in Historical Perspective’. Anglican Historical Society, 27 April 1995, Occasional Papers No. 1. 514 Ibid, pp. 4-5. 515 Davies, Angela Mary Frances. "The heart of the village": What determined the spatial distribution of North Canterbury rural schools 1850-1940? M.Arts thesis, Department of Geography, University of Canterbury, 1993, p. 43. 516 Treaty of Waitangi - Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Archives New Zealand, accessed from: http://archives.govt.nz/exhibitions/treaty 517 Simmons, Ernest Richard. In Cruce Salus: A history of the Diocese of Auckland 1848-1980. Catholic Publications Centre, Auckland, 1982, p. 31.

134 In 1847, Governor Grey enacted a Government Ordinance concerning the provision of education. The Ordinance stated that its purpose was “to establish and maintain schools for the education of youth, and to contribute towards the support of schools otherwise established”.518 Grey created his Education Ordinance primarily for Māori and half-caste children. He utilised the current tuition system practiced by the missionaries to spread the word of the gospel, thus converting the Māori from their heathen ways and encouraging them to achieve social acceptance. He believed that this method allowed them to fit into the lower echelons of society and he constructed a three-tiered model to ensure that his Ordinance for promoting the education of youth targeted the Māori population.519

Religious education consolidated the teachings of the missionaries. Industrial training in trades and manual occupations, such as agriculture for the boys and domestic skills for the girls, was the second feature of Grey’s education system. The English language was the third feature, as it was imperative that the Māori and half- caste children be able to speak and read English.520

5.2 The Arrival of Thomas Arnold in New Zealand

Thomas Arnold arrived at Port Chalmers in Dunedin on 23 March 1848 aboard the vessel John Wickliffe, which was notable as the second transporter of Scottish emigrants by the New Zealand Company to the new colony.521 Thomas Arnold and his three brothers, Matthew, William and Edward, and their four sisters, Susannah, Jane, Frances and Mary, were born into a privileged, Anglican, middle class environment with his father, Dr. Thomas Arnold, attaining the position of headmaster of Rugby School from 1828 to 1841. Arnold was also a strong advocate that education should not only contain Christian values, but also be of moral benefit to all levels of society. Members of society, holding positions of power and status, should not only provide quality education to the middle classes, but also through the

518 New Zealand Legislative Council, Auckland. Education Ordinance, No. 10, 7 October 1847. 519 Ibid. 520 Newman, Erica. ‘Māori, European and Half-caste Children; The Destitute, the Neglected and the Orphaned – An Investigation into the Early New Zealand European Contact Period and the Care of Children 1840-1852’. B.Arts (Hons) thesis, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 2007, p. 66. 521 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Haslar, Hampshire, 8 December 1847. Arnold, Thomas, 1823- 1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-01-08). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.

135 provision of schooling assist the poor to enable them to contribute to society, he believed. Arnold stated, “the ignorance of the poor might be removed by education; but how can you really educate a man, unless he and his equals in society go along with you and appreciate the good which you would give them”.522

In 1842, Arnold’s father died of a heart attack on the day before his 47th birthday.523 The Times reported on Dr. Thomas Arnold’s death: “At Rugby, on the morning of Sunday, the 12th instant, after only two hours illness, the Rev. Dr. Arnold, Regis Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford and Headmaster of Rugby School died”.524

At the time of his father’s death, Arnold had completed a year at Winchester College and five at Rugby School. In the late autumn following his father’s death, he commenced his undergraduate studies at University College in Oxford. Possessing a bright and inquisitive manner, he quickly became popular with other undergraduates and academics.525 After achieving his degree in 1846, Arnold read law at Lincoln’s Inn in London, however, he quickly became dissatisfied, realising that law did not suit him and left within three months. He also developed an interest in New Zealand, where his father had purchased two sections of farmland that comprised 200 acres and one town acre in the Wellington region.526 Arnold obtained employment as a précis-writer, which required him to summarise documents within the Colonial Office. He soon won the respect of the Colonial Secretary, the third Earl Grey, Henry George. During Arnold’s tenure, Earl Grey was personally involved in negotiations with the New Zealand Company and Arnold’s interest in New Zealand continued to grow.

Arnold was philanthropic and compassionate and he frequently visited the disadvantaged poor in London. He became frustrated by the inability of English society to assist them to rise above their squalid living conditions. Arnold became

522Arnold, Thomas. The Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Arnold. 2nd ed. T. Fellowes, London, 1858, pp. 188-189. 523 Strachey, Lytton. Eminent Victorians: Cardinal Manning, Florence Nightingale, Dr. Arnold, General Gordon. 21st. ed. Chatto and Windus, London, 1979, p. 200. 524 The Times, 14 June 1842, p. 7. 525 Bergonzi, Bernard. A Victorian wanderer : The life of Thomas Arnold the Younger. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003. 526 Arnold, Thomas. The Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Arnold. 2nd ed. T. Fellowes, London, 1858, p. 64.

136 convinced that his reasons to quit England were justified by the society that he considered was without salvation. He justified his actions to depart from England in a letter to his friend, Arthur Clough. Arnold wrote:

our lot is cast in an evil time; we cannot accept the present, and we shall not live to see the future. It is an age of transition; in which the mass are carried hither and thither by chimeras of different kinds.527

Arnold had lost his Christian convictions and distrusted the established Churches that, in his opinion, had failed to live up to the ideals that his father had consistently promulgated. He decided to emigrate to New Zealand.528 Not all of his family approved of his new adventure. His mother, however, understood his restlessness and was willing to allocate £200 from his share of his father’s estate towards the cost of his travels.529 Arnold was convinced that a new society, free from the evils now prevalent in England could be found in the colonies. He stated, “my speculative fancy suggested that in a perfect locale such as New Zealand it might be destined that the true fraternity of the future, founders and constitution - builders of the necessary genius and virtue be discovered - might be securely built up”.530

Although Arnold enjoyed his sea voyage, he was quite relieved to reach Wellington Harbour on 24 May 1848.531 He quickly settled in, visiting many of the local gentry, including Bishop Selwyn, and became quite astonished at the social etiquette that the new colonists displayed for him at a dinner party. Arnold stated:

I dined with [Geoffrey] Thomas, the Auditor General, a half-brother of Governor Grey. We did not dress, but there were silver forks etc, and everything went off so exactly the same as in England that I could have fancied myself at an undergraduate party at Oxford. The night I slept in an inn, and the next morning breakfasted with Domett, the Colonial Secretary.532

527 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Colonial Office, London, 16 April 1847. MSS. English Letters. c. 189-90/246. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 528 Howell, Peter Anthony. Thomas Arnold the younger in Van Diemen's Land. Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Hobart, Tasmania, 1964, pp. 1-3. 529 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, London, 9 October 1847. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-01-04). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 530 Arnold, Thomas. Passages in a Wandering Life. Edward Arnold, London, 1900, p. 64. 531 Wellington Independent, 24 May 1848. 532 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Otago Harbour, 26 May 1848, from series 26 April 1848. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-01-15). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.

137 Shortly after his arrival in New Zealand, Arnold met with Colonial William Wakefield, Principal Agent for the New Zealand Company, who advised him that, if he did not want to accept the designated sections of land available for his use, he might view others more acceptable. With the prospect of selecting land that might provide him with a more secure future in farming, Arnold decided to travel to Porirua, which was 15 miles by horseback, north from Wellington Harbour. Porirua had a suitable road connecting to Port Nicholson and the northern settlements of Wanganui, Taranck, and Auckland. His first impressions of Porirua were not favourable, as he recognised that he possessed neither the ability nor the inclination to be a farmer. His best purpose in the new colony was to establish his own school and teach he believed. With this purpose in mind, Arnold selected land eight miles from Wellington.533 His instincts proved correct, as, on 25 June 1848, Colonial Secretary Domett approached him with a view to establishing a College in the region, with Arnold as the Principal. As Arnold stated, “He began to speak of a certain sum of £8000, with which the New Zealand Company were proposing to found a College at Nelson, according to the original plan of the settlement. It was to be founded, he said, on broad and liberal principles, and no particular set of opinions was to be taught there”.534

Arnold remained unsure of his purpose, although he accepted the role of Principal of the new College with great relief as his financial situation was tenuous. He was also convinced that he could provide a suitable standard of education for the children. Despite a funding delay of 12 months, Arnold remained hopeful. He wrote to his mother, “I can look forward with thoughtfulness and joy to the prospect of being enabled to train up young and opening souls in what I believe to be ways of truth and peace”.535

Arnold considered the establishment of a non-denominational College to be of high importance for the colonists, especially as gossip of a disturbing nature had reached him concerning the unsavoury conduct of Anglican teachers at Auckland’s

533 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Wellington Terrace, 16 June 1848. Arnold, Thomas, 1823- 1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-01). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 534 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Wellington Terrace, 25 June 1848, from series 16 June 1848, p. 2. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-01). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 535 Ibid.

138 Kings College. Arnold’s involvement in the establishment of a new school, free from religious dogma, he believed, was not only for his own financial security, but beneficial to the children of the region. He stated, “I must say also, that it would be no small satisfaction to me to counteract as far as I could, the mischief which [is] being done by the Bishop’s High-Church and exclusive College in Auckland”.536 Not expecting to hear a resolution to the recent offer that was made to him by Domett, on 17 August 1848, Arnold was surprised by the arrival of Geoffrey Thomas and Governor George Grey while working at his section of land on the Porirua Road. On behalf of Bishop Selwyn, Grey offered Arnold another position, that of founding Principal of a new Anglican College proposed for Porirua.537 Arnold’s response was unenthusiastic. He shared his personal opinion of the offer in a letter to his sister, Frances, stating:

I am in the ludicrous position of having two colleges thrown at my head at the same time. There can be no possible question on my part to which I will take. For to be obliged to teach Anglo-Catholicism to unhappy juveniles, would infallibly make me sick, which would be highly indecorous in the Head of a College, would it not? To think that I the Radical, should ever become to be classed in the same category with those dear old respectable Conservative pudding-headed worthies of the Hebdomadal board. I could laugh til I cried at the ludicrousness of the thought.538

Arnold was fortunate that he had obtained lodgings with a local farmer, Barrow, close to his own section of land, which he continued to prepare for future use. He spent his evenings tutoring the six children of the farmer and his wife. He shared his concerns regarding the development of children in the Wellington region, who, he believed, lacked manners and a sense of decorum, in a letter to his friend, Clough. He wrote that, “the young of both sexes are not only uncultivated, but prosaic. ... this makes it of such great importance to a colony to have good schools [where] the great historical traditions of England should be worthily imparted”.539

536 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Wellington Terrace, 25 June 1848, from series 16 June 1848, p. 3. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-01). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 537 The College although proposed, was similar to that of St. John’s in Auckland it did not eventuate. 538 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My dearest Fan’, Porirua Road, Port Nicholson, 17 August 1848, from series 24 July 1848. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-02). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 539 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Porirua Road, Wellington, 13 August 1848. MSS. English Letters. c. 190/306. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford.

139 In early September 1848, during a meeting with Governor Grey, Arnold received assurances of funding for the Nelson settlers, regardless of the 12 months initially calculated to obtain the finances from the New Zealand Company funds. Grey also suggested that it might be possible, as a means of good faith, to obtain the necessary funding from the local Council. Exasperated by the complicated conditions necessary to finance a suitable school, in a letter Arnold suggested that England possessed more favourable conditions.540 The delays in obtaining funding increased and, as a solution, Grey offered Arnold a position as his private secretary until the College was established. Arnold reluctantly accepted, convinced that he might use the time to visit the settlers in Nelson and view more of the New Zealand colony.541 Arnold sought to continue negotiations with Grey to obtain funding for the Nelson College. Grey suggested the passing of an ordinance that allowed the Nelson settlers to have an input into the principles for the founding of the College and, thus, giving them an opportunity to elect trustees.542 Still, action towards the establishment of the College did not take place. His respect towards Grey diminishing, Arnold began plans to build a house on his property and create his own school. He sought assistance from his mother, outlining his future endeavours and the resources that initially were needed, including books and mathematical instruments. He wrote:

My plan is to borrow money from the Bank to build a house on our town section, mortgage the house itself for the payment of the interest; and then I mean to let it be known that I wish to take pupils at the terms (I think) of £6 a year. I think that I shall most likely get as many as I want, for I have often heard people in Wellington regret that there are many boys there who are growing up without any education at all.543

Not able to obtain funding quickly to establish a house upon his property, and with the Nelson College facing further delays, Arnold sought a teaching position further afield. In December 1848, he received an offer of assistance to open his own school from settlers in Nelson. Arnold accepted and travelled to Nelson, where he set up a small boarding school. He employed a housekeeper and commenced instruction within a small, rented cottage. He intended to charge £35 per year for board and

540 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Porirua Road, Wellington, 6 September 1848. MSS. English Letters. c. 190/306. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 541 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Porirua Road, Wellington, 9 September 1848. MSS. English Letters. c. 189-90/306. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 542 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Porirua Road, Wellington, 21 September 1848. MSS. English Letters. c. 190/306. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 543 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Nelson, 20 December 1848. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-07). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.

140 tuition.544 The reality of his new life shocked him, as he had not expected the students’ constant demands upon his time and their lack of discipline. In a letter to his friend Arthur Clough, Arnold revealed his shock at his current employment. As Arnold stated, “it is rather a bore, as the boys are young and unruly; but I find that it suits me better than digging, and it is just as honest a way of living”.545

Arnold finally accepted that the proposed College at Nelson would not eventuate, due to the absence of funding by the New Zealand Company.546 He had also received notification from his family trustees that he could not use the land section that he had painstakingly cleared ready for building, as it belonged to the Company. Wakefield had initially offered Arnold the opportunity of exchanging land sections, which he had accepted, however, despite his financial investment in the new section, he was left with no choice but to vacate.547 Arnold continued with his efforts to locate a more secure position for himself and wrote to his friend, Charles Stanley, Private Secretary to Lieutenant Governor Sir William Denison in Hobart, seeking assistance. On 19 August 1849, both Stanley and Denison replied with an offer of employment in Van Diemen’s Land. Arnold shared his good fortune with his mother with great excitement. He stated:

in a most kind manner [Denison] offered me the appointment of Inspectorship of Schools, with a salary of £400 per annum, travelling expenses etc., if I would not accept that, he pressed me at any rate to come and visit Hobart Town and to consider Government House as my home while I was there.548

Arnold accepted the offer of an Inspectorship in Van Diemen’s land with great relief and excitement and formulated his plans to depart New Zealand, travelling on the brigantine William Alfred to Hobart, via Sydney, on 2 December 1849.549 His experiences in New Zealand however, were not wasted, as he had faced adversity and matured. As Axon confirms, “in a sense Thomas, was an intellectual radical, not

544 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Wickliffe Cottage, Nelson, 11 March 1849. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-09). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 545 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Nelson, 1 April 1849. MSS. English Letters. c. 176-90/362. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 546 Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Nelson, 7 July 1849. MSS. English Letters. c. 176-90/380. Papers of A.H. Clough, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 547 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My dearest K’, Nelson, 1 August 1849. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-02-09). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 548 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, Nelson, 20 August 1849. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-03-02). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 549 Wellington Independent, 5 December 1849.

141 an active revolutionary, for he loved and needed an ordered society. He respected the hierarchy of moral and intellectual excellence. New Zealand helped him to extend his course of self-discovery”.550

5.3 The Separation of the Catholic Diocese in New Zealand

In 1848, New Zealand’s Catholic Church split into two separate dioceses.551 Keys confirms, “on 20 June 1848, Viard ceased to be Pompallier’s coadjutor and, instead, was granted power to administer the new diocese of Wellington”.552 Viard’s new role as Vicar Apostolic had a specific purpose. Rome’s intention was to remove the bickering Marist clergy as far away from Pompallier as possible, and Viard received instructions from Rome to relocate the Marists to his new diocese on the South Island.553 Without a ready supply of clergy, Pompallier realised that he must increase the strength of the Catholic presence by seeking novices from overseas. This “led him to recruit Irish as well as French priests and nuns”.554 In April 1849, Pompallier, as Apostolic Administrator for the diocese of Auckland, visited St Leo’s, the convent of the Sisters of Mercy in Carlow, Ireland. He appealed to Mother Mary Cecilia and the attending sisters, requesting, with passionate intent, that a foundation from their convent be sent to assist him in New Zealand. As Kirk states:

He spoke to them with deep conviction of the needs of his vast, far-off mission, and his urgent need for helpers. He told them of the Maori people, a sincerely spiritual race, many of whom had already embraced Catholicism, but who were being neglected because of a lack of priests and teachers.555

Mother Mary Cecilia accepted after considerable prayer and reflection. Bishop Haly and her community opposed this venture until she won the approval of her diocese and her religious order. Mother Cecilia and six sisters left Carlow on 8

550Axon, John Edward. ‘A biographical study of Thomas Arnold the younger’. Ph.D. thesis, School of English, University of Leeds, 1975, p. 91. 551 The dividing line between the two dioceses was the thirty-ninth parallel, from Waitara, Taranaki to Wairoa, Hawkes Bay. 552 Keys, Lillian G. Philip Viard, Bishop of Wellington. Pegasus, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1968, p. 74. 553 Broadbent, John V. ‘Viard, Philippe Joseph – Biography’, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 1 September 2010. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/1v1 554 Davidson, Allan K. Christianity in Aotearoa: a history of Church and Society in New Zealand. 2nd ed. New Zealand Education for Ministry, Wellington, New Zealand, 1997, p. 37. 555 Kirk, Marcienne D. Remembering Your Mercy: Mother Mary Cecilia Maher & the First Sisters of Mercy in New Zealand 1850-1880. Auckland, Sisters of Mercy, 1998, p. 53.

142 August 1849, joined by a postulant in Dublin and another in Sydney. The nine sisters reached Auckland in April 1850, ready to establish their new school.556 When they arrived, the Sisters accomplished the bishop’s principle request by founding their new school, St Mary’s College in Auckland. It was a boarding school that “catered for wealthy Auckland settlers who wished their daughters to gain a convent education”.557

The Sisters encouraged their students to be righteous and well-mannered. Kirk concludes, “the type of education being offered was of course, influenced by the social expectations of the place and time, whereby women were expected to have social and artistic achievement; but where these were the occupations of a leisured class in England, the situation in Auckland was somewhat different”.558 The accomplishments that the college provided offered the students an increased opportunity for respectability within their Catholic community. Pompallier believed that he could introduce into Catholic schools an environment that provided children with the skills to meet the needs of a colonial society. The bishop supported the views of Pope Pius IX, who promulgated the Catholic model of education in 1851. It was decided by Rome that the process used to educate Catholic children, “in all schools, whether public or private, would be completely in accordance with Catholic teaching”.559 As Pius IX stated, “Bishops and diocesan authorities, whose office binds them to defend the purity of Catholic teaching, to spread it and to see that the youth receives a Christian education”.560

The poor and the indigenous, however, were not as privileged, nor were their aspirations as high. May states that “colonial society created both the need and the impetus for charitable and educational services for European children, but for Māori, it brought about the loss of population, land, mana (authority and power) and

556 Kirk, Marcienne D. Mother Cecilia Maher: A biography. Accessed from: http://www.mercyworld. org/heritage/tmplt-foundressstory.cfm?loadref=180 557 Collins, Jenny. ‘For the common good: The Catholic educational mission in transition 1943-1965’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education, Massey University, 2005, p. 129. 558 Kirk, Marcienne D. Remembering Your Mercy: Mother Mary Cecilia Maher & the First Sisters of Mercy in New Zealand 1850-1880. Sisters of Mercy, Auckland, New Zealand, 1998, p. 115. 559 Pius IX, The Freedom of Bishops to watch over Education. Consistorial Allocution, 5 September 1851, 20, (19,02). 560 Ibid.

143 language”.561 For Māori, the failure to gain the opportunity to read and write in another language and receive religious instruction was not essential, nor did they understand why it was important for them to achieve the skills of the colonisers. These skills were not as important as their resources, land and social structure. Colonial society believed in the unimportance of Māori schooling for a different reason. As the New Zealander stated:

Think of, and tremble at, the possible or probable consequences of educating a people – especially a people who are but just in the first stage of transition from heathenism and barbarism – in a knowledge which is not pervaded throughout by the purifying, enabling, and restraining influences of religion.562

During his final years in Auckland, Pompallier obtained additional lay teachers for his schools. As Davis states,

at first, subsidized denominational schools existed in New Zealand as in the colonies across the Tasman. In 1847, the part-Irish governor, Sir George Grey, subsequently an educational secularist, promulgated an ordinance making religious education compulsory and assisting only Church schools.563

The political situation in New Zealand changed. Alfred Domett, former solicitor, journalist and poet who had immigrated to Nelson in 1842, launched his career as a politician. In 1848, he was appointed to Governor Grey’s Ministry as secretary for the province of New Munster, comprising the South Island and the lower North Island. Unable to instigate reform, Domett used the newspapers as a platform for his views. He publicly denounced the squandering of Church funds by particular members of society, including religious representatives and government officials who supported denominational education. In the Government Gazette in 1849, Domett argued that:

I object to this system because I believe its tendency is adverse to the freedom of religious opinion and liberty of conscience at present existing. By placing the mighty machinery of education exclusively in the hands of ecclesiastics, it affords opportunities, whether likely to be laid hold of or not, for the exercise of priestcraft, and the gradual renewal of the subjection of the human mind to its influence.564

561 May, Helen. Politics in the playground. New Zealand Centre for Educational Research, Wellington, New Zealand, 2001, p. 5. 562 New Zealander, 24 July 1849, p. 2. 563 Davis, Richard P. ‘Sir George Grey as an Educational Secularist’. New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, November 1966, pp. 126-138. 564 Domett, Alfred in Legislative Council of New Munster, 22 June 1849. Minute of Protest inserted in the report of the proceedings of the in New Zealand Government Gazette, New Munster, II, No.18, 5 July 1849, pp.98-99.

144 Domett wholeheartedly rejected the Education Ordinance, as he believed that a State system of education was the only means of achieving economic growth and, thus, avoiding a continuing drain upon the public purse.

By 1853, the former settlements of Auckland, New Plymouth, Wellington, Nelson, Canterbury and Otago became the parent provinces when self-government was finally achieved with the enactment of the Constitution Act of 1852. The first general election took place in 1853.565 As Wilson comments:

in 1852, twelve years after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, the United Kingdom Parliament passed the New Zealand Constitution Act (NZCA), which provided for six elected provincial councils, and a General Assembly consisting of a Governor (the monarch’s representative), a Legislative Council and a House of Representatives.566

Bishop Selwyn experienced his own trials in 1853. It involved the forced termination of his personal involvement with his College of St John’s due to emerging scandals. As MacDonald states:

While George’s ambitions for St John’s College were considerable, after a decade’s work, they lay in figurative if not literal ashes. Doomed in part by over-reach, the College was also resented by settler parents who baulked at seeing their sons educated alongside Maori. The final and fatal blow came with the revelation of homosexuality amongst some of the European residents at the end of 1852.567

Selwyn viewed the unfolding events and the immediate closure of his college with dismay. His college now closed, his students dispersed and relocated throughout his diocese, far from the reach of hurtful and malicious rumours. He wrote that, “in 1853, a sad cloud of calamity – a passing tempest of moral evil – settled down upon the college and compelled its dispersion for a time”.568 The events that transpired during this period, although not undermining Selwyn’s health, shook his belief in those in whom he had placed his trust, as he revealed to his wife, Sarah, from his mission in Taranaki in January 1853. Selwyn wrote, “the presence also of

565 Government of New Zealand, Constitution Act 1852. An Act to Grant a Representative Constitution to the Colony of New Zealand, 30 June 1852. 566 Wilson, John. ‘New Zealand Sovereignty: 1857, 1907, 1947, or 1987?’ Political Science, December 2008, Vol. 60, No. 2, p. 43. 567 MacDonald, Charlotte. ‘Between religion and empire: Sarah Selwyn’s Aotearoa/New Zealand, Eton and Lichfield, England, c.1840s-1900’. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada, 2008, Vol. 19, No. 2, p. 62. 568 Curteis, George Herbert. Bishop Selwyn of New Zealand, and of Lichfield: A Sketch of His Life and Work with some Further Gleanings from His letters, Sermons, and Speeches. Paul Trench, London, 1889, p. 143.

145 the dear boys under my own eye, and our daily intercourse in prayer, have kept alive the thought of the college as still existing, though well-nigh destroyed”.569

The New Zealand colonists and the churches sought to create a moral and just society, and, having experienced a flagellant abuse of their moral code, implemented swift justice for those who deviated from their perceptions of social and moral conventions. The Church Missionary Society had experienced its own turbulent period of scandal, and retribution was swift and without mercy. The Society had dismissed two of its early missionary workers due to their lifestyles and beliefs. Haverland confirms that:

Rev. Thomas Kendal had an affair with his servant girl Tungaroa, and as a result was dismissed from the society. The Rev. William Yate was removed as a missionary and also dismissed from the society in 1837 on charges of homosexuality.570

Cozens considers Yate’s actions of a more serious nature than Kendal’s. She states, “William Yate stood trial in Sydney for sexual contact with his male Māori pupils”.571 The alleged charges against Yate, however, although not proven, decimated his religious career following his return to England. The community misunderstood Yate’s actions and his life choices, Binney argues.572 However, William Williams, a fiery Anglican preacher and the Superintendent of the Society, considered his behaviour as a minister of the church, in the year of 1837, reprehensible. He stated that, Yate had brought “much dishonour on the holy cause of Christ in this land”.573

The Anglican College that Selwyn had envisaged from his early years in England, faced changes. As Davidson confirms “in 1859 Selwyn, at the first General Synod, handed over control of the College’s land, some 1,300 acres, to five trustees

569 Curteis, George Herbert. George Selwyn, letter to Sarah Selwyn, Taranaki, 24 January 1853. As cited in Bishop Selwyn of New Zealand, and of Lichfield: A Sketch of His Life and Work with some Further Gleanings from His letters, Sermons, and Speeches. Paul Trench, London, 1889, p. 144. 570 Haverland, John H. ‘Mission to the Maori (1814-1874)’. Magazine of the Reformed Churches of New Zealand, June 2010, Vol. 37, No. 5, p. 6. 571 Cozens, Erin Ford. ‘The Shadow only be their portion: Gendered Colonial Spaces in Aotearoa/New Zealand, 1840-1855’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Hawaii, 2011, p. 29. 572 Binney, Judith. ‘Whatever happened to poor Mr Yate? An exercise in voyeurism’. New Zealand Journal of History, 1975, Vol. 9, No. 2, p. 154. 573 William Williams, as cited in Letters From the Bay of Islands: The Story of Marianne Williams, Caroline Fitzgerald (ed). Penguin, Auckland, New Zealand, 2004, p.77.

146 appointed by the Synod and [Selwyn] chose not to be involved in its ongoing administration”.574

The provision of education remained a divisive and challenging undertaking for religious clerics, the laity, government representatives and the settlers. In 1855, final planning towards the establishment of an ‘Education Bill’ drew discordant voices from all sides. Parliament became a battlefield of secular versus denominational education.575 Keys explains, “the commission had recommended what was called the Irish system of religious education. ... [that] only those fundamental truths upon which all sects were agreed were to be taught, and the use of Irish National School text books”.576 Bishop Philip Viard, fearing the withdrawal of government financial assistance from his parochial schools, gathered together concerned Catholics from his parish and launched his own attack upon the looming threat of secular education in his diocese. A Petition of the Roman Catholics against the Education Bill, presented to the Provincial Council of Wellington in January 1855, clearly delineated the concerns of the Wellington Catholics towards the new Bill. The Petition stated:

We would express our conviction that the spirit of Christianity, which we consider as essential to the public welfare as mere secular instruction, and which we desire to see inculcated in our youth, is not alone the product of stated hours of simple religious instruction. We are of the opinion that the attentive eye of a teacher must watch the auspicious moment to sow the seed, which is to fructify in good; and this, we consider can only be effected by one himself imbued with the spirit he seeks to communicate.577

The Petition did not achieve the outcome the apprehensive Catholics sought. The Education Bill, accepted by the Wellington Provincial Government on 20 February 1855, resulted in the establishment of Common Schools. Ward confirms that, “by 1857, only two schools had been established, one at Whanganui and another at Turakina”.578

574 Davidson, Allan. ‘Under the Eye of the Bishop. The College of St. John the Evangelist and the Diocese of Auckland in Historical Perspective’. Anglican Historical Society, 27 April 1995, Occasional Papers No. 1, p. 7. 575 New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, 31 January 1855. Wellington Independent, 3 February 1855. 576 Keys, Lillian G. Philip Viard, Bishop of Wellington. Pegasus, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1968, p.100. 577 Petition of the Roman Catholics Against the Education Bill. Presented to the Provincial Council of Wellington, 30 January 1855. Acts and Proceedings of the Provincial Council of Wellington 1854/5, Session II. 578 Ward, Louis E. Early Wellington. Whitcombe and Tombs, Auckland, New Zealand, 1928, p. 406.

147 In February 1855, the Auckland Provincial Council attempted to assist denominational schools in their province.579 As Dakin acknowledges, “they decided to assign the yearly sum of £1,000 to subsidise education in schools run by religious denominations”.580 To the surprise of many representatives of religious denominations in the Auckland region, Congregationalists and Baptists, who possessed the smallest number amongst the religious bodies, objected the most. Their claims included the provision that education should be free from interference by the State and managed by elected Education Boards. After further public debate, “the Provincial Council deferred a decision on the issue pending receipt of guidance from the House of Representatives, which was not forthcoming”.581

The specifications of how to provide a satisfactory system of education remained a consistent, albeit challenging, task for the New Zealand Government. The difficulties of schooling the young in the new colony were not limited to providing adequate schoolrooms or textbooks for tuition. Many children, especially those living on farms, did not attend school due to family and work-related responsibilities. Many parents taught their children to read by using the Bible as a text, after the daily chores had ended as the terrain and flooding also sometimes made travelling to the nearest school difficult. Butchers confirms, “in Dunedin, though seventy children were enrolled at the first school, the average attendance in winter was about forty”.582 The aspirations of the new settlers included providing their children with a good and honest life, free from social turmoil and, for some, schooling facilitated the achievement of this. Davies argues:

for many of the working class, education was seen as the way of escaping from the dankness and squalor of the crowded European industrial cities; for rural labourers as a way of earning extra money to purchase their own properties or to move to a better life in the cities.583

579 Daily Southern Cross, 21 August 1855. 580 Dakin, Jim., with supporting essays by Cooke, Bill and Wayne Facer. The Secular Trend in New Zealand. NZ Association of Rationalists and Humanists and the Human Trust, Wellington, New Zealand, 2007, p. 68. 581 Ibid. 582 Butchers, Arthur Gordon. Young New Zealand : A history of the early contact of the Maori race with the European and the establishment of a national system of education for both races. Coulls Sommerville Wilkie Ltd., Dunedin, New Zealand, 1929, p. 150. 583 Davies, Angela Mary Frances. "The heart of the village": What determined the spatial distribution of North Canterbury rural schools 1850-1940? M.Arts thesis, University of Canterbury, Department of Geography, 1993, pp. 12-13.

148 These opportunities did not always present themselves to those who most needed them, with more than half of the children between the ages of five and 15 not going to school at the end of 1870. As Campbell states:

Nelson Otago and Canterbury were far ahead of the other provinces; in 1869 their governments spent on the average £2 10s for every child of school age as against an average of only 5s in the rest of the colony. Compared with the South the whole of the North Island was an intellectual desert.584

The prosperity of the different regions accounted for the differing levels of funding for education. The wealthy provinces, Canterbury and Otago, had experienced sudden growth due to the exploration for gold. The Lyttelton Times reported, “the weekly escort arrived at Dunedin yesterday with 16,141 ounces gold, of which 10,953 ounces were from Gabriel’s Gully, and 5,188 ounces from Waitahuna”.585 The quest for gold encouraged further immigration to the district, but not all new residents were welcomed, due to their cultural origins. As Brosnahan confirms:

The gold rush decisively changed Otago’s demography, a transformation affecting the Catholics more than most. There had been at best a couple of hundred Catholics across the province in 1860. Even though these were mostly Irish, they were an unassuming lot, deferring to the leadership of the Scots and accepting the ministry of the French, in Church matters at least. The mining influx brought Irish Catholics of a very different stamp, and thousands of them.586

Visits by Catholic priests remained spasmodic and irregular. Their settlers’ first contact was with visiting priest, Father Petitjean, who held the first mass in Dunedin in the early 1860s. As the Otago Witness reported,

it was celebrated in a small house in the North-east Valley, the second in a skittle alley at Feeger's Hotel, and the third, at which Father Petitjean was the celebrant, in a bottle store belonging to Mr. Burke, the brewer. After this, the Courthouse was secured for morning service, the Methodists using it in the evenings.587

On 19 February 1871, Father Moreau, although initially appointed on a temporary basis to Otago, received a warm welcome to Dunedin from the small number of Catholics residing there. During his previous visit in 1862, his flock had been scattered throughout the

584 Campbell, Arnold Everitt. Educating New Zealand. Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, New Zealand, 1941, p. 44. 585 Lyttelton Times, 21 December 1861, Otago Daily Times , 24 December 1862. 586 Brosnahan, Seán. ‘Being Scottish in an Irish Catholic Church in a Scottish Presbyterian Settlement: Otago's Scottish Catholics, 1848–1895’. Immigrants & Minorities, March 2012, Vol. 30, No. 1, p. 32. 587 Otago Witness, 17 March 1898, Jubilee Edition.

149 Southland, with 184 Catholics living there.588 Moreau’s appointment became more permanent due to the influx of immigrants. The Otago Witness reported:

Father Moreau had the care of the whole of Otago, and when the rush to Gabriel's took place he visited the field once a month. It was on his return journey from one of these visits that he was stuck up by the Levi-Sullivan gang. They bound the good Father hand and foot, and debated whether they should kill him. The counsels of Sullivan, who said he would not stain his hands with the blood of a clergyman, fortunately prevailed, and Father Moreau was liberated.589

The South Island had received substantial church endowments, while the North had experienced years of hardship and devastation largely due to the ongoing Māori wars. Changes to this inequitable situation gained Governmental attention. The parliamentary elections of February 1871 re-elected Sir William Fox as Premier. He was a vocal supporter for the rights of workers and the provision of education for all children.590 Although Fox’s Education Bill failed to pass through parliament, three years later, Sir Julius Vogel, member for the Auckland City East constituency, attempted to re-introduce Fox’s Education Bill once again, but, again, it failed to pass.591

During the next election in 1875, Harry Atkinson became the tenth Premier of New Zealand and introduced a Bill that changed the role of the provinces and addressed the inequality within the New Zealand economy. The Abolition of Provinces Act,592 passed on 25 October 1875, returned the financial responsibility for government borrowing to a central administration and, thereby, controlled spending at a district or municipal level. After the abolition of the provinces, primary education gained greater attention as the Act had established 12 regional Education Boards, most having evolved from the previous provincial boards. All of the boards became responsible for public education in their own districts.593 O’Neill states:

588 Goulter, Mary Catherine. Sons of France: A forgotten influence on New Zealand history. 2nd ed. Whitcombe and Tombs, Wellington, New Zealand, 1958, pp. 130-131. 589 Otago Witness, 17 March 1898, Jubilee Edition. 590 McLintock, A.H (ed). ‘Fox, Sir William’. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, 1966, Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/1966/fox-sir-william/1 591 Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, 28 October 1871. 592 New Zealand, Abolition of Provinces Act, 1875, 25 October 1875, (39 Victoriae 1875 No. 21), accessed from: http://www.nzlii.org/nz/legis/hist_act/aopa187539v1875n21360/ 593 Cumming, Ian and Cumming, Alan. History of State Education in New Zealand 1840-1975. Pitman, Melbourne, 1978, pp. 82-83.

150 The Education Act of 1877 established a network of education districts covering the whole country. Each district was to have an Education Board, responsible for establishing, building and maintaining primary schools in its district, for hiring and firing teachers, and in general for controlling the primary education throughout its district.594

Each of the districts had their own School Committee, with elections held by the local population to determine members of the School Boards, which then elected representatives to sit on the Education Boards. The 1877 Education Act now held the authority to establish free, compulsory and secular primary school education.595

5.4 The Departure of Pompallier and the Arrival of the Irish Catholic Bishops

Bishop Jean Baptiste Pompallier experienced a dark and disturbing period during 1852. He held his priests in high regard, but they did not reciprocate these sentiments. The bishop worked tirelessly to ensure that all of his parishioners received his attention and he expected the same level of commitment from members of his religious fraternity. He lived in a compound in Auckland that included Māori community members, the Sisters of Mercy and some male religious males. Priest Petit by then unwillingly relocated to Wellington, resented his new position and sought permission from Catholic Bishop of Wellington, Philp Viard, to return to France, which was granted. Petit’s anger with his placement and his status motivated him to make a series of scurrilous claims to priest Louis Reynaud. Feeling that he had little option, Reynaud placed these concerns before Philip Viard, who reported the allegations of misconduct by Pompallier to Rome. In addition, other priests seeking financial assistance from Viard complained that the pittance that Pompallier paid them did not allow them to live within their means and that the diocese was in danger of financial and moral turpitude.596

Initially shocked at the lack of documentation to support these claims, Viard commenced his investigation in 1853, as Reynaud wished to replace Pompallier as

594 O’Neill, John. ‘Catholic Education in New Zealand’. The Australasian Catholic Record, 1989, Vol. LXVI, No. 2, p. 168. 595 Mackey, John. The Making of a State Education System: The passing of the New Zealand Education Act, 1877. Geoffrey Chapman, London, 1967, pp. 282-283. Education Act of 1877, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, Archives New Zealand. 596 Simmons, Ernest Richard. In Cruce Salus: A history of the Diocese of Auckland 1848-1980. Catholic Publications Centre, Auckland, 1982, p. 48.

151 bishop of Auckland. Simmons states, “Viard’s report, written on 25 March 1854, considered the accusations against Pompallier under three headings, Temporal administration, Immoderate use of wine and liquor and Imprudence of behaviour with religious women”.597 The first of the charges related to financial discrepancies within the administration of the diocese, due to Pompallier’s form of accounting. Superficially, it may have aroused concern but, upon investigation, Viard found the accusation to be false. The second of the charges related to Pompallier’s drunkenness, which led Viard to conclude that only on two occasions was this apparent and may have been a result of illness. The third charge of imprudence concerned the visitation by the bishop to the Sisters of Mercy to hear their confessions in the evening within the confines of their convent. Viard also found these charges to be without foundation. All of the allegations directed towards Pompallier during the investigation arose from jealousy and resentment by his priests, but, despite being found not guilty, Pompallier did not remain immune from the disappointment that he experienced at this time.598

Pompallier planned to visit the Holy See to seek further financial assistance for his diocese and to obtain further religious to participate in his New Zealand mission. On 15 June 1859, he departed from Auckland for Europe on the vessel, General De Hautpoule.599 His financial requests did not meet with success in Rome, but his personal status had changed as, during his absence, a Papal brief was issued by Rome providing recognition to Viard and Pompallier. Keys confirms that, “instead of titular Bishop of Maronea he became the first Bishop of Auckland. At the same time, Dr.Viard was made Bishop of Wellington and so ceased to be Dr Pompallier’s coadjutor”.600 The lack of further financial assistance, although critical to his continued religious endeavours, did not prevent him attaining additional religious clerics and lay assistants. He returned to Auckland on 30 December 1860 on the

597 Ibid, pp. 49-51. 598 Simmons, Ernest Richard. Pompallier, Prince of Bishops. CPC Publishing, Auckland, New Zealand, 1984, pp. 136-137. 599 Wellington Independent, 15 June 1859. 600 Keys, Lillian. The Life and Times of Bishop Pompallier. Pegasus Press, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1957, p. 305.

152 General Teste, a whaling ship from Le Havre in northwestern France.601 His party included, Simmons states:

Eight Franciscans, eight seminarians, and four Frenchwomen, who were intended to be the first members of his new order, the Sisters of the Holy Family, accompanied him. The party included his nephew, Antoine, and his niece, Lucie, as well as Suzanne Aubert and Marthe-Péroline Droguet.602

The fourth sister, Octavie-Antoinette Debucle, suffered a mental breakdown during the voyage and returned to France.603 Sister Suzanne Aubert had high expectations and hopes for her new life in New Zealand, as both a nun and as a nurse. She had joined the journey at the age of 25, unbeknownst to her family in France, with a burning desire to help the Māori and those in need of her care and spiritual guidance.604 On her arrival, however, Aubert was informed that she and the other sisters were to enter as postulants for the Sisters of Mercy, where their services were urgently required for the genteel education of Auckland’s young women. As Munro affirms:

Their French language, singing, sewing and embroidery accomplishments as young bourgeoises were highly desirable assets in the education of the up-and- coming daughters of the then capital city of New Zealand. Suzanne especially resisted this and they were transferred to run the Nazareth Institute for girls of Maori and mixed-race birth, which suited better their missionary vocation to indigenous people.605

For Pompallier, celebratory farewells, marked by constant gatherings and religious prayers, filled the days leading to his final departure from New Zealand on 18 February 1868.606 Although he was sick and elderly at this time, many of the parishioners remained unaware that Pompallier would not return. A large Mass, organised at the Cathedral to wish him farewell and to recognise his achievements in New Zealand, occupied his final day in Auckland.607 Unsuccessful in his mission to

601 Daily Southern Cross, 4 January 1861. 602 Simmons, Ernest Richard. ‘Pompallier, Jean Baptiste François – Biography’. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 1 September 2010. Accessed from: http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/biographies/1p23/1 603 Keys, Lillian. The Life and Times of Bishop Pompallier. Pegasus Press, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1957, p. 307. 604 Simmons, Ernest Richard. Pompallier, Prince of Bishops. CPC Publishing, Auckland, New Zealand, 1984, p. 162. 605 Munro, Jessie. ‘Suzanne Aubers and the Meeting of Language’. Paper presented at the Conference of the New Zealand Historical Association and Te Pouhere Korero, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 8-11 February 1996, p. 2. 606 Daily Southern Cross, 13 February 1868. 607 Daily Southern Cross, 14 February 1868.

153 achieve further assistance in Rome and throughout Europe, Pompallier retired to Puteaux, near Paris, where he died in December 1871.608

The departure of Marist priest, Pompallier, was a sad occasion for many of his parishioners. Some clergy, however, viewed his departure as an opportunity for consolidation and change. From 1861, the increase in the established religious denominations had revealed a greater need for Catholic pastoral care. Irish Cardinal, Paul Cullen, seeking a replacement for Bishop Pompallier, was instrumental in the selection of two new Irish bishops, with his protégés the first to be chosen. Thomas William Croke replaced Pompallier and Patrick Moran attained the See of Dunedin.609

Bishop Croke arrived quietly in Auckland on 17 December 1870 on the vessel, City of Melbourne, to establish his bishopric in Auckland.610 The sight of Dunedin that Croke experienced had changed minutely since the early days of settlement; it lacked roads, and morale amongst the settlers. As the Otago Witness reported,

the site of Dunedin itself is actually pitched upon a mass of hills, having such deep gullies between them, that nothing save an earthquake coming to level them could ever make it suitable for the site of a town; early jobbing or ignorance and mismanagement, gained the day, and the poor settlers are now reaping the consequences.611

Bishop Croke spent the next two years travelling throughout his diocese, more intent on saving the souls of his Irish immigrant flock, particularly those residing on the goldfields, than converting the Māori population to Catholicism. Croke, when visiting the gold mining town of Thames, was unimpressed with the conduct of his flock. “The conduct of boys at vespers was very bad, hardly surprising when the Catholic school had closed down after fisticuffs between the parish priest and the schoolmaster”.612

608 Taylor, Diane J. ‘Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier- loved and lamented through the generations in New Zealand: an overview and appraisal of Bishop Pompallier's mission to Maori, its continuation and the return of his body to New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis, Massey University, New Zealand, 2009, p. 55. 609 Jackson, H.R. Churches and People in Australia and New Zealand 1860-1930. Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1987, p. 86. 610 Daily Southern Cross, 19 December 1870. 611 Otago Witness , 6 September 1851. 612 Davis, Richard P. Irish Issues in New Zealand Politics 1868-1922. University of Otago Press, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1974, p. 74.

154 After spending three years in his new diocese, Croke returned to Ireland, and the See of Auckland remained vacant for six years. King states that, “his real interests lay elsewhere. The only Auckland parishes that were flourishing at the time of his departure from New Zealand in 1874 were those near the Coromandel goldfields and on the Auckland isthmus itself”.613 Within a year of Croke’s arrival in Ireland, he became Archbishop of Cashel. King affirms that “he became the Lion of Cashel, a champion of Irish Nationalism”.614

News of the appointment of the Catholic Bishop of Dunedin was more difficult to obtain. Quoting Father Moreau, the Otago Witness reported, “in reference to the future Catholic Bishop, to this I have only to say, that the See of Dunedin had been offered to Dr. Moran, but we know not up to this moment whether he accepted it or not”.615

Moran, born in 1823, was the son of a tenant farmer in County Wicklow, Ireland, and a graduate of Maynooth Seminary. Laracy confirms that “he was consecrated at the age of thirty-two by Archbishop (later Cardinal) Paul Cullen of Dublin in 1856”.616 Although appointed to his new See in New Zealand in 1869, Moran still had much to complete in his bishopric in Grahamstown, where he had held the position of Vicar Apostolic of the Eastern Province of Cape Colony in South Africa. During his Cape Colony mission, notable due to his being the youngest Catholic bishop at this time, he successfully established churches and schools, with the assistance of the order of the Dominican Sisters. The congregation of St Joseph’s Church in Dunedin received reports of his pending arrival in September 1870, together with the news of the generosity of the Grahamstown parishioners to finance his travel. The Otago Witness reported, “in Grahamstown, the bishop lives for his Church. The elaborate school system, which has grown into magnitude, in this city

613 King, Michael. God's Farthest Outpost: A history of Catholics in New Zealand. Penguin Books, Auckland, New Zealand, 1997, p. 95. 614 Ibid. 615 Otago Witness, 5 March 1870. 616 Laracy, Hugh M. ‘Bishop Moran: Irish Politics and Catholicism in New Zealand’. Journal of Religious History, 1970, Vol. 6, No. 1, 1970, p. 63.

155 under the bishop’s care, is a fact of the day, which, if some Churches cannot look upon with satisfaction they will do well to imitate”.617

When Patrick Moran, the newly appointed Irish Catholic Bishop of Dunedin, arrived on 18 February 1871, his effusive welcome was immeasurably different to Croke’s. Accompanied by 10 Irish Dominican nuns and one priest, William Coleman, the excitement of the crowd was evident. As the Otago Daily Times reported:

At an early hour on Saturday morning, a number of ladies and gentlemen met at the Octagon, and proceeded overland in coaches and buggies to await his arrival. Having arrived at the port, the cavalcade drew up in George street, lining the street from Mr Kettle's store to the Bank of Otago, making quite a lively and imposing appearance.618

A Mass followed with thanksgiving for those present. John Griffin, a member of the first Dunedin Council and chief clerk of the Dunedin gasworks, concluded the welcome with a presentation of thanks from the Catholic parishioners of Dunedin.619 He stated:

By dutiful obedience to your teaching, and faithful compliance with your directions, we may reasonably expect great moral advantage to ourselves and our children, and we sincerely hope that you may before long, in our religious and moral advancement, witness the qualifying effect of your Lordship’s teaching.620

Moran was concerned with the formation of new schools for the diocese. The Dominican Sisters, acquired the girl’s school, St Joseph’s, on 20 February 1871. The Sister’s were fortunate that an existing primary school, St Joseph’s, had been established in 1863, effectively conducted by Father Moreau.621 As McCarthy states:

When the old wooden provincial Government buildings were replaced by new brick ones, the former were sold. Father Moreau secured some of them for his school. One large room was put on the side of the Rattray Street gully, below the Church. It was divided into two parts – one for the boys and one for the girls. Other parts of the building were used as a coach house and a stable.622

617 Otago Daily Times, 20 September 1870. 618 Otago Daily Times, 20 February 1871. 619 Cyclopedia Company. The Cyclopedia of New Zealand: Otago and Southland Provincial Districts, Volume 4. Cyclopedia Company, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1897-1908, p. 108. 620 Otago Daily Times, 20 February 1871. 621 Otago Daily Times, 23 December 1870. 622 McCarthy, Mary Augustine. Star in the South: The Centennial History of the New Zealand Dominican Sisters. St. Dominic’s Priory, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1970, p. 31.

156 Problems included a scarcity of resource materials for the school and an absence of suitable accommodation for the Sisters and the Bishop. Moran unfairly blamed upon this upon the Marists for what he perceived to be their lack of administration and organisational abilities, and their preoccupation with creating, rather than maintaining missions.623 The Marists and Pompallier, however, had experienced challenges during their early missionary activities in New Zealand. As Clerkin states:

not only were they obliged to teach in sub-standard accommodation, but they had to endure the opposition of public school teachers as well as divisive elements within the Catholic community. Despite unforeseen difficulties with the clergy, through their dedication the Marists demonstrated their fitness to teach coupled with a resolute commitment to ‘hard to reach students’.624

The organisers of a public meeting held in the schoolroom of St. Joseph’s Church on the evening of 20 February 1871 raised funds to provide accommodation and school buildings for the Dominican Sisters. The Otago Daily Times reported, “Subscriptions to the extent of more than £400 were promised, of which about £160 were paid in the room”.625 These donations provided the sisters with the financial impetus required to open their new high school for female day pupils, St Dominic’s, on the same site as the primary school, on 27 February 1871. The curriculum included “the pianoforte, singing, the harp, painting, flower-making, art, needlework and languages, French, Italian, German and Spanish”.626 Catholics desired the opportunities that this curriculum provided. These opportunities provided young women with an opportunity to marry well, or at least obtain employable prospects as a governess or teacher, in an occupation where their respectability was valued.

Theobald’s study of middle class women in colonial Australia, during the years 1840 to 1910, sustains this view. She states, “the daughters of the British middle classes were to be taught how to deploy their learning discreetly, to ensure that it was

623 King, Michael. God's Farthest Outpost: A history of Catholics in New Zealand. Penguin Books, Auckland, New Zealand, 1997, p. 95. 624 Clerkin, Ciaran. ‘Good Christians and good citizens’: the early years of Marist education in Oceania: 1830s- 1900s’. International Studies in Catholic Education, March 2010, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 108. 625 Otago Daily Times, 25 February 1871. 626 McCarthy, Mary Augustine. Star in the South: The Centennial History of the New Zealand Dominican Sisters. St. Dominic’s Priory, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1970, p. 31.

157 at the service of their domestic role and civilizing influence”.627 Catholic parents could welcome their daughter’s aspiration to embark upon a religious vocation within the church, with their future security and status assured, and no longer their financial responsibility. As Sayer affirms:

despite the fact that people inherit rather than deserve their natal class, they may feel class pride or shame and care a great deal about how they are positioned with respect to class and how others treat them. They are likely to be concerned about class in terms of recognition of their worth, and want to be respected or respectable.628

This belief in acquiring status existed in New Zealand and often focused upon educational aspirations and institutions attended. Thrupp argues that:

Life in New Zealand has had various features, which may have plausibly allowed class differences to be more muted than in England and which have helped to sustain the belief in egalitarianism. These include less population pressure, smaller settlements and fewer and less marked areas of urban deprivation. There is relatively little ‘old money’ and the labour market in New Zealand also often acts to blur class distinctions.629

Moran, however, was experiencing his own personal tribulations and aspirations. He was to soon regret his vocal promotion of Catholic education and criticism of the government system. He considered resigning his See and withdrawing the Dominican Sisters from Dunedin.630 The Bishop was not prepared for the public denigration of his beliefs and ideals when he published his Pastoral Letter on 3 March 1871. He stated:

We have learned how deplorable is the state of religion here. That the information given to us in Europe as to the resources in this Diocese, and the preparation for our coming, was most incorrect. ... We had been led to believe that there was a good Church in Dunedin, and eleven other Churches in the Country districts. How great is our disappointment, and disgust, and discouragement, to discover on landing that there was scarcely even the remotest appearance of truth in the statements made to us.631

Moran wished to see a Catholic system of education develop within his diocese and he challenged the government to meet his demands. He viewed the changes to

627 Theobald, Marjorie R. ‘The Accomplished Woman and the Propriety of Intellect: A New Look at Women’s Education in Britain and Australia, 1800–1850’. History of Education, 1988, Vol. 17, No. 1, p. 21. 628 Sayer, Andrew. ‘Class, Moral Worth and Recognition’. Sociology, November 2005, Vol. 39, p. 948. 629 Thrupp, Martin. ‘Education policy and social class in England and New Zealand: an instructive comparison’. Journal of Educational Policy, November 2010, Vol. 16, No. 4, p. 305. 630 McCarthy, Mary Augustine. Star in the South: The Centennial History of the New Zealand Dominican Sisters. St. Dominic’s Priory, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1970, p. 38. 631 Patrick Moran, Bishop of Dunedin, Pastoral Letter, 3 March 1871.

158 the Education Act as a call to battle, one that demanded justice for all Catholic children in New Zealand. During a Mass on 31 March 1872 at St Josephs Church in Dunedin, Moran detailed how the changes to the provision of education concerned him. Using threats of eternal damnation and fear of Protestant proselytising, he explained how those who defied him soon would suffer if they sent their children to government schools. He stated:

it is against the Catholic conscience to permit Catholic children to learn vile calumnies against their religion. Parents who send their children to these schools cannot receive the sacraments whilst they do so, and cannot receive Christian burial if they die, whilst doing so.632

Moran did not regard his actions as confrontational nor divisive, as he believed in the construct of Papal Infallibility. During his vocation as Cardinal Cullen’s secretary, he was present during the First Vatican Council that commenced on 15 June 1870. Moran was actively involved in defining the dogma.633 The doctrine of Papal infallibility stated:

That only doctrines of faith and morals, and facts so intimately connected with these as to require infallible determination, fall under the scope of infallible ecclesiastical teaching. These doctrines or facts need not necessarily be revealed; it is enough if the revealed deposit cannot be adequately and effectively guarded and explained, unless they are infallibly determined.634

The bishop believed that the current system of State education was a method devised to ensure proselytizing and, consequently, endangered the children of his Irish Catholic congregation. Fraser states that, “a limited amount of anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice and bigotry existed in Canterbury throughout the nineteenth century. The provincial government, for example, had attempted to stem the flow of assisted migrants from Southern Ireland during the 1860s”.635 To capture the attention of his Irish, Catholic flock and provide a voice for his vitriolic complaints towards the government, Moran established, in Dunedin, a weekly paper, the New Zealand Tablet, in 1873.636

632 Otago Daily Times, 6 April 1872. 633 McCormack, Jim. ‘Paul Cullen and the Definition of Papal Infallibility at Vatican I. Irish Theological Quarterly, 1985, Vol. 51, Issue 2, p. 56. 634 Toner, P. Infallibility. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 2010. Accessed from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07790a.htm 635 Fraser, Lyndon A. ‘Community, Continuity and Change: Irish Catholic Immigrants in Nineteenth Century Christchurch’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, 1993, p. 92. 636 Reid, Nicholas Evan. The Bishop’s Paper: A History of the Catholic Press of the Diocese of Auckland. Catholic Publications Centre, Orewa, New Zealand, 2000, p. 189.

159 The establishment of the Christian Brothers College for boys in Rattray Street, Dunedin, however, became a complex proposition, as the Brothers first had to construct their school before their arrival as a religious congregation in New Zealand. On 17 March 1876, the New Zealand Tablet requested the donation of funds for the Christian Brothers School Fund. The newspaper advised the Catholics of Otago to note the improvement in the behaviour of the boys in the town once the brothers had arrived. The Christian Brothers’ ethos included a detailed formulation of character- building techniques devised by Edmund Rice. It stated:

A young man brands himself as an inferior type in the eyes of refined people if he disregards social conventions. ... Short social shrift is given an offender and he cannot subsequently plead ignorance as an excuse. His ignorance makes him the more culpable.637

Rice’s philosophy towards encouraging student development was becoming more recognisable. As the New Zealand Tablet reported,

it is admitted on all hands that the settlement of the Christian Brothers amongst us is most devoutly desired; their efforts in the course of education have in every part of the world been crowned with the most striking success.638

Planning had commenced for the new college after purchasing the land in 1872 direct from Australia. Brother Treacy from Queensland, who had taken upon himself the role of intermediary between the Superior General of the Christian Brothers and the bishops, did not confirm selection for the new, temporary director, Brother Fursey, until 2 December 1875.639 Davidson confirms,

on the morning of Sunday, April 2, 1876 the SS Arawata berthed at Port Chalmers. On board were four young Irishmen dressed in the clerical attire of the day, but with narrow collars. They were met by Bishop Moran and a group of Catholics and driven rapidly to Dunedin where, at the 11.00am Mass, Brothers Bodkin, Dunne, Healy and McMahon were introduced to the people.640

The new Christian Brothers College, headed by Brother Bodkin, was opened within a few weeks in Rattray Street, Dunedin. As O’Neill acknowledges:

637 Christian Brothers. Christian Politeness and counsels for youth. Christian Brothers, Strathfield, New South Wales, 1938, p. viii-ix. 638 New Zealand Tablet, 17 March 1876. 639 O’Donoghue, Kenneth K. Brother P.A. Treacy and the Christian Brothers in Australia and New Zealand. Polding Press, Melbourne, 1983, p. 107. 640 Donaldson, Graeme. To all parts of the kingdom : Christian Brothers in New Zealand, 1876-2001. Christian Brothers 125th Committee, Dunedin, 2001, pp. 5-6.

160 on April 24th 1876, at Dunedin the Christian Brothers began their work of education in New Zealand. On that day, the four original Brothers who had landed at Port Chalmers three weeks before opened the school to [final enrolments] of 129 boys.641

The new school followed the principles of the Edmund Rice system of education, which was viewed by many Catholics as radical.642 “The Ricean principle of education, one of which was at odds with the then Vatican bureaucracy, namely that to confine education to one social class, not only ignored in practice Christ’s Incarnation, but also inadequately educated that social class”.643 With the aid of the teaching abilities of the four brothers, a broad curriculum was offered to an increasing number of students for six pence per week, despite the lack of a secondary department, which did not commence until 1891.644 As O’Neill states, “right from the start the subjects, French, Latin, higher Mathematics and Book keeping were taught, in addition to the fundamentals of Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Composition, Literature, Geometry, History, Geography and Drawing”.645

Within a month of opening, another struggle between Moran and the Government overshadowed the relative harmony of the new school. Catholic students who travelled from Port Chalmers to Dunedin by train to attend their schools were not entitled to the Government financial subsidy of free train travel, as they did not attend State schools. On 9 May 1876, a delegation headed by William Larnach, a merchant baron and politician, presented to the Superintendent of the Otago Province a petition requesting free train travel for Catholic students. His request was denied, with the Superintendent remaining unconvinced of the need for change by assisting Catholic students with free train travel.646 Moran was a frequent visitor to the College and continued to praise the brothers’ conduct and educational

641 O’Neill, John Charles. ‘The History of the Christian Brothers in New Zealand’. Dip.Ed. thesis, University of Auckland, 1968, pp. 28-29. 642 The system of education taught by Edmund Rice and the brothers did not favour only those who were poor or seeking upward social mobility. They provided and supported a system of justice within their teachings and from this, influenced change by social transformation within the community. 643 McLaughlin, Denis. ‘A School Like Rice’s School: The Beginnings of Edmund Rice Education’. Australian eJournal of Theology, October 2006, Vol. 8, p. 26. 644 O’Neill, John Charles. ‘The History of the Christian Brothers in New Zealand’. Dip.Ed. thesis, University of Auckland, 1968, p. 29. 645 Ibid. 646 New Zealand Tablet, 12 May 1876.

161 initiatives.647 Moran remained committed to establishing further schools throughout his diocese. Laracy affirms that:

from the first his overriding interest was in establishing Catholic schools for Catholic children. In his efforts to obtain assistance for them, to supplement the contributions of his own following, he waged war first against the Otago Provincial government and then, from 1877, against the national government – neither of which obliged him.648

The 1877 Education Act created bitter and hostile relations between the Government and numerous clerics throughout New Zealand. Dakin confirms, “a cardinal provision of the 1877 Act was the exclusion of religious instruction and observance from the primary schools”.649

Moran’s public comments, perhaps not unusual for this contentious era, were purposeful in their intent. He sought to encourage the community’s opposition by appealing to their Irish ancestry. Davis argues that “Moran, in language not dissimilar to that of Catholic bishops in Victoria and New South Wales, insisted that there had been no more atrocious and tyrannical measure since the anti-Catholic Irish penal laws of the eighteenth century”.650 Moran’s principal complaints concerned the inequalities that the Act contained, especially towards Catholic teachers. The Government intended that all teachers within the new system undertake religious tests, thus excluding Catholics from teaching in public schools, which Moran viewed as a means of Protestant proselytising. The Education Act provided a conscience clause, related to the reading of the Bible, chosen by the teacher and either read prior to the commencement of daily lessons or during the school day. Moran argued that this, and the type of religious instruction offered, overtly violated Catholic beliefs. He also objected to the type of textbooks selected for the schools, as they remained prejudicial to the faith of Catholic children.651

647 O’Donoghue, Kenneth K. Brother P.A. Treacy and the Christian Brothers in Australia and New Zealand. Polding Press, Melbourne, 1983, p. 118. 648 Laracy, Hugh M. ‘Paranoid Popery: Bishop Moran and Catholic Education in New Zealand’. New Zealand Journal of History, April 1976, Vol 10, No. 1, pp. 51-52. 649 Dakin, Jim C. Education in New Zealand. Leonard Fullerton, Auckland, New Zealand, 1973, p. 22. 650 Davis, Richard P. Irish Issues in New Zealand Politics 1868-1922. University of Otago Press, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1974, p. 77. 651 Votes and Proceedings of the Otago Provincial Council, New Zealand. Session XXIX, 1871, Appendix, p. 80.

162 Scottish textbooks used in schools included the Second Collection of Instructive Extracts and contained contentious explanations of the past, which Moran believed to be historically inaccurate.652 McGeorge confirms, “Irish Catholicism is referred to within the textbooks as an ancient superstition and the Reformation in Scotland described as overthrowing the Romish hierarchy with all its abuses and abominations and establishing in the land the light of Protestant truth”.653

Moran’s claims presented the Otago Education Board with cause for concern. After the formation of a Commission of Enquiry, and after further investigation by the Commission, the members reluctantly conceded his point and acquiesced to his demands.654

Not all of the bishop’s public requests received agreement. In his congratulatory speech during the end of year, prize-giving ceremony held by the Christian Brothers in Dunedin, once again, he directed his anger towards the Government. In the New Zealand Tablet, Moran stated, “it is a monstrous injustice that Catholics should be compelled to contribute to the maintenance of Godless schools, while their own supplied entirely by themselves, were refused all aid”.655

The Bishop of Auckland, Philip Viard, shared Moran’s commitment to the provision of schooling. Viard’s methods for achieving change, however, contrasted dramatically with Moran’s. Viard sought to sway the Government peacefully to obtain funds for schooling in his Auckland diocese. He travelled to Rome in 1869 to attend the First Vatican Council, presided over by Pope Pius IX, and did not return to New Zealand until March 1871, in poor health, aged 61 years. The Bishop arrived home to a diocese that had been significantly altered during his overseas travels, as, “during his absence Dunedin (Otago and Southland) was created a separate diocese under Bishop Patrick Moran”.656 When Viard died on 2 June 1872, the final era of

652 Scottish Schoolbook Association. Second Collection of Instructive Extracts: Being No. VI of a New Series of Instructive Extracts. William Collins, Glasgow, 1864, p.64 and p.103. 653 McGeorge, Colin. ‘New Zealand schooling and European ethnic identity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’. Journal of Educational Administration and History, July 2006, Vol. 34, No. 1, p. 26. 654 Davis, Richard P. Irish Issues in New Zealand Politics 1868-1922. University of Otago Press, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1974. 655 New Zealand Tablet, 20 December 1878. 656 King, Michael. God's Farthest Outpost: A history of Catholics in New Zealand. Penguin Books, Auckland, New Zealand, 1997, p. 90.

163 Catholic missionary work also ended and a period of great sadness swept the Catholic community in Wellington. The Wellington Independent reported:

On the evening of the death of the Bishop his remains were removed to St. Mary’s Cathedral, where they were laid in state, and remained for two succeeding days, delayed to await the coming of Dr. Moran. The arrangements for the funeral procession are completed, and the proceedings will be conducted upon a scale of grandeur altogether unprecedented in this colony.657

After the death of Viard, the consecration of his successor, Francis William Mary Redwood, did not take place until June 1874. At this time, Redwood became the youngest Catholic bishop in the world, supplanting the title previously held by Moran. Born in Tixall, Staffordshire, in 1842 at the age of three, he emigrated to New Zealand on the vessel, George Fyfe. Redwood was accompanied by his parents, Henry and Mary, two of his three brothers, Tom and Charley, and four sisters, Martha, Mary, Ann and Elizabeth, to a new farming community in Waimea West, 14 miles west of Nelson. The land in this area, originally purchased by the New Zealand Company for settlement, presented the family with initial problems. Brown states:

The land fell into three principal types - flax land or marsh, fern land and woodland. Swamps were to be one of the chief drawbacks - swamps without end. The deep bogs and the raupo, bullrushes and giant flax growing therein made survey work in some areas a nightmare. Yet when cleared and drained, some of the swamp proved to have good black soil, which produced healthy crops.658

Despite the initial hardships, the family prospered. Dickinson confirms:

Religion played a major part in the Redwood family. Henry Senior nearly pulled up stakes and went to Tasmania when he found that there were no regular masses celebrated in Nelson. The visit of Bishop Pompallier and Rev. Father O'Reilly from Wellington to Waimea West thrilled Francis.659

Visits by Pompallier and O’Reilly took place only once per year and the Redwoods keenly felt the loss of their religious ties, especially the boys being unable to assist during Mass as part of their commitment to their faith. The early years presented the Redwoods with the additional problem of how to educate their young

657 Wellington Independent, 8 June 1872. 658 Brown, Margaret C. Nelson Historical Society Journal, September 1977, Vol. 3, Issue 3, p. 20. 659 Dickenson, Molly. Journal of the Nelson and Marlborough Historical Societies, October 1985, Vol. 1, Issue 1, p.45.

164 family. They sought assistance from their daughter, Mary, and her husband, Joseph Ward, a surveyor, to aid in their tuition. As Redwood states:

For a suitable remuneration he [Ward] when not away on survey business – undertook our schooling, and right well he did it. He taught us reading, writing and arithmetic admirably. I learnt my alphabet from my sister Martha. I was rather long in mastering my A.B.C., but afterwards improved very fast and soon became, for a boy, a good reader. ... In short, I was a well taught boy. And, what is far more, I knew my prayers and my catechism perfectly.660

Redwood’s father, Henry, had a keen eye for horses and established a horseracing stud at his farm in Waimea West. He was regarded as a man who was stern with his children and kind to his horses.661 Dickenson acknowledges, “after 1851, he established the first New Zealand stud for breeding thoroughbreds. The brig Spray arrived from Sydney in 1851, bringing him 33 horses, among them Sir Hercules and Glaucus, stallions who each founded a great racing line”.662

Not only did Redwood attend the school run by parish priest, Father Antoine Marie Garin, in Nelson, he also attributed his vocation to the thorough and spiritual education he received during his formative years and for his confirmation. Redwood states, “from that First Communion sprang my vocation, the first vocation to the priesthood in New Zealand. And it may be that I was chosen by God’s inscrutable mercy, because I was the most unworthy and sinful of the group”.663 Redwood’s parents, however, considered his vocation with pride and approval, and acceded to his becoming the first boarder at Garin’s school, St Michael’s in Nelson. Redwood related, “I spent, as a student of Latin and French, three years at Father Garin’s, 1852-3 and most of 4”.664

St Michael’s received praise and increased enrolments for its continued success. Larcombe acknowledges that:

660 Redwood, Francis. Reminiscences of early days in New Zealand. Baker, Wellington, New Zealand, 1922, p. 9. 661 Henry Redwood, regarded as the father of the New Zealand turf, won two Wellington Cups, three Marlborough Cups, two Dunedin Cups, two Canterbury Cups and four Nelson Cups. His horse, Ladybird, won the first Interdominion Championship in Dunedin, in 1863, defeating the favourite, Mormon, from Victoria. Mormon was second to Archer in the first Melbourne Cup, 1861. 662 Dickenson, Molly. Journal of the Nelson and Marlborough Historical Societies, October 19814, Vol. 1, Issue 1, p.46. 663 Redwood, Francis. Reminiscences of early days in New Zealand. Baker, Wellington, New Zealand, 1922, p. 14. 664 Ibid., p. 15.

165 the first public examination that he [Garin] held in January 1852 was such a success that the examiner, a Protestant man, sent his son to the school and many others followed his example. Garin’s schools managed to attract more Protestant than Catholic pupils, by restricting religious instruction to after- school hours.665

Garin’s educational achievements also drew detractors, quick to diminish the efforts of the Catholic clergy in Nelson and their increasing control of education for the children of the middle classes. Editor of the Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Charles Elliot, criticised the increasing Protestant student presence within the school and the lack of other suitable schools, especially for those not Catholic. Elliot wrote:

There is not a school in the settlement where a liberal education can be obtained, unless Protestant parents think proper to send their sons to the school of the Catholic Mission. We have a Protestant Government, an endowed Protestant Church, a population nineteen-twentieths of which are Protestant, and yet our only teacher of more than the most ordinary branches of education is a Catholic Priest. ... We think it disgraceful that the poor unendowed Church of Rome, weak in numbers also, should be able to set up an institution for imparting education to youths, while the Protestant clergy, backed by such overwhelming numbers leave the field wholly unoccupied. There is something radically wrong in this.666

Garin, the first strong promoter of Catholic education in New Zealand, elicited public support towards an effective system of schooling. Larcombe acknowledges that, “because of the more prominent position of Patrick Moran, the Bishop of Dunedin, and the promulgation of his views through his newspaper, the New Zealand Tablet, Moran arguably gained a higher profile than Garin in his fight against secular education”..667

Responding to the growing unrest provoked by the Provincial Government’s attempts to establish a secular form of education, Garin complained:

to keep a school at the very birth of a colony is one thing, and to establish a regular system for the colony when more advanced, is another. I admit children of all denominations with the view of giving them a mere secular education, but at the same time I take care that the children of my own creed shall,

665 Larcombe, Giselle. ‘Antoine Marie Garin: A Biographical Study of the Intercultural Dynamic in Nineteenth- Century New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 2009, p. 352. 666 Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Editorial, 8 May 1852. 667 Larcombe, Giselle. ‘Antoine Marie Garin: A Biographical Study of the Intercultural Dynamic in Nineteenth- Century New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis in French, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 2009, p. 376.

166 immediately after school, receive religious principles which, I regret, cannot be given along with secular matters.668

Garin’s beliefs remained fundamentally dedicated to the teachings of the Catholic Church in Rome. O’Donoghue confirms that “the religious orders constituted a large and unpaid and totally dedicated workforce that could be trusted absolutely in the continual expansion of Catholic education”.669 This Garin believed could only be achieved through the promotion of religious understandings within Catholic schools. Financial support by the Government was essential to his plans. To gain the attention of the public, Garin wrote a constant stream of letters to the newspapers. In 1856, he revealed that the Act contained a devious method of financial gain for the Provincial Government. Larcombe confirms that, “under the Nelson Education Act, a compulsory rate of one pound was imposed on householders for the whole province to devote to education. A capitation levy of five shillings was also imposed on every child between five and fourteen”.670 The Act proposed that the province of Nelson be divided into districts and, after electing a committee, become self-sufficient in their appointment of teachers and administration of the school curriculum and finances, with a non-denominational form of religious education included in the daily lessons. Garin wrote to the Nelson Examiner, in July 1856, appealing to the community and the government. He stated:

I beg to avail myself of this opportunity of informing them, through the medium of your paper, that if the Government cannot assist me in keeping the Catholic School, I will continue to exert myself in maintaining it, as I have already done before, without; but I expect to encounter more difficulties now than ever: yet, with the powerful help of Divine Providence, I will strive to do it without other means than those that I have had for the past.671

Redwood returned to the family property during his vacations and at harvest times to assist his family with the farming of crops. His desire to become a priest remained unabated and, with the approval of his family, commenced his journey to France, chaperoned by Father Comte, to undertake his studies at St Mary’s College at St Chamond, near Lyon.672 He departed Wellington as a boy aged 15, travelling first

668 Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, 23 February 1856. 669 O’Donoghue, Thomas A. ‘Catholic School/Education’, in Gary McCulloch and David Crook (eds), The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Education. Routledge, London, 2008, p. 76. 670 Larcombe, Giselle. ‘Antoine Marie Garin: A Biographical Study of the Intercultural Dynamic in Nineteenth- Century New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 2009, p. 376-377. 671 Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, 5 July 1856. 672 Keys, Lillian G. Philip Viard, Bishop of Wellington. Pegasus, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1968, p. 99.

167 to Sydney on the vessel, Mountain Maid, then towards his future ambitions, called, as he believed, by the hand of God.673 In 1860, Redwood completed his studies. He entered the Marists’ Scholasticate of the Society of Mary at Montbel and Hieres at Toulon and, again, successfully completed his studies.674 Shortly before taking his final vows, a professorship was offered to him, in May 1863, by Father Martin, Provincial of Paris, to teach Latin and Greek at St Mary’s College in Dundalk, Ireland, which he accepted. The school was the first foundation made in Ireland in 1861 by the Society of Mary and the first secondary school for boys in Dundalk, initially providing primary and secondary levels of education.675 He received his ordination as a priest at Maynooth in 1865, gaining his baccalaureate in theology in Dublin.676 His remaining years in Ireland provided him with a thorough understanding of superior educational administration and teaching methods.

Bishop Viard died in 1872, and on the recommendation of Redwood, the Bishop of Wellington offered the position to Father John Peter Chareyre, parish priest of Christchurch, but he declined the offer.677 The delay in appointing a new bishop continued for a further two years, until Redwood accepted the offer to become Bishop of Wellington. Although Redwood was not the first choice for the bishopric in Wellington, he accepted it, considering it as being offered by the hand of providence and part of his purpose in life. He was consecrated as the second Bishop of Wellington by Cardinal Manning at St Ann’s Catholic Church, in Spitalfields, London, on 17 March 1874. As the New Zealand Tablet reported:

We beg to congratulate the clergy and laity of Wellington on Dr. Redwood’s appointment. He is a colonist, a member of the Marist Society and an Ecclesiastic of high character for learning and virtue. Wellington can now rejoice that she is no longer a widowed Church.678

Redwood’s arrival amid the discussion and formation of the Education Bill of 1877 aligned him with Moran, despite their differing vocational orders. As Clerkin

673 Wellington Independent, 2 December 1854. 674 Broadbent, John V. Redwood, Francis William - Biography, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/2r6/1 675 Sollier, J. Society of Mary (Marist Fathers). In The Catholic Encyclopedia. Robert Appleton Company, New York, 1910. Accessed from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09750b.htm 676 Simmons, Ernest Richard. In Cruce Salus: A history of the Diocese of Auckland 1848-1980. Catholic Publications Centre, Auckland, 1982, p. 122. 677 Ibid. 678 New Zealand Tablet, 18 April 1874.

168 confirms, “in common with other religious institutes, the Marists guarded the educational traditions embodied in their constitutions. Furthermore, any external attempt to re-shape this tradition in the New Zealand context was strongly resisted”.679 Redwood revealed his particular concerns with the Act. Grants to denominational schools, he believed, did not endanger the financial security of the government and the opinion of the majority was required. Lacking also within the terms of the Education Act, was for a process of consultation.680 Bishop Moran, during a public meeting on 17 August 1877, attacked the role government over the Bill as an attempt to revive the former Penal Laws in Ireland. He stated, the essential intent of the Bill is to destroy the faith of the Catholic children, and to drive them, nonens volens 681, into the Government schools, and thus inflict further pain and penalties for conscience sake upon the Catholic body”.682

The diocese of Dunedin held another public meeting, similar to the one held in Wellington on 24 August 1877, to denounce the evils of secular education.683 The meeting held in Dunedin, attacked the Education Act. As the New Zealand Tablet reported:

It is the most monstrous piece of tyranny and folly imaginable. Children are no longer human beings with inalienable rights, and bound to obey their parents, but the slaves of school committees to be manipulated or corrupted and demoralised according to the discretion of some half-dozen self-elected strangers, most generally enemies.684

Catholics appealed for their right to consideration as members of the school committees, but feared that their chances of election as members were dismal. Regardless of the constant complaints and divisive public discussions, the government passed the Education Bill. As Mackey states:

a vote was taken and the motion passed thirteen votes to ten. The Education Bill, despite its many amendments and despite the disagreement concerning almost every aspect of its provisions, became law. It gave New Zealand a

679 Clerkin, Ciaran. ‘Good Christians and good citizens: the early years of Marist education in Oceania: 1830s- 1900s’. International Studies in Catholic Education, March 2010, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 105. 680 New Zealand Herald, 5 September 1877. New Zealand Times, 10 August 1877. 681 From the Latin translation, whether willing or unwilling. 682 New Zealand Tablet, 17 August 1877. 683 New Zealand Times, 24 August 1877. 684 Ibid.

169 system of state schools where education was secular, free and almost compulsory.685

The new system of State school education had generated fiery debate between religious clerics and government representatives. It had also created a new cause for concern, locating suitably qualified British teachers of good character to impart their knowledge and teach a new generation of colonists. The role of female teachers then gained attention and momentum. They had achieved a place within the formation of schools already established in New Zealand, based upon a desperate need for their teaching skills, although they did not receive the recognition of their male counterparts.

The efforts of female Māori teachers, including Maata Patene especially, remained hidden, even though her school preceded the secular, free and compulsory model devised by the Education Act of 1877. As Stephenson confirms, ‘Maori women teachers in nineteenth-century New Zealand have been little acknowledged in educational histories, and indeed, in some instances their contributions have been explicitly nullified. Those who have taken leadership roles have been no more visible’.686 Maata Patene was educated at the Wesleyan missionary school, the Three Kings in Waikato, located 72 miles from Auckland. On completion of her studies, she became the new teacher at the Karakariki Native Industrial School in Waikato, in 1859, and remained there for 14 years. The creation of the Native Schools Act in 1867 687 established a Schools system specifically for Māori children and continued to support the earlier educational foundation established by the Wesleyan missionaries.688 Patene’s efforts remained largely unrewarded and unrecognised. Her teaching abilities, the progress of the students and her zeal, were noted as satisfactory

685 Mackey, John. The Making of a State Education System: The passing of the New Zealand Education Act, 1877. Geoffrey Chapman, London, 1967, p. 261. 686 Stephenson, Maxine. ‘Setting the record straight: the selection, subordination and silencing of Maata Patene, teacher’. Journal of Educational Administration and History, January 2009, Vol. 41, No. 1, p. 11. 687 New Zealand Ministry of Justice, Waitangi Tribunal, 2012, Native Schools Act 1867, 19.4.4. Accessed from: http://www.waitangi-tribunal.govt.nz/reports/viewchapter.asp?reportID=D5D84302-EB22-4A52-BE78- 16AF39F71D91&chapter=132 688 The Native Schools Act 1867 provided for the development of a national system of Maori state primary schools under the control of the Native Department. Under this Act, Maori were to provide the school site, of not less than one acre, and in addition to meet half the total expenditure on buildings and repair, a quarter of the teacher's salary and a quarter of the cost of schoolbooks.

170 by the Government Inspectors who visited her school within nine months of opening.689 As Stephenson states:

At the time of inspection, the school roll recorded eleven boys and seven girls [attending] aged from three to 16 years. Two graded classes were taught reading and spelling simple English words, plus arithmetic, writing, and reading of the scriptures in Maori.690

The voices of female schoolteachers remained silent outside their individual areas of responsibility. Theobald, researching the development of female teachers and educationalists in America, England and Australia, considers that it was quite surprising that any personal details of female teachers’ lives existed. She states “that such intimate details of the daily lives of teachers survive at all is a miracle, and the cataloguing of detail after detail is a harmless enough task; historians should take an interest in the minutiae of private lives”.691 Theobald continues,

the feminisation of teaching occurred conterminously with those emancipatory impulses across a broad spectrum of women's lives which we now refer to as first-wave feminism. Prominent among the demands of the nineteenth-century feminists was the reform of female education, a reform which they saw as a crucial first step in the emancipation of women.692

Morris Matthews concedes that, “in New Zealand, it was possible to enhance one’s own social standing through education, since this gave access to the professions. However, the first generation of educated women in New Zealand came mainly from privileged home backgrounds”.693 The employment of female teachers grew steadily during the coming years. Butchers, affirms that, “in 1878, there were 869 male teachers compared to that of 806 female teaching staff. But by 1898, female teachers had overtaken their male counterparts, rising to 2245 with male teacher numbers remaining lower at 1565”.694

689 Stephenson, Maxine. ‘Setting the record straight: the selection, subordination and silencing of Maata Patene, teacher’. Journal of Educational Administration and History, January 2009, Vol. 41, No. 1. 690 Ibid, p. 21. 691 Theobald, Marjorie. ‘Knowing Women: origins of women's education in nineteenth-century Australia’. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p. 175. 692 Theobald, Marjorie. ‘Imagining the woman teacher: an international perspective’. Australian Educational Researcher, December 1995, Vol. 22, No. 3. p. 96. 693 Morris Matthews, Kay. ‘Degrees of separation? Early women principals in New Zealand state schools 1876– 1926’. Journal of Educational Administration and History, August 2009, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 243. 694 Butchers, Arthur Gordon. Education in New Zealand : an historical survey of educational progress amongst the Europeans and the Maoris since 1878; forming with Young New Zealand a complete history of education in New Zealand from the beginning of the nineteenth century. Coulls Somerville Wilkie, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1930, p. 597.

171 The curriculum offered in government funded schools, for Protestant children especially, reinforced studies from their weekly bible classes to work hard, embrace honesty and behave morally. Aligned with their studies was the development of pride in the Empire. Morrison confirms that:

For New Zealand schoolchildren the Empire was ever present in the form of wall and textbook maps dominated by the red spaces of the Empire, in children’s stories and books, in textbooks and magazines more generally, and in a plethora of visual materials. In textbooks, it loomed large as a moral force for good in the world, with Britain as the head of the most progressive and most just of modern nations.695

5.5 The Development of Catholic Education in Wanganui

In 1875, Charles Henry Kirk became the first English-speaking priest appointed to the Wanganui parish. Born in Monaghan in Ireland in 1845, Kirk received his education in England and Dublin at St Mary’s College and, later, at the Catholic University. Ordained in 1870 at Dundalk, within a year he became curate to St Patrick’s Church in Grosvenor Street, Sydney. Unhappy with his Australian mission, he lived with the French-speaking Marists for three years.696 He became convinced that he did not receive sufficient respect from the other priests in his parish, so he accepted a new mission overseas. Kirk had become embroiled in a difficult situation, one considered by Father Claude Marie Joly to be of his own making.697

The language barrier was an additional difficulty. Hosie acknowledges that, “for [Kirk] it was too French”.698 Father Claude Marie Joly considered Kirk’s brazen disloyalty to be disruptive and expressed his concerns to Victor Poupinel, Marist procurator in France, who was also in charge of the Pacific missions. In a letter to Poupinel, Joly wrote:

[Archbishop Vaughan] told me that Fr Kirk had done us a great deal of harm: that we should move him as soon as possible. He then told me of the dealings Fr Kirk had had with him. [Kirk] had gone to see him several times in order to

695 Morrison, Hugh. “Little vessels” or “little soldiers”: New Zealand Protestant children, foreign missions, religious pedagogy and empire, c.1880s–1930s. Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, June 2011, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp. 315-316. 696 Strevens, Diane. In Step with Time: A history of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2001, p. 32. 697 Hosie, John. Challenge: The Marists in Colonial Australia. Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1987, p. 264. 698 Ibid, 264.

172 complain about us, about the wretched treatment he had to put up with, etc. Finally, he had gone to him to ask to become a secular, and be received among his priests. It was then that his eyes were really opened to the true worth of this little man and his accusation against us.699

Kirk attempted to engage the assistance of Archbishop Vaughan, who subsequently advised Joly to act quickly in removing Kirk from Australia. As Hosie confirms, [Joly] “decided to send Kirk to New Zealand without further ado”.700 Vaughan, after much investigation, concluded that Kirk’s claims while unfounded nevertheless required his immediate removal. He encouraged Kirk to accept a position that Bishop Redwood offered him in New Zealand.701

The new settlement of Wanganui was colonised chiefly by those early colonists who had drifted away from the settlements established by the New Zealand Company. The first minister was Rev. Octavius Hadfield, representing the Church Missionary Society, who arrived in the fledgling settlement on 16 December 1839.702 From the 1840s until the 1870s, the ownership of land on the North Island of New Zealand remained a violent battlefield between two opposing adversaries, the Māori and the Pakeha, consisting of British and colonial forces.703 Both sides refused to concede defeat, and intercession by religious clerics did not resolve the unrest. Chapple and Barton state, “Mission work in New Zealand about this time seemed to consist mainly of reconciling antagonistic Maori tribes, of intervening to prevent bloody conflict, or of tending to the wounded of both sides if intervention failed”.704 Bishop Selwyn, however, chose to provide his unstinting support to both Māori and Pakeha, as he did not wholeheartedly support the aggressive actions of the State in commandeering Māori land. As Stenhouse affirms:

Bishop Selwyn served as Anglican chaplain to frontline British troops, accompanying General Cameron's advance into the Waikato in 1863, because he saw no option but to offer Christian ministry to the dying of both races. He

699 Claude Marie Joly, letter to Victor Poupinel, 18 February 1875, as cited in Hosie, John. Challenge: The Marists in Colonial Australia. Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1987, p. 238. 700 Hosie, John. Challenge: The Marists in Colonial Australia. Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1987, p. 240. 701 Ibid, p. 264. 702 Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Barton, Cranleigh. Early Missionary Work in Wanganui, 1840-1850. H.I. Jones and Sons, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1930, p. 41. 703 NZ History, New Zealand history online. New Zealand's 19th-century wars. Accessed from: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/war/new-zealands-19th-century-wars/introduction 704 Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Barton, Cranleigh. Early Missionary Work in Wanganui, 1840-1850. H.I. Jones and Sons, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1930, p. 31.

173 tended sick and wounded Maori as well as Pakeha. He also housed and protected the few embattled Maori still living in Auckland.705

The wives of the missionaries, who were already established in the Wanganui region by 1841, commenced their settlement by travelling across the river from Putiki. They realised that their children and those of the Māori required a regular system of education. As Chapple and Veich confirm:

in 1843 Rev. R Taylor appointed a lay assistant as schoolmaster with instructions to spend the morning with the Maori children at Putiki, and then to row across to the settlement for afternoon classes with the European children. ... Dame schools were started by enterprising women keen to eke out their husbands’ meagre incomes, or by spinsters who found settlement life too dull.706

Residents of the township of Wanganui finally experienced peace on 15 January 1848 when Governor Grey and his wife, Elizabeth met the Māori chiefs of the district to distribute land. The community flourished. Chapple and Veitch concede that:

before the fifties were over, the four principal churches and one church school were firmly established in Wanganui, the Church of England in 1844, the Wesleyan Methodist Church in 1848, the Presbyterian in 1852 and the Church of England Native School in 1852.707

The Education Bill that had been accepted by the Wellington Provincial Government on 20 February 1855 resulted in only two Common schools being established, one at Turakina and the other at Wanganui.708 Butchers confirms that “an education district was set up at Wanganui and two schools were established within the area proclaimed”.709 These schools, nevertheless, remained inoperative in the provincial capital of the region, Auckland, and placed a heavy burden upon those schools operating as denominational. Dean affirms that “the common school or one- best-school was based on the assumption that a common educational experience

705 Stenhouse, John. ‘Churches, State and the New Zealand Wars: 1860-1872’. Journal of Law and Religion, 1998-1999, Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 499. 706 Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Veitch, H.C. Wanganui. Hawera Star Publishing, Wellington, New Zealand, 1939, p. 141. 707 Ibid, p. 144. 708 Ward, Louis E. Early Wellington. Whitcombe and Tombs, Auckland, New Zealand, 1928, p. 406. 709 Butchers, Arthur Gordon. Young New Zealand : A history of the early contact of the Maori race with the European and the establishment of a national system of education for both races. Coulls Sommerville Wilkie Ltd., Dunedin, New Zealand, 1929, p. 168.

174 would prepare all students for work and citizenship”.710 The Wanganui Common schools succeeded, as evidenced by the establishment of an evening school to aid further learning within the community. Moreover, as Chapple and Veitch state, “Wanganui had raised more money for the conduct of schools than had all the other districts of Wellington province combined”.711

In 1852, the arrival of Father Jean Étienne Pezant, the first Catholic priest of Wanganui, resulted in the creation of a new Catholic parish. He established a church and schoolroom with the assistance of Governor Grey and the Catholic community. Ian Church confirms, “in 1853 Governor George Grey granted land for a parish church in Wanganui. Pezant designed an imposing building, and had it built with the help of soldiers of the 18th and 65th regiments”.712 Concerned members of the Catholic community in Wanganui, Thomas Flannery, John Toole, John Gillies and C.R.S. McDonnell, sought donations from members of the public to expand their school. An advertisement in the Wanganui Times on 19 July 1866, under the headline ‘An appeal to the Wanganui public’ stated:

The Catholics of Wanganui have made great exertions to create a school of their own but are finding the increase of scholars of all denominations make it imperative upon them to add to their premises, and government declining aid, they respectfully solicit subscriptions from the Wanganui public.713

Chapple and Veitch state, “in 1873 the [Catholic] school was placed under the control of the Education Board of the province; but in 1875 connection with the Board was severed, the school being taken over by Father Kirk”.714 As a condition of receiving aid, the Education Board stipulated the admittance of Protestant ministers to the Catholic school in Wanganui to provide religious instruction to all enrolled pupils.715 Kirk found this act untenable and severed his contact with the Board, thus forfeiting the Board’s funding. O’Donoghue confirms:

710 Dean, Robina. ‘Peripheralisation within a centralised state education system: small schools and the Auckland Education Board, 1877-1914’. Master of Educational Management and Leadership thesis, Unitec Institute of Technology, 2008, p. 11. 711 Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Veitch, H.C. Wanganui. Hawera Star Publishing, Wellington, New Zealand, 1939, p. 144. 712 Church, Ian. Pezant, Jean Étienne - Biography, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/1p14/1 713 Wanganui Times, 19 July 1866. 714 Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Veitch, H.C. Wanganui. Hawera Star Publishing, Wellington, New Zealand, 1939, p. 149. 715 Kirk, Athol. ‘Catholic Schools Give a Century of Service’. Wanganui Herald, 3 August 1974.

175 As with the state, the Church sought to use schools to pacify and regulate the ‘lower classes’. However it also insisted on the creation of an all pervasive religious atmosphere in the schools. This led to the emergence of various levels of tension between the Church and successive governments in various parts of the world.716

Kirk now focussed upon the establishment of self-funded Catholic schools in his parish. He sought a foundation of nuns to aid him in his venture. Past events provided a solution. During visits to the Marist Fathers in Sydney, he had developed a friendship with Father Julian Tenison Woods. Hepburn acknowledges that Kirk “heard from him about the nature of the work and the spirit of the Sisters of St Joseph. Father Kirk had also seen the Sisters’ contribution to Catholic Education when he visited one of their schools in Bathurst”.717 Kirk’s request to Woods to invite the Sisters to establish a foundation of the sisters in Wanganui originated from his need to counteract the ramifications of the 1877 Education Act. The development of the Common schools in the Wanganui region indicated that there was room for a Catholic school too. The Second Annual Report of the Minister of Education reported that “total attendances by these schools reached a total of 2,729 enrolments, with total attendances achieving an average attendance of 1,858”.718 By 1879 Kirk’s plans had taken shape. The Wanganui Chronicle reported that the “foundation stone was laid for a new convent [with] the building opening to take place on 25 April 1880”.719

Four Sisters of St Joseph left Bathurst, New South Wales, in 1880, travelling to their new convent at Wanganui. Catholic residents were advised that they would open a day and boarding school in the recently constructed school.720 This new building formed the establishment of the first foundation of the Sisters of St Joseph from Bathurst in New South Wales to New Zealand and the arrival of the sisters inspired new novices to join the order. Strevens confirms that, “by the time of the Sisters’ expected arrival, Kirk had not only organised some boarders, but arranged

716 O’Donoghue, Thomas A. ‘Catholic School/Education’, in Gary McCulloch and David Crook (eds), The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Education. Routledge, London, 2008, p. 75. 717 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 197. 718 New Zealand Second Annual Report of the Minister of Education, 1878. 719 Wanganui Chronicle, 23 April 1880. 720 Wanganui Chronicle, 23 April 1880.

176 for three young women to enter the congregation as postulants”.721 The sisters arrived at Wanganui wharf at six o’clock in the morning and the Church bell pealed to announce their arrival to a congregation eager to greet them, regardless of the early hour.722 Sister Hyacinth, aged 28 years, led the group with her companions, Sister Clare Rubie, aged19 years and professed less than a month, Sister Joseph Kinsella, aged 20 years and professed for three months and Sister Teresa Schmidt, the oldest of the group aged 30 and professed for less than a month. Their expectations included fear as well as excitement as their task was to create a new foundation of their order. Hepburn states, “One hundred years ago in Australia little was known of New Zealand. The Sisters thought it a far-away country over-run by savage tribes of Maoris, and those setting out on the mission were considered heroic and privileged’.723 The convent and the church pleasantly surprised them, as they were used to the harsh conditions of the mining regions surrounding Bathurst. The Wanganui Chronicle reported:

On the ground floor there is a large and lofty schoolroom which can be divided into two by folding doors, a reception room, kitchen and front corridor. ... On the upper floor are a sitting room and three bedrooms for the Sisters and a large dormitory for the children being educated and boarded in the house. ... Father Kirk was his own architect and the work was carried out under his supervision. ... The number of boarders will be twelve or fifteen.724

The dedication of the convent and the school, named St Joseph’s, took place within a few days of their arrival. On 25 April 1880, a High Mass was officiated by Father Yardin, Vicar General of the Catholic diocese of Wellington, as Bishop Redwood was overseas. Rev. Fathers Ginaty and Kirk assisted. The sisters, however, did not expect a change in their teaching status as they also had the added responsibility of teaching select and parish schools. As Strevens explains, “some of the arrangements which Kirk had made were quite contrary to the founding spirit of the congregation, namely the running of a select school, taking boarders and teaching

721 Strevens, Diane. In Step with Time: A history of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2001, p. 40. 722 Memoirs 1, TSs, n.d., WA. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. 723 Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, Mount Street Sydney. As cited in Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 198. 724 Wanganui Chronicle, 23 April 1880.

177 music, embroidery and other accomplishments suitable for young ladies”.725 Sister Clare wrote:

This was a big innovation as, up to now, the Sisters kept strictly to the teaching of the poorer classes in Parish schools; and no extra subjects were taught outside school hours. Four simple Sisters had a problem to face. ... The enormity of the work – all so new, left us, humanly speaking, with heavy hearts but determined to carry on, and trust in God alone was needed. Nobody could understand the difficulties to be overcome.726

Prior to Sister Hyacinth’s arrival in New Zealand, Yardin had approved her election as Superior of the Order. Even though she had been professed for eight years, she was alarmed, as her intentions did not include a long stay. Sister Clare wrote, “she had only come to see the three Sisters settled and intended to return to Perthville”.727 Hyacinth, however, accepted Woods’s advice to accept the position she was now in, despite her personal misgivings. As Sister Clare wrote, “Obedience to the Bishop’s authority would bring a blessing and a help”.728 All of the sisters did this, with grace and commitment. On 8 December 1880, the teachers received praiseworthy inspector’s comments. As the New Zealand Tablet reported:

Fr. Kirk, assisted by D. Lundon Esq HM Collector of Customs, Dr. Conolly and Mr. Holcroft began the task of examining the Superior (Sacred Heart) School. The examiners were not finished until four o’clock in the afternoon, as they gave every subject their closest attention. All were thoroughly satisfied with the result, Mr. Lundon in particular, who has had large experience in examining schools in all parts of the colony, declaring he has never seen better writing in any school in New Zealand.729

5.6 Troubling Times in New Zealand

In New Zealand, the principle concerns felt by Hyacinth and the other Sisters were unrelated to their location or their new educational venture. Since their arrival, Father Yardin had referred to the Sisters as the Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, which was no longer their religious name, nor their order.730 Added

725 Strevens, Diane M. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, New Zealand 1880-1965’. Master of Theology thesis, Melbourne College of Divinity, 1995, p. 49. 726 Written statement by Sister Clare, pioneer New Zealand group, 1930. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand. 727Ibid.Srs of St. Joseph 728 Ibid.St. Joseph 729 New Zealand Tablet, 7 January 1881. 730 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 198.

178 to this difficulty, the Sisters received notice that their former order of the Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart of Jesus had accepted an invitation to establish a foundation at Temuka in the southern part of the diocese of Wellington, with their impending arrival in 1883.731 Hyacinth found this situation difficult to accept, since her own role in the formation of the diocesan order of the Sisters of Saint Joseph in Bathurst had disappointed her, despite being innocent of all allegations of malevolence towards MacKillop.732 Bishop Redwood, realising the confusion over the naming of the orders, wrote to Sister Hyacinth on 18 February 1885. He instructed the sisters to alter the name of their order to the Sisters of Nazareth, but he also requested a change in their habit from brown to black, and to consult with Father Kirk.733 Refusal to accept requests from their male religious superiors was not tolerated. As Collins confirms, “as a diocesan order, the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth were forced to accommodate the bishop’s [request]”.734 These instructions did not appease Sister Hyacinth. She became angry due to the unfairness of Redwood’s directives and wrote to Kirk on 19 March 1885 stating:

I can not help saying that I feel very indignant and that I do not intend to be made a fool of, in future, by any Bp. I have had quite enough of this. Through being too simple I have lost both my time and my talents, & have gained nothing instead. The Bishop finds himself in a fix with the other Srs and us, and to get out of the difficulty he comes to me & wants me to decide upon changing our Title. Otherwise why did he not think of doing so before. He did not ask my opinion about things that would be of more importance to the good of our community. I do not wish for any change in the Title unless something permanent is to be gained by it & the same will also be adopted by the other houses of our Branch in Bathurst and elsewhere.735

Father Louis Fauvel of Temuka did not view the history of the order as being relevant to his immediate needs, as he had been seeking a foundation of female

731 Letter, Fr. L. Fauvel SM, Temuka to Reverend Mother, Adelaide, 2 July 1880, JANZ, As cited in Strevens, Diane. ‘Josephite Foundations in Aotearoa-New Zealand: A Comparative Analysis of Diocesan and Central Josephites: Early founding Experiences 1880-1908’. Accessed from: http://wsrt.asn.au/web_images/strevens.pdf, 31 March 2012, p. 3. 732 An Account of Sister Mary Hyacinth of Saint Joseph the Baptist (Bridget Quinlan). Typewritten n.d., Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania. 733 Strevens, Diane. ‘Josephite Foundations in Aotearoa-New Zealand: A Comparative Analysis of Diocesan and Central Josephites. Early founding Experiences 1880-1908’. Accessed from: http://wsrt.asn.au/web_images/strevens.pdf, 31 March 2012, pp. 5-6. 734 Collins, Jenny. ‘For the common good: The Catholic educational mission in transition 1943-1965’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education, Massey University, 2005, p. 131. 735 Letter, Sr. Hyacinth, Wanganui, to Fr. Kirk, Wanganui, 19 March 1885, Marist Archives, Wellington, New Zealand. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania.

179 religious, with little success. He recollected that, during his recuperation at Villa Maria in Sydney in 1873, he had heard of a foundation that was prepared to accept challenges that most religious females preferred not to accept. As Power acknowledges, “whilst at Villa Maria, he met Father Julian Tenison Woods, co- founder of the Sisters of St. Joseph. ... He recognised the suitability of such a modern Institute for the work of his new mission”.736 Fauvel’s written pleas to MacKillop for assistance to establish a new foundation in his parish were initially refused by her, but, nevertheless, he persevered and gained her approval. His diligence was rewarded and, on 1 November 1883, the first three Sisters of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart of Jesus arrived in Temuka, South Canterbury. Their new school was a former Church and they opened within 11 days. Their enrolments commenced with 90 pupils in attendance.737 The Sisters’ found that they had arrived in a colony that, despite its British familiarity, lacked scholastic resources, which confused and perplexed them, as did the involvement and visits by Government Inspectors to their schools. Power states that:

the education system was different from the one to which they were accustomed, involving regular visits of inspection made by State inspectors, the pressure of examinations, an acute shortage of books and equipment. Added to this was the shortage of personnel.738

Within 10 years of the Sisters’ arrival, a further nine schools opened.739 However the financial position of the sisters in the new colony remained quite bleak. They were now responsible for their own debts and no longer had the guardianship of their former protector and spiritual leader, Father Woods, to provide them with financial support. Also, an economic depression was looming to diminish further their security. Also as Strevens confirms, “a worldwide depression, beginning in 1877 in Aotearoa New Zealand with falling wool prices, and lasting for some sixteen years, meant that some families found it difficult or impossible to pay school fees. In Rangiora, the students were exempt paying school fees. Instead, the proceeds of pew

736 Power, Anne Marie. Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart: New Zealand Story, 1883-1983. Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, Mission Bay, Auckland, New Zealand, 1983, p. 10. 737 Neven, Ann and Thompson, Patricia. ‘The educational mission of the Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Aotearoa New Zealand: 1880s to 2010’. International Studies in Catholic Education, September 2011, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 172. 738 Power, Anne Marie. Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart: New Zealand Story, 1883-1983. Rev. ed. Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart, Auckland, 1997, p. 10. 739 Neven, Ann and Thompson, Patricia. ‘The educational mission of the Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Aotearoa New Zealand: 1880s to 2010’. International Studies in Catholic Education, September 2011, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 172.

180 rents assisted the Sisters”.740 Not all parishioners supported this venture and parish priest, Rev. D.G. O’Connor, made up the deficit himself.741 The South Island of New Zealand experienced a more severe depression than the North. As Sinclair states,

Everyone was in some degree affected, but those who were hardest hit were small men, for the banks tried to protect their greatest debtors. As early as 1877 there had been large meetings of unemployed; by 1879 they were in Christchurch revealing an angry temper and, when soup kitchens were set up, demanding work not soup.742

The Education Act of 1877 purported to provide compulsory State education for all classes, however, the depressed state of the economy also influenced school attendances, with parents requiring their children to assist their families to survive. Some people feared that delinquency and crime would increase through the children’s non-attendance. J.P. Restall, School Inspector for the Canterbury District, detailed his findings on the behaviour of young delinquents in his Report of 1880. He stated, “those not at school, were toiling like beasts of burden. Many others were revelling in the dirt of the creek or the gutter, thus becoming habituated to idleness, the parent of vice, the foster parent of evil instinct”.743 State Education experienced further changes within the original 1877 Act. As Hodder confirms:

the Education Act was amended with the 1885 Education Amendment Act which came into force on 1 January 1886. It required attendance of children between the ages of 7 and 13 years who lived within 2 miles of a school by road, for 30 days each quarter; the level of exemption remained at Standard 4 and the age of exemption was 13 years.744

Attempts by the New Zealand Government to provide a superior system of compulsory State Education revealed a more sinister purpose within its confines. Dean affirms that, “by the end of the nineteenth century education was promoted as

740 Strevens, Diane. MacKillop Women: The Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, Aotearoa, New Zealand: 1883-2006. David Ling, Auckland, New Zealand, 2008, p. 44. 741 Ibid, Sr of St. Joseph. 742 Sinclair, Keith. A History of New Zealand. Penguin, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1959, p. 159. 743 Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1880, H-IA, Education, p. 30. National Library of New Zealand. 744 Hodder, Catherine. ‘Demography of nineteenth century New Zealand education: gender and regional differences in school retention’. Master of Social Sciences in Demography thesis, University of Waikato, 2006, p. 12.

181 the right of all children as part of developing a discerning citizenry. It was the key to progress not only for the individual, but also for society as a whole”.745

The relationship between Sister Hyacinth and Father Kirk in Wanganui remained tense and unresolved. Hyacinth, unable to continue her religious life in New Zealand due to Kirk’s lack of respect for her role as an educator resolved to leave the country. She obtained permission from Bishop Redwood to return to Australia and join the Josephite community in Tasmania that had formed in 1887.746 As Redwood wrote, “I fully appreciate the reasons stated in your letter of Jan. 31st and I approve the conclusions you have arrived at”.747 Hyacinth departed Wanganui on 29 May 1891 to join the new diocesan order of Josephites in Tasmania.748

745 Dean, Robina. ‘Peripheralisation within a centralised state education system: small schools and the Auckland Education Board, 1877-1914’. Master of Educational Management and Leadership thesis, Unitec Institute of Technology, 2008, p. 28. 746 Hepburn, Isabel. No Ordinary Man: Life and letters of Julian E. Tenison Woods. Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1979, p. 300. 747 Letter, Bishop Redwood, Wellington, to Sister Hyacinth Quinlan, Wanganui, 7 February 1891. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania. 748 Brady, Josephine. ‘The wandering Josephites of the 1890s and the Tasmanian Connection’. Josephite History Conference, North Sydney, 27 June 2005, p. 4.

182 CHAPTER 6

6.1 The Establishment of the Churches and the Formation of a System of Education in Van Diemen’s Land

The settlement of Van Diemen’s Land, the second Australian colony initiated by the British, began at Risdon Cove on the eastern bank of the Derwent River on 8 September 1803, lead by Lieutenant John Bowen. His party of 49 included officials, soldiers and convicts.749 In addition, an Anglican Minister, the Rev. Robert Knopwood, who “through apparently careless management and too much interest in hunting, shooting and fishing, dissipated his entire inheritance of £18,000”.750 Five months later, Lieutenant David Collins arrived with a large contingent of “262 men, women and children”.751 Collins rejected the first site, which had been selected by Bowen, due to poor soil and lack of water and, within a few days, the contingent moved to Sullivan’s Cove, later known as Hobart Town, which became the port for the new colony.752

Education was not an initial priority; the colony’s chief purpose was convict incarceration and colonial settlement. As Reeves confirms,“in the general orders issued by Collins at Port Phillip in October, 1803, and February 1804, there was no mention of schools or schoolmasters. On the latter date there were 262 people in the settlement, of whom fifteen were women and twenty-one children.753

The location of the first British settlement at Risdon Cove, although not worthy of settlement, achieved an unwelcome and disturbing notoriety. On 3 May 1804, it became the site of a massacre of the traditional, indigenous owners of the land, the Aboriginals. In 1816, William Charles Wentworth, politician, explorer and entrepreneur, described it vividly. He stated:

At first the natives evinced the most friendly disposition towards the new comers and would probably have been actuated by the same amicable feeling to

749 Reynolds, Henry. A History of Tasmania. Cambridge University Press, Melbourne, 2012, p. 14. 750 Robson, Lloyd. A History of Tasmania: A history of Tasmania: Van Diemen's Land from the earliest times to 1855, Volume 1. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1983, p. 38. 751 Reynolds, Henry. A History of Tasmania. Cambridge University Press, Melbourne, 2012, p. 14. 752 West, John. The History of Tasmania, Volume I. Henry Dowling, Launceston, Tasmania, 1852, p. 30. 753 Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education. Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education: State Primary Education, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1935, p. 3.

183 this day, had not the military officer entrusted with the command, directed a discharge of grape and canister shot to be made among a large body who were approaching, as he imagined, with hostile designs; but, as has since been believed, with much greater probability, merely from motives of curiosity and friendship. The havoc occasioned among them by this murderous discharge was dreadful; and since that time all communication with them has ceased.754

Descriptions of the slaughter that erupted varied, with perspectives hampered by colonial ideals and the thrust to establish an empire. Ryan states:

Indigenous discourses of dispossession, segregation and survival have forced historians to reconceptualise the colonial encounter and to assess its impact on Aborigines as well as colonists. But this shift has not yet been entirely accepted. In this context, Risdon Cove holds a unique position in Tasmanian history.755

Van Diemen’s Land consisted of two separate regions with two Lieutenant Governors; one located at Hobart Town under the authority of Lieutenant Governor Collins; the other under Lieutenant Governor John Bowen in the north of the colony at Port Dalrymple. In 1810, the New South Wales Governor, Macquarie terminated Bowen’s role and appointed Lieutenant Governor Collins as a commandant to control both regions from Hobart Town.756

Within a few years, the settlers of Van Diemen’s Land sought schooling for their children. Collins considered education especially important for the poor children in the new colony and, in 1806, selected a teacher, Jane Noel, from Sydney, who established a classroom in small hut within the first camp in Hobart Town.757 Noel’s services were soon dispensed with as, within a year, Macquarie appointed Thomas Fitzgerald, a former convict and clerk, to replace her, ensuring that a more substantial educational service to the poor children of the colonists was freely available. Fitzgerald opened the new school in Davey Street, Hobart Town in 1807, although, continuing his other employment as a clerk for the Magistrates’ Bench, he

754 Wentworth, William Charles. Statistical, Historical and Political Description of the Colony of New South Wales. Whittaker, London, 1819, pp. 116-17. 755 Ryan, Lyndall. ‘Risdon Cove and the massacre of 3 May 1804: Their place in Tasmanian History’. Paper presented at the Conference of Tasmanian Aboriginal History: Fabrication or Fact?’ University of Tasmania, Launceston, 16 May 2003, p. 108. 756 Phillips, Marion. A Colonial Autocracy: New South Wales Under Governor Macquarie 1810-1821. 2nd ed. Sydney University Press, 1971, p. 48. 757 Alexander, Alison (ed). The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005, p. 113.

184 did not receive a salary for his teaching until 1812.758 Two years earlier, in 1810, Macquarie also appointed a teacher, Thomas MacQueen from Norfolk Island, to become master of the school at Port Dalrymple, renamed Launceston in 1818.759 Both schoolmasters were more fond of alcohol than teaching.

Collins’s sudden death, on 24 March 1810, from a heart attack made way for a debauched period in the colony’s growth. His replacement, Lieutenant Governor Thomas Davey, a former marine officer who had fought under Nelson at Trafalgar, showed little interest in education, favouring more dissipated and hedonistic pursuits. Scott states:

Davey secured popularity by means, which were not calculated to maintain either a fair standard of discipline or respect for his office. He would frequently carouse with boon companions, including convicts, and he revelled in rough, horseplay frolics. With those who pleased him, he would drink deep; those who offended him he would flog or hang. He required plenty of rum and rope.760

Davey’s tenure as Lieutenant Governor was short lived, due to the spiralling gossip engendered by his behaviour. Macquarie removed him from his position and appointed William Sorell as the new Lieutenant Governor. Sorell, a former soldier, arrived in April 1817 and restored law and order. He was a promoter of education and his first task involved him sacking Schoolmaster Thomas Fitzgerald from his Clerk to the Magistrates Court position. Sorell believed that, due to Fitzgerald’s continued alcoholic absences, it would be better to retain him as a teacher and employ a Clerk who possessed a sober nature. Giblin acknowledges that:

this schoolmaster, who, by his habits of deep drinking. ... was given a chance by the Lieutenant Governor, who considered it a far better thing to permit him to instruct children than to allow him, perhaps, to lose all hope and eventually become completely derelict.761

New settlers also sought to gain employment by providing their own educational services to the young of the colony. The Hobart Town Gazette and Southern Reporter, stated “that after the Christmas holidays, Mrs Speed, well known for her academic activities in Sydney was soon to open a Boarding School and

758 Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education. Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education: State Primary Education, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1935, p. 5. 759 Ibid. 760 Scott, Ernest. A Short History of Australia. 4th ed. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1920, p. 163. 761 Giblin, Ronald Worthy. The Early History of Tasmania. The Penal Settlement Era, 1804-1828, Collins, Sorrell and Arthur, Volume II. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1939, p. 188.

185 Seminary at Hobart Town for the instructing of Young Ladies in every polite and useful accomplishment”.762 Within the same paper, teachers Mr. and Mrs. Headlam, formerly of London, sought both male and female students. John Headlam stated that they:

Beg Leave respectfully to inform the Public, that he intends to open School on the 1st of January next, for the Instruction of Day Scholars, who will be taught grammatically the English and Latin Languages, Writing, Arithmetic, Book- keeping, etc. etc., and the useful Branches of the Mathematics. Mr. Headlam assures those Parents and Guardians who place Children under his care that the greatest attention will be paid to their comfort and improvement. ... Mrs Headlam sought six young ladies to provide instruction on the Piano-forte.763

The Headlams’ Grammar School, flourished as the need grew for the settlers via their children to rise above their meagre beginnings, having arrived as either former convicts or impoverished immigrants from their homeland in Britain. On 23 November 1823, the Headlams once again advertised their educational services. As the Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser reported, “fees were 50 guineas per student, per annum”.764 The responsibility for the provision of education remained, nevertheless, as the prerogative of the one true and recognised Church of Australia, the Anglican ministry. As Bourke and Lucadou-Wells affirm:

From the commencement of the British penal colony of Van Diemen’s Land, schooling was essentially left to the Lieutenant Governor and the Lieutenant Governor initially left it to the church. With one of the aims of the penal colony, being rehabilitation of offenders, and the Christian church being the institution society had endowed with the role of making people better, it probably seemed logical for the Lieutenant Governor to leave responsibility for education to the church.765

To diminish the tarnished reputation of the colony as a receptacle for convicts, it became important to establish and promote education and with it desirable moral values. Dianne Snowdon affirms, “convict women were to be the instrument of moral reform through marriage-yet were collectively viewed as depraved. In the same way, male convicts have been typecast as sex-starved, perverted and bestial”.766

762 Hobart Town Gazette and Southern Reporter, 23 December 1820. 763 Ibid. 764 Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser, 29 November 1823. 765 Bourke, John F and Lucadou-Wells, Rosemary. ‘Colonial education: Progression from cottage industry roots’. Macquarie Journal of Business Law, 2011, Volume 8, pp. 162-163. 766 Snowden, Dianne. ‘Convict marriage: The best instrument of reform’. [Paper presented at 'A Rugged Path'? Family and Gender in Australia and Tasmania Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies Annual Conference, 2003, Hobart, p. 68.

186 Society regarded women as either good or bad; there was no attempt to address the real problem of how to assist them. One expected attributes such as purity and the possession of maternal inclinations. Gilchrist argues that “whoredom or marriage was the fate of women in the antipodes. These interpretations situated female convicts within the context of the oppressive dualism of capitalist patriarchy. Transported women were the victims of victims and the slaves of slaves”.767 Their roles reflected their lower status in society. Kay Daniels confirms:

The British government exported women, convict and free, to a settlement anxious about the consequences of the disequilibrium of the demographic sex ratio, and while the colonial authorities came to believe that in marriage lay the hope of creating an ordered and civilized society, encouragement of marriage and tacit recognition of the utility of prostitution were compatible, not alternative policies.768

The schooling of boys and girls was seen by many as an antidote to promiscuity, profanity and lawlessness.

A new Lieutenant Governor, George Arthur succeeded Sorell. He arrived in Hobart Town on 12 May 1824 with his wife, Eliza, his daughters, Isabella, Catherine and Eliza, and his sons, Frederic and Charles, aboard the vessel Adrian.769

The inhabitants of Van Diemen’s Land participated in the concerns of New South Wales. Following a visit to the colony in 1826, Secretary to Commissioner John Thomas Bigge and his brother-in-law, Thomas Hobbes Scott, made critical recommendations.770 During his appointment under Bigge, Scott investigated the effectiveness of transportation and the incarceration of convicts in the Australian colonies.771 A close friend of Arthur’s, he witnessed many examples of drunken and debauched activities by the lower classes and he feared that social anarchy would

767 Gilchrist, Catie M. ‘Male Convict Sexuality in the Penal Colonies of Australia, 1820-1850’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of History, University of Sydney, 2004, p. 18. 768 Daniels, Kay in ‘Prostitution in Tasmania during the transition from penal settlement to “civilised” society’ in Kay Daniels (ed), So Much Hard Work: Women and Prostitution in Australian History. Fontana/Collins, Sydney, 1984, p. 23. 769 Ibid. 770 Geraghty, Rebecca Catherine Ruth. ‘A Change in Circumstance: Individual Responses to Colonial Life’. B.A. (Hons) thesis, University of Sydney, October 2006. 771 Bigge, John Thomas. Report of the Commissioner of Inquiry, on the judicial establishments of New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land. Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, Parliamentary paper, Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons, London, 21 February 1823, No. 33. Mitchell Library, Sydney.

187 prevail. Scott compiled a detailed report for Arthur, placing particular emphasis upon the need for schools to eradicate immorality. He stated:

Vice and immorality have extended widely largely from lack of, and for want of, better education. ... Dissolute parents and lack of government attention all caused this frightful state, which can only be moved along by long and uphill work. The two great defaults seem to be a failure to bring up children in Christian beliefs and a failure to send them regularly to school. A new race must spring up before any remedy can be made.772

James Ross, the editor of the Colonial Times and Tasmanian Advertiser announced the construction of an Orphan School in Hobart Town early in 1825.773 Editor of the Launceston Advertiser, John Pascoe Fawkner, announced, with satisfaction, the proposed establishment of an Orphan School in Launceston in 1831.774 Arthur favoured the method of removing convict children from their parents and sending them to the newly formed Orphan Schools as a means of social control. Bubacz confirms:

In the colony of New South Wales, however, the chaplains the Rev. Johnson and the Rev. Marsden together with the early Governors, considered it desirable for the reformation of the children, to provide care for them away from the influence of their convict parents. The authorities feared that the parents, who were perceived as being vicious and immoral, would contaminate their children, the rising generation.775

Those children who did not remain in their mother’s care were quickly removed. Snowden acknowledges that “on arrival in Van Diemen’s Land, the younger children were admitted to a convict nursery; the older children to the female or male orphan school”.776 Many children died as a result of this action, with the rights of the mother and child ignored. Kippen relates:

Apart from the indigenous population, the convict mothers in Van Diemen’s Land were probably the most disempowered and voiceless group in the colony, having no recourse for complaint. Half a world away from family and friends, they had nothing to negotiate with and were powerless to prevent the deaths of their children. There were people who fought for change, notably the medical officers attached to the nurseries. However these men also had very little

772 Despatch from Lieutenant Governor Arthur to Colonial Secretary, Earl of Bathurst, 21 April 1826. Historical Records of Australia, Vol. III, Series V, pp. 149-154. 773 Colonial Times and Tasmanian Advertiser, 26 August 1825. 774 Launceston Examiner, 21 February 1831. 775 Bubacz, Beryl M. ‘The Female and Male Orphan Schools in New South Wales 1801-1850’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education and Social Work, University of Sydney, August 2007, p. 193. 776 Snowden, Dianne M. 'A most humane regulation'?: free children transported with convict parents, Papers and Proceedings Tasmanian Historical Research Association, 2011, Vol. 58, No. 1, p. 39.

188 power. The punishment of the mothers, and preoccupation with economy, took precedence over the welfare of the mothers and their children.777

Scott recommended the building of 20 schools, for children from the ages of five to eight years, throughout the island and the building of male and female orphan schools.778 Arthur welcomed Scott’s view. Phillips confirms:

More primary schools were built and an orphan school of great solidity and architectural appeal was constructed on a site in New Town near Hobart in 1832. In the same year the Hobart Town Infant School Society was formed and a schoolroom obtained in which 120 children were taught daily. Launceston formed a similar society in 1835 and both had to rely upon voluntary efforts and funding. A second infant school was started in Hobart in 1837.779

A Parliamentary Inquiry into Female Convict Discipline occurred in 1841.780 The testimonials presented to the Committee offered a disturbing view of the conduct of the children and some of the parents. In his deposition, Reverend Thomas J. Ewing complained of the failure of parents to meet their Christian duty. He stated, “I think in no case is it advisable to admit the Mothers to associate with their children”.781 Ewing revealed that, while visiting, mothers prostituted their daughters to whalers. After leaving school, the placement of children in apprenticed positions as household staff also drew many into to a life of prostitution.782 Ewing further commented that, “I would not allow the Mothers to visit them at all during the time they are in the Schools, that from the age of 2 to 14, even then the children be apprenticed without the Mothers’ consent”.783 He clearly believed that most women who were former convicts were also prostitutes, however, this is disputable. Kippen and Gunn affirm that:

those who were despatched to the penal colony were disposed by custom to behave in ways that gave the society its apparently immoral character. Although the Superintendent of Convicts claimed that most female convicts

777 Kippen, Rebecca. ‘And the Mortality Frightful’: Infant and Child Mortality in the Convict Nurseries of Van Diemen’s Land’. Paper presented at a meeting of the Female Convicts Research Group, Tasmania, 8 August 2006, p. 11. 778 Despatch from Lieutenant Governor Arthur to Colonial Secretary, Earl of Bathurst, 21 April 1826. Historical Records of Australia, Vol. III, Series V, p. 157. 779 Phillips, Derek. Making More Adequate Provision: State Education in Tasmania, 1839-1985. Tasmanian Government Printer for the Education Department of Tasmania, Hobart, 1985, p. 11. 780 Committee of Inquiry into Female Convict Prison Discipline. Colonial Secretary’s Office,CSO22/501841– 1843. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 781 Report on female prison discipline, evidence of Reverend T.J. Ewing, 1 January 1842, p. 254, CSO 22/1/50. Tasmanian Heritage and Archive Office, Hobart. 782 Ibid, p. 253. 783 Ibid, p. 255.

189 arriving in Tasmania were prostitutes, there is little evidence to support the assertion. Prostitution was not a transportable offence.784

Church attendance received official encouragement with Catholic convicts obliged to worship in Anglican surroundings. O’Farrell acknowledges that “Catholics were forced to attend Protestant Services, a compulsion that lingered in Van Diemen’s Land into the 1840s”.785 The construction of new churches was not only the domain of the Anglican ministry. As Townsley confirms:

all the churches vied in building houses of worship and expanding their flock. The Church of England had all the advantages as the established church strongly supported by the State authority that was in a position to grant favours by way of land grants and the supply of convict labour.786

Public schools that received Government subsidies from the State, included those of the Church of England. The Wesleyan congregation, although unsuccessful in the early 1800s, rejuvenated and re-established Sunday schools in 1821, as direct result of visiting Minister, Rev. Benjamin Carvosso. The Minister had decided to break his journey from England to Sydney and visit the colony, having heard tales of drunkenness, debauchery and immoral behaviour. He launched his public sermon, outside the Town Hall in Hobart despite being cautioned to desist for his own safety. Dugan confirms that he was “warned that any attempt to preach in the open air would almost certainly be greeted by missiles and insults; he replied with fine courage that it would be no new experience to a Methodist Preacher, and he would certainly preach”.787

Carvosso’s attempt to convert the unwilling and unworthy achieved success. The Sunday school reopened in the Argyle Street Methodist meeting house and a new school quickly followed, opened by the original founder of Methodism in the colony, Benjamin Noakes. As Reeves acknowledges, “the Melville Street School, began with twenty-three scholars. Noakes however, broke away from the

784 Kippen, Rebecca and Gunn, Peter A. ‘Convict Bastards, Common-Law Unions, and Shotgun Weddings: Premarital Conceptions and Ex-Nuptial Births in Nineteenth-Century Tasmania’. Journal of Family History, 2011, Vol. 36, No. 4, p. 395. 785 O’Farrell, Patrick. The Catholic Church and Community: An Australian history. Rev. ed. New South Wales University Press, Sydney, 1992, p. 6. 786 Townsley, Wilfred Asquith. Tasmania: From Colony to Statehood 1803-1945. St. David’s Park Publishing, Hobart, 1991, p. 75. 787 Dugan, Charles Clifford. A Century of Tasmanian Methodism, 1820-1920. Tasmanian Methodist Assembly, Hobart, 1920, p. 11.

190 Wesleyans, and established an undenominational school”.788 The progress and establishment of the main three denominations continued to be restricted by monetary support and Government legislation. As Richard Ely states:

Until at least the 1837 Van Diemen’s Land Church Act, which financially aided the three grand division[s] of Christianity – Churches of England, Scotland and Rome – the safest inference is that the religion of the Church of England was legally established. A boost to establishmentarian perceptions was the 1825 creation, by Letters Patent, of an archdeaconry of New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land, an Archdeacon’s Court, and a Church and School Corporation.789

The Archdeacon’s Court primarily investigated ecclesiastical decisions. The Corporation received endowments for education and secular expenditure for one- seventh of future crown grants. Not all were happy with the implementation of the charter. Ely confirms that “the charter proved unpopular, not least with non- conformists, and was dissolved in 1833”.790

Lieutenant Governor John Franklin and his wife, Jane, had arrived in Launceston on the schooner Fairlie on 5 January 1837.791 The welcome they received on their arrival was without parallel in the colony, as 300 horses and 70 carriages escorted them through the streets of the town.792 The new Lieutenant Governor sought to raise funds for education from the Colonial Office, as had his predecessor, Arthur. In Hobart, “the Franklins were to find the form without the content of civilization. ... the work which the Franklins were to make peculiarly their own was that of attempting to give content to the form of civilization they found in the colony”.793

Franklin’s attempts to improve the society weakened the financial resources of the colony to such a degree that denouncements of his overspending became frequent. The Cornwall Chronicle reported, “this money is drained from the industry

788 Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education. Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education: State Primary Education, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1935, p. 15. 789 Ely, Richard. ‘Religion’ in Alison Alexander (ed), The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005, p. 473. 790 Ibid. 791 Cornwall Chronicle, 7 January 1837. 792 Colonial Times, 10 January 1837. 793 Fitzpatrick, Kathleen. Sir John Franklin in Tasmania 1837-1843. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1949, p 53.

191 of the people, to support an army of British patronage bloodsuckers, who grossly mis-manage [sic] the public affairs that Lord Glenelg by virtue of his office entrusts to them”.794 Franklin’s attempts to instil a culturally significant middle class society in their new environment did not impress many. His wife, Jane, was not excluded from criticism. As Dietrich confirms, “Lady Jane Franklin’s influence on her husband and his governance especially concerning education and cultural and scientific advancement opened them both up to considerable censure at the time, but also suggests that she was a woman ahead of her time”.795

The Franklins found that educational facilities within the colony were inadequate to meet the needs of the poorer classes. Franklin also discovered that, of the 20 public schools established, the Anglican clergy controlled them all. The private schools, in the larger areas of population, catered for the affluent classes and did not provide a useful education, instead offering a genteel curriculum to enable a rise in status, rather than a practical and moral education.796 To respond to these deficiencies, the Lieutenant Governor wrote to his friend, Dr. Thomas Arnold of Rugby School, via Lord Glenelg in Warwickshire, England, on 26 June 1838. He stated:

The charge which I wish to impose on you is to select for me a well qualified person to be headmaster or principal of a public school in Hobart Town, and which is to be primarily adapted to the present limited wants of the colony. But capable of expanding into a more liberal institution when the developing energies and increased population shall demand it.797

Anglican Bishop Francis Russell Nixon arrived in the settlement in 1842 and, with the town of Hobart finally recognised as a city, and with Nixon’s Letters Patent, established Van Diemen’s Land as a separate diocese from mainland Australia.798 The bishop’s wife, Maria, his daughters, Harriet, Mary and Emma, and sons, Francis

794 Cornwall Chronicle, 17 March 1838. 795 Dietrich, Jessica. ‘Lady Jane Franklin: Empress of Tasmania?’ Tasmanian Historical Studies, 2009, Volume 14, p. 79. 796 Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education. Reeves, Clifford. A History of Tasmanian Education: State Primary Education, Volume I. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1935, p. 23. 797 Open letter to Dr. Arnold: Franklin to Glenelg, 26 June 1838, Colonial Office. 280/95. As cited in Robson, Lloyd. A History of Tasmania: A history of Tasmania: Van Diemen's Land from the earliest times to 1855, Volume 1. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1983, p. 339. 798 Colonial Times, 25 July 1843.

192 and Foster, accompanied him, as well as their governess and the newly appointed Archdeacon, Fitzherbert Marriott.799 The Colonial Times reported,

there is much need of an appointment of a head of the Church of England in this colony. His Lordship will very soon discover, and we fully trust that those bickerings and dissentions which have weaned so many of our community from the State Church, will now cease, and that the Church of England will henceforth hold its proper station.800

Lieutenant Governor, John Franklin, however, was cautious. He stated that:

He would see with his own eyes, and hear with his own ears. But having been so lamentably deaf and blind to the true interests of the colonists, it makes us cautious in depending upon mere promises, and we must wait and witness his Lordship’s works before we congratulate the colonists on the good that may result from the appointment.801

The bishop received his enthronement as the first Lord Bishop of Tasmania in St David’s Cathedral in Hobart on 27 July 1843, attended by a large group of parishioners and curious spectators. The Colonial Times reported,

notwithstanding the unfavourable state of the weather the Cathedral was crowded, and the ceremonies of the occasion seemed to impress the numerous congregation with the most exalted sentiments and feelings if their novelty in this colony was attractive, their solemnity was deeply impressive and engrossing.802

On 21 August 1843, the Franklins departed Hobart for London. A former colleague and Colonial Secretary, John Montagu, had maligned the Lieutenant Governor and this had led to his recall to London. Montagu, a former aide to Arthur, had spread scurrilous tales implying that Jane Franklin had improperly interfered in government matters and that her husband lacked the ability to govern effectively. Despite Montagu’s suspension from his duties, he returned to England and continued his vindictive allegations concerning the Franklins.803

John Eardley-Wilmot, Franklin’s successor, arrived in Hobart in August 1843 aboard the prison ship, Cressy.804 But Eardley-Wilmot was also a recipient of

799 Ibid. 800 Ibid. 801 Ibid. 802 Colonial Times, 1 August 1843. 803 Fitzpatrick, Kathleen. Sir John Franklin in Tasmania 1837-1843. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1949. 804 Courier, 18 August 1843.

193 scurrilous gossip and recalled. James Bertram considers that Eardley-Wilmot’s exodus was due to his own moral infallibility and, especially, to his continuing relationship with Julia Sorell, despite her failed engagement to his son, Chester. As Bertram confirms, “Hobart scandal claimed that [Julia’s] too intimate relationship with her prospective father-in-law helped to hasten Sir John’s recall”.805 Prior to his official departure to Britain, in 1846 he addressed the Legislative Assembly in Hobart Town to explain and reveal his personal reasons for his departure. He stated:

He had this morning received a despatch, announcing to him his recall. It was not through any statement sent home of the disputes that had occurred between him and the Legislative Council, but that the Secretary of State thought that sufficient attention was not paid to the moral and religious welfare of the convicts, and ere long a successor would arrive to carry on the Government.806

William Denison, a former Royal Engineer replaced Eardley-Wilmot. Before his arrival, the colonists criticised his proposed salary of £3,500 per year

In April 1821, Irish Catholic priest, Father Philip Conolly, travelled to Hobart Town on the Prince Leopold from Sydney. He was also to be a controversial Van Demonian, having displayed a truculent and abrasive manner towards parishioners and clergy in his former diocese.807 His arrival ensured that the Catholic Church finally achieved representation. “He held his first mass in Van Diemen’s Land at a store owned by Edward Curr, with nine free people present”.808 In 1824, Lieutenant Governor Sorell granted Conolly five acres of land upon which he built St Virgil’s Chapel.809 Conolly dismayed his parishioners when they found that he had bequeathed the land, initially granted by Sorell, to his remaining family. Archbishop Polding had also suspended the priest from all of his clerical duties, due to Conolly’s refusal to hand over the ownership of the land to his religious superior in New South Wales.810 Conolly’s detractors labelled him a thief, convinced he had sought to profit from the ownership of the property. Eventually the Catholic Church regained

805 Bertram, James (ed). New Zealand letters of Thomas Arnold the younger with further letters from Van Diemen's Land and letters of Arthur Hugh Clough, 1847-1851. University of Auckland, Wellington, New Zealand, 1966, p. xxxviii. 806 Courier, 26 September 1846. 807 Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser, 14 April 1821. 808 Robson, Lloyd. A History of Tasmania: A history of Tasmania: Van Diemen's Land from the earliest times to 1855, Volume 1. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1983, p. 124. 809 Ibid. 810 Ibid, p. 337.

194 ownership of the land following the arrival of Father John Joseph Therry, shortly before Conolly’s death on 3 August 1839.811

Archbishop Polding appointed Therry, ostensibly on a temporary visit to Van Diemen’s Land, to resolve the land issue with Father Conolly. After Conolly’s death, Therry realised that the Chapel of St Virgil’s was inadequate for the Catholic parishioners of Hobart Town. He envisaged a more commanding location and he commenced his campaign towards the building of St Joseph’s Church, adjacent to the original site of the Chapel, in 1840. O’Brien states that “Father Therry had made himself personally responsible both by drafts on the security of his several properties, and by promissory notes - for money to cover this expenditure”.812 Therry wrote to the Governor John Franklin at the time of the founding of St. Joseph's, stating “I have paid £20 as a subscription to the chapel now in course of erection in Macquarie Street, and am personally responsible on its account for a sum of about £1600”.813 The priest performed the ‘Opening and Blessing’ ceremony for his new Church, on 25 December 1841.814 He would soon welcome the newly consecrated Bishop Robert William Willson to the diocese.

Willson had initially refused the honour of being appointing as a bishop, as he considered himself unworthy, but he finally accepted and his consecration took place at St. Chad's Cathedral, Birmingham, by Archbishop Polding of Sydney, on 28 October 1842.815 He arrived in Hobart on 11 May 1844 on the Bella Marina, accompanied by Reverend Fathers Hall and Bond, Brother Luke Levermore and George Hunter, an ecclesiastical student.816 Willson’s presence as the new Catholic bishop of Hobart unsettled Bishop Nixon and he reacted in a jealous and indignant

811 Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser, 14 April 1839. 812 O’Brien, Eris M. Life and letters of Archpriest John Joseph Therry, founder of the Catholic Church in Australia. Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1922, p. 203. 813 Ibid. 814 Southerwood, William Terrance. The Convicts Friend : A life of Bishop Robert William Willson. Stella Maris Books, George Town, Tasmania, 1989. 815 Kelsh, Thomas. ‘Personal recollections’ of the Right Reverend Robert William Willson, D. D. (First Bishop of Hobart Town) with a portrait of His Lordship and an introduction on the state of religion in Tasmania, prior to the year 1844. Davies Brothers, Hobart, 1882, pp. 19-20. 816 Colonial Times, 14 May 1844.

195 manner, communicating to Willson that, he was not a legally recognised bishop. Furthermore as Austin states, “Nixon continued his attacks over several months”.817

Bishop Nixon’s progress in the establishment of schools for his flock included the Launceston Church Grammar School commencing in May 1846, the Hutchins School in Hobart Town in August and Christ’s College at Bishopsbourne in October.818 This activity may have motivated Willson to depart from Hobart in September 1846, travelling first to Europe and then on to Britain seeking further recruits for his diocese. But he also believed that the journey could also assist his recovery from poor health.819 Willson had sought the assistance of the Sisters of Charity in New South Wales to form a foundation in Van Diemen’s Land before his departure. In his letter to Mother Mary de Sales O’Brien, he wrote:

Besides attending to the convicts you also no doubt, give some care to my poor free women, and above all will take the supervision of my dear little girls. All these are much in want of your attention and care. I can find no one to have proper care of them; and then they are exposed to so many dangers, temptations, and so much bad example.820

Willson’s request met with the Sisters’ approval, as their roles ministering to the poor and the sick in Sydney had changed and they were now without a purpose or a future.821 The Sisters, Reverend Mother Mary de Sales O’Brien and Mary John Cahill, with their young postulant, Mary Xavier Williams, the first religious female to make a public profession of her vows in the Australian colonies. They sailed on the Louisa from Sydney and arrived in Hobart on 20 June 1847. Shand confirms that, “they travelled, penniless to visit the poor prison population there as since 1840 Van Diemen’s Land became the chief penal settlement. On 2 July 1847, they took possession of their residence close to St. Joseph's Church - the house built by Fr. Therry as his Presbytery”.822

817 Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972, p. 79. 818 Kaye, Bruce, (General Editor). Anglicanism in Australia: A history. Associate editiors, Frame, Tom, Holden, Colin and Geofff Treloar. Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, 2002. 819 Courier, 12 September 1846. 820 Bishop Robert Willson, Hobart Town, letter to Reverend Mother Mary de Sales O’Brien, 23 April 1847. 821 Cannell, Josephine. To the Beckoning Shores: Urged on by the love of Christ. J.Cannell, Sisters of Charity, Hobart, Tasmania, 2007. 822 Shand, M. Bernadette. ‘150th Anniversary of the arrival of the Sisters of Charity in Australia 1838-1988’. Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, 28 July 1988, Vol. 13, No. 9, p. 333.

196 As Bishop Willson was still overseas, the Vicar General, William Hall, welcomed them. The Government had granted them permission to commence their pastoral duties immediately. Soon their order increased to four, and additional novices also arrived, but each replacement novice died shortly after joining the order.823 The Sisters worked tirelessly, Willson acknowledged. He stated:

Their visits to the Cascades Factory, then containing 600 female prisoners, occupied two hours of every day. The men’s gaol, especially the condemned cells, the hospital, the Queen’s Asylum, and the homes of the sick and the poor, engaged much of their time and attention. In 1848 they opened St. Joseph’s Girls’ School, with an average attendance of 100 children. Four nuns did more than sixteen at home [in Ireland].824

Thomas Arnold arrived from New Zealand in January 1850. His appointment as Inspector of Schools took effect on 15 January, due to the death of his predecessor, Charles Bradbury, in June 1849.825 Arnold was committed to social reform in the new colony, with Axon commenting that he, “had firmly decided that his real role was that of a teacher ”.826

Arnold commenced work in the Education Office in Murray Street, Hobart Town.827 Arnold’s first impressions of the magnitude of his duties concerned him. In addition, the position involved the completion of a great deal of administrative work. He revealed to his sister, Jane: There is a great deal of routine work in this office, especially as regards the passing of accounts, about which there are so many minute regulations as to make the spending and reckoning of money a very mysterious business. And as I am the head of a department, I am responsible for correctness in all these things, so I am obliged to make myself master of them.828

Arnold quickly gained acceptance into the upper echelons of society in Hobart. During one of the many parties held by Lieutenant Governor Denison, he met Julia Sorell. His attraction to her as a prospective wife was immediate, despite her having

823 Cannell, Josephine. To the Beckoning Shores: Urged on by the love of Christ. J.Cannell, Sisters of Charity, Hobart, Tasmania, 2007, p. 32. 824 Willson, Robert William and Kelsh, Thomas. ‘Personal recollections’ of the Right Reverend Robert William Willson, D. D. (First Bishop of Hobart Town) with a portrait of His Lordship and an introduction on the state of religion in Tasmania, prior to the year 1844. Davies Brothers Printers, Hobart, 1882, p 69. 825 Colonial Times, 26 June 1849. 826 Axon, John Edward. ‘A biographical study of Thomas Arnold the younger’. Ph.D. thesis, School of English, University of Leeds, 1975, p. 94. 827 Courier, 19 January 1850. 828 Letter from T. Arnold to Jane Arnold, 31 January 1850. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers- 0231-03-06). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.

197 been engaged twice in the past. Scurrilous rumours regarding her inappropriate behaviour prior to meeting Arnold still circulated, but Arnold dismissed most of them. He stated “that the good people of Hobart are such capital hands at improving and embellishing, that I dare say you will not recognize. ... much of what you actually said”.829 Her father, William Sorrell, the Registrar of the Supreme Court and the son of former Lieutenant Governor William Sorell, had himself scandalised the colony’s colonial society during his Governorship due to his extra-marital activities.830 On his late father’s birthday, 13 June 1850, Arnold wed Julia at St David’s Anglican Cathedral in Hobart, with his cousin, Dr. William Bedford, conducting the nuptials.831

During his first six months within the colony, Arnold paid visits to each of the schools that received aid from the Government, except those that he was unable to reach due to their isolated locations, including those on the northwest coast and in the Huon Valley. In his first Annual Report as Inspector of Schools, he revealed that he deplored the insecure tenure of the schoolhouses. He stated that, “seven were public property, thirteen were on Church land, six were places of worship, and five were erected by local subscription, while forty-two were privately owned or rented buildings”.832 He related that “in England the bulk of the annual Parliamentary vote for Education was expended on the erection of school buildings, and suggested that part of the local vote should be granted for similar purposes”.833 Denison, however, did not agree with his suggestions, nor provide adequate funding to implement his ideas. Arnold witnessed Denison’s tyrannical nature. In 1850 he stated that:

The Governor is a man of very arbitrary temper, and thinks lightly of any opinion that does not tally with his own. The same temper often leads him very often to assume a short and dictatorial tone towards his Government officers, which is difficult to put up with.834

829 Letter from T. Arnold to Julia Sorell, 28 March 1850, Launceston. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS- Papers - 0231-03-07). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 830 Mickleborough, Leonie C. ‘Colonial William Sorell Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land 1817-1824. An Examination of his Convict System and Establishment of Free Settlement’. M.Arts thesis, University of Tasmania, March 2003, p. 15. 831 Colonial Times, 18 June 1850. 832 Report by the Inspector of Schools for 1850. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1850, Paper No. 12. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 833 Ibid. 834 Letter from T. Arnold to Mary Twining, 22 November 1850. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS- Papers-0231-04-06). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.

198 In his School Inspection Report of 1850, Arnold confirmed that “out of seventy-one public day schools, fifty-nine were controlled by the Church of England, four were Catholic schools and eight only were schools controlled by the Board”.835 Denison believed that it was not the responsibility of the Government to fund education; it was, instead, the duty of the colonists themselves.836

The standard in his 3 inspections in Hobart schools particularly impressed Arnold. After his assessment of the Orphan School in New Town, with 200 children in attendance, he wrote, “nearly all of them were the children of convicts, and as healthy looking as, considering their early upbringing, could have been expected”.837 He was also impressed with the efficiency in two other schools in Hobart. He stated, “there were two thoroughly efficient schools in Tasmania; one was the Central School. The other was that conducted by the nuns in Hobart town”.838

The anticipated Schools’ Bill in 1852, proposed by the Legislative Council, created disagreements between the Anglican and Catholic clerics. The proposed Bill sought to create local education committees that the Anglican clergy or their representatives could dominate. As Willson stated:

Because above thirty Clergymen of the Church of England, eleven of the Church of Scotland, besides other Ministers of different religious denominations paid from Colonial funds, would be ex-officio, members of local Committees. Whereas only THREE Clergymen of the Catholic Church, so maintained, (a fact which must, before long, prove highly detrimental to the social and moral welfare of many in this Colony), would be entitled to that privilege, although the Catholic Community consists of nearly one-fifth of the whole of the inhabitants of this Colony.839

Willson feared that the Catholic community would not receive sufficient financial aid and, instead, have to accept Anglican control of their schools. He argued that the Catholic congregations and schools were poor and that the wealthy, Protestant, upper class majority might assume power over the less affluent, Catholic

835 CB 3. Board of Education. Secretary's Letterbooks, 1847-51; Inspector’s Reports. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 836 Colonial Times, 23 July 1852. 837 Letter from T. Arnold to ‘My Dearest Mother’, New Town Road Hobart, 18 June 1850. Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-03-11). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. 838 CB 3. Board of Education. Secretary's Letterbooks, 1847-51; Inspector’s Reports. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 839 Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council, 1852, paper 27. Schools’ Bill, Petition of the Right Reverend Bishop Willson. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart.

199 lower classes. Willson also feared the denial of voting privileges for deserving Catholics, through non-compliance with this proposal. The Schools’ Bill included provision for the type of religious instruction taught. This placed Catholic children at a disadvantage, as neglecting to follow the teachings of their faith placed them in religious peril. The circumstance also created the perfect situation for Protestant proselytising.840 The Anglican clergy remained staunch supporters of the Bill, despite its failure to pass in the Legislative Council.

Due to the perseverance of Thomas Arnold, the reinstatement of a penny a day system was defeated and the Government removed from it from consideration.841 As Arnold confirmed:

The Governor, the best among the clergy, and my unworthy self, were all agreed that the penny-a-day system was full of evils, and in 1853 we changed it; an ordinance being passed establishing a Board of Education, and granting fixed salaries to the teachers. At the same time a Commission was appointed by the Governor to visit and report on all the Government schools.842

The lack of funding and the inferior teaching skills of many of the teachers frustrated Arnold. Sprod states that:

the Board of Education’s school system spread throughout the island, but grew slowly, hampered by limited resources, inadequately trained teachers, the sparsity of the rural population, and the reluctance of many parents to allow children to attend school when they could be working or helping with domestic chores.843

Poorly qualified or disinterested parents could not suitably supervise or promote their children’s education, Arnold complained. In his Inspector’s Report for 1853, he detailed his concerns, stating, “the parents generally seem to take no interest either in visiting or enquiring after the progress of their children: indeed in a large majority of instances they are precluded by their own want of education from taking any intelligent interest in that of their children”.844

840 Colonial Times, 10 August 1852. 841 Sprod, Michael. ‘Education’ in Alison Alexander (ed), The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005, p. 115. 842 Arnold, Thomas. Passages in a Wandering Life. Edward Arnold, London, 1900, p. 127. 843 Sprod, Michael. ‘Education’ in Alison Alexander (ed), The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005, pp. 114-115. 844 Report of the Board of Inspection on the State of the Public Schools of the Island, Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1853, Paper No. 46, p. 5. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart.

200 On 24 October 1855, the Constitutional Act was proclaimed on 24 October 1855. This provided Van Diemen’s Land with two fully elected Houses of Parliament, comprising a Legislative Council of 15 members and a House of Assembly with 30 members.845 On 1 January 1856, an Order-in-Council issued by Queen Victoria designated the island Tasmania. The Colony of Tasmania had achieved responsible self-government and was no longer a penal settlement.846

Denison’s term of office ended, due to his new appointment as Governor of New South Wales, and he left the colony with his family on 13 January 1855. His replacement, Henry Fox Young, former Lieutenant Governor of South Australia, arrived in Hobart on 21 February 1855 to a large crowd of well-wishers and an 18- gun salute.847

Shortly afterwards, Murray Burgess received an appointment to assist with the inspection of Arnold’s schools. Arnold’s salary increased to £679 and 10s, with Young concluding that higher salaries attracted superior teachers.848 The irresistible pursuit of achieving greater wealth on the Victorian gold fields had reached the Tasmanian colony and many departed for the mainland, thus creating severe shortages, with those who remained requiring financial inducements to do so. As Quaife confirms, “the immediate economic impact of the discoveries was a shortage of labour and a rise in wages and prices”..849

During this time, Arnold continued his quest to improve the standards of teaching through the acquisition of skilled teachers from England, as former convicts were among those then employed in the colony. The new teachers he sought could also be utilised in establishing a training system to create pupil teacher. Arnold remained convinced that establishing an effective system of education and making it readily available was the key to assisting the colony’s poor. He stated, “education is

845 Courier, 13 January 1855. Townsley, Wilfred Asquith. The Government of Tasmania. University of Queensland Press, St. Lucia, Queensland, 1976, p. 67. 846 Department of Premier and Cabinet, Tasmania. ‘Tasmania Founding Documents’. Accessed from: http://foundingdocs.gov.au/item-sdid-35.html 847 Cornwell Chronicle, 21 February 1855. 848 Votes and Proceedings Second Session, 1855, paper 27. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 849 Quaife, Geoffrey Robert (ed). Gold and Colonial Society 1851-1870. Cassell Australia, Stanmore, New South Wales, 1975, p. 9.

201 the only effectual means which may be look to for improving the social and moral condition of a large proportion of the population”.850

Arnold had reached a turning point in his life in October 1854. Raised in a Protestant household, he had questioned, over many years, the tenets of his given faith and had chosen not to follow them. His conversion to Catholicism, he attributed to his perceived system of beliefs. During his travels throughout the colony, he spent his free time reading and became interested in the life of St Brigit of Sweden and believed that he had witnessed a Saintly vision and a challenge to his faith. He stated:

The impression which this life made upon me was indelible. Looking more closely into the matter, I found that the festival of St. Brigit, whose life I had thus happened to read, as it seemed, by mere accident, fell on the same day in October on which a decisive change in my mind had been produced.851

Arnold sought assistance from Bishop Willson, who had recently returned to Hobart after a two-year absence seeking additional religious clerics for his diocese. It was during this overseas journey that Willson’s first meeting with Julian Tenison Woods took place, after the celebration of Mass held in Saint George’s Cathedral, Southwark in London, in October 1854. As Southerwood confirms, “Willson presided at Vespers that night and was introduced by the Countess of Shrewsbury, to a young man, Julian Tenison Woods. After consulting with Fr Oakley, he invited Woods to accompany him to Australia to work in his new seminary in Hobart Town”.852

Willson and Woods sailed from Gravesend on 10 October 1854 on the Bernicia. The bishop was also accompanied by his protégé, Father John Fitzgerald, the first Australian born diocesan priest who Philip Conolly had baptised in Hobart.853 Woods’s long sea journey ended with his arrival in Hobart in January 1855.854

850 Report by the Inspector of Schools for 1852. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1852. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. 851 Arnold, Thomas. Passages in a Wandering Life. Edward Arnold, London, 1900, p. 155. 852 Southerwood, William Terrance. The Convicts Friend : A life of Bishop Robert William Willson. Stella Maris Books, George Town, Tasmania, 1989, p. 154. 853 Ibid, p. 152. 854 Colonial Times, 31 January 1855.

202 Bishop Willson had developed a firm friendship with Arnold, due to their similar interests in education. Southerwood acknowledges that “as a well-regarded citizen of the colony, Willson consciously sought to gain social acceptability for himself and his communion. ... Friendship with members of a social elite, led, at times, to their conversion to Catholicism”..855 After consultation with Willson, Arnold was convinced that he had finally found Christianity and a system of beliefs that inspired hime. His conversion to Roman Catholicism took place at St Joseph’s Catholic Church in Hobart on 12 January 1856. Arnold’s wife, Julia, did not support his religious ambitions. A Protestant by birth, she held an abhorrent aversion to Catholics and their beliefs, but was unable to sway his opinions. Julia was greatly displeased with her husband’s religious conversion. Julian Huxley, son ofArnold’s daughter [Julia], confirms that:

during the ceremony Julia ... collected a basket of stones from her yard, walked across to the nearby Chapel where he was being formally received into the ranks of Catholicism, and smashed the windows with this protesting ammunition. Even this failed to change his heart, though his conversion changed his prospects.856

Arnold’s actions led to public condemnation of his name, social standing and his occupation. The Tasmanian correspondent for the Argus newspaper challenged his right to pursue his personal beliefs at the cost of schools and children under his supervision as Inspector of Schools, particularly because of his conversion to Catholicism. The newspaper challenged him to resign his position from public office. The Hobart Courier reported:

When the Inspector of the Public Schools of Education, in a country where the overwhelming majority of the parents are of the Protestant faith, chooses to place himself, no doubt, in a state of conscientious religious antagonism with the greater number of the masters and scholars with whom he has officially to deal. The question instantly occurs whether it is decent, salutary and in harmony with the deep convictions of an intelligent and thoughtful public majority, that he should retain a post which is so nearly calculated to influence the future training of youth in this Protestant community.857

Arnold was unprepared for the public furore that he now experienced. However, the Courier and the Colonial Times were quick to defend his actions and

855 Southerwood, William Terrance. The Convicts Friend : A life of Bishop Robert William Willson. Stella Maris Books, George Town, Tasmania, 1989, p. 162. 856 Huxley, Julian. Memories, Volume I. Allen and Unwin, London, 1970, p. 16. 857 Courier, 19 February 1856.

203 his right to choose his own faith without loss of his respectable and previously highly regarded position in the colony.858 The editor of the Courier stated:

whatever be the merits of the question respecting Mr. Arnold's eligibility for the office he has long held, it is both inconsistent and unkind in those who profess to expound the religious feeling of a portion of our community to advocate their views in the fiercely intolerant style they have chosen to adopt.859

Thomas Arnold decided to leave the colony. Clearly, the religious bigotry that he experienced contributed to this decision. Young suggested that he apply for 18 months leave with his salary continuing at half the nominal payment, so that he might return to England to attend to his personal affairs, and this the Executive Council granted on 21 May 1856.860 Prior to his departure, Arnold met with a deputation of 73 teachers on 11 July 1856 to thank him for his continued support and guidance. As the Colonial Times reported:

It must be gratifying to you, Sir, to reflect on the fact that the admirable system of education at present in force in this colony, which promises fair to place Tasmania in the front rank of educated nations, was initiated during your period of office, and has been fostered by your care. We hope that with coming years the system will increase in influence and popular favour.861

Arnold, his wife Julia and their children, Mary Augusta, William and Theodore sailed on the William Brown from Hobart Town welcoming their return to England on 12 July 1856 .862 Arnold’s reputation as a superior educationalist had won him many admirers during his stay in Van Diemen’s Land, however his conversion to Catholicism diminished his standing and his record of achievement within the colony. Axon states, “By virtue of his office, [he did] have the opportunity to mitigate the problems caused by poverty and lack of education, so that his reforming zeal had a more practical outlet than it had ever had in New Zealand. ... he was able to reform without having to sacrifice himself unnecessarily”.863

858 Courier, 18 January 1856. Colonial Times, 22 January 1856. 859 Courier, 19 February 1856. 860 Howell, Peter Anthony. Thomas Arnold the younger in Van Diemen's Land. Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Hobart, Tasmania, 1964, p. 49. 861 Colonial Times, 12 July 1856. 862 Hobarton Mercury, 14 July 1856. 863 Axon, John Edward. ‘A biographical study of Thomas Arnold the younger’. Ph.D. thesis, School of English, University of Leeds, 1975, p. 96.

204 From the early 1860s, promoters of schooling sought to erase Hobart’s convict past. They valued the re-education of children with virtuous principles and desirable traits. Petrow confirms:

These values included sexual purity and restraint, honesty, decency, and respect for property and person; support for the family and work were paramount. During this period, philanthropists and moral reformers expressed strong doubts that the remnants of convicts and the urban poor were capable of bringing up their children correctly and it was feared that these children were thus being exposed to the dangers of prostitution, idleness and criminality, the hallmarks of convictism.864

The middle class elite feared that, without proper controls, delinquent children might rise up and endanger them socially and economically. The Hobart Town Advertiser reported, “in 1863 the streets after dark exhibited scenes of early corruption and juvenile immorality”.865 Householders feared opening their doors after dark, due to the constant visits from young children begging for food. The Mercury stated:

Scarcely an evening passes without one or more children knocking at every respectable person's door to sell sandstone, or beg a penny to buy a little bread. Ask them the cause of their being there, and what is the reply? In nine cases out of ten, that father is out drinking, and mother has nothing to eat, with the occasional variation, perhaps, that both father and mother are out drinking and, that they have nothing to eat themselves.866

Some saw the establishment of industrial and reformatory schools as an answer. The Government refused to assist, instead placing the burden of responsibility upon philanthropists.867 Children could reject a life of criminality by being educated developing, as Sprod confirms, “habits of discipline, order, punctuality, respect for their superiors and thrift, to avoid social disruption and to produce a quiescent labour force”.868

Forced to resign due to ill health, Bishop Robert Willson returned to Nottingham in England. Five days before his death, due to a stroke on 30 June 1866, he composed a letter for the attention of new Catholic Bishop Daniel Murphy,

864 Petrow, Stefan. ‘Arabs, boys and larrikins: juvenile delinquents and their treatment in Hobart, 1860-1896’. Australian Journal of Legal History, 1996, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1996, p. 38. 865 Hobart Town Advertiser, 28 October 1863. 866 Mercury, 24 June 1865. 867 Ibid. 868 Sprod, Michael. ‘'The old education: Government schools in Tasmania 1839-1904’. Papers and Proceedings Tasmanian Historical Research Association, June 1984, Vol.31, No.2, p. 18.

205 thanking his former parishioners for allowing him to be a part of their daily lives in the colony. He stated, “the land that, though far off is the eternal heavenly home of the faithful”.869

Murphy was quick to act upon the needs of his community.870 He required additional religious people to aid him in his religious ascendancy, and the arrival of the Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, from Fermoy in Ireland, rewarded his efforts. The Presentation Sisters, arriving in Hobart on the SS Tasmania on 31 October 1866, embraced Christian values and promoted social graces in the educaton of young women. As the Mercury reported:

It is their intention here to add to the gratuitous instruction which they give in Ireland a pay-school for the education of young ladies of the higher classes, in which not only a religious and literary training of the highest order will be given, and the ordinary accomplishments ably taught, but the greatest attention will be paid to the formation of those elegant manners and elevated tastes which every Christian gentlewoman should possess.871

Non-Catholics however, did not appreciate the arrival of the sisters, as their presence indicated the growth of Catholicism within the colony, with many fearing Catholic domination, socially and economically. Young confirms that “there still existed some fear and prejudice against Catholics. Perhaps it was an inherited fear among the English about a rebel Irish uprising, or maybe an imagined threat to the dominance of the Church of England in the colony”.872

Bishop Murphy had planned to build a new convent for the sisters adjacent to the existing Cathedral of St Mary’s in Harrington Street, Hobart. This, however, had not advanced since his arrival six months earlier. For two days, the sisters stayed with the Sisters of Charity in Hobart before commencing their journey to Richmond. As a temporary solution, the Bishop organised with the incumbent parish priest, Father William Dunne, to provide accommodation for the Sisters in the small community established in 1803 as a former military outpost and road station,

869 Mercury, 18 September 1866. 870 Mercury 4 May 1866. 871 Mercury, 8 January 1867. 872 Fox, Noela M. An Acorn Grows Among the Gums: The Presentation Sisters Tasmania, 1866-2006. Presentation Sisters Property Association, Hobart, Tasmania, 2006, p. 29.

206 between Hobart Town and Port Arthur.873 Dunne arranged rental accommodation within a two-story dwelling located on a farm with a caretaker.

The first Catholic school in the township commenced in a small brick building adjacent to the church, St John the Evangelist’s, built in 1837. Father Thomas Butler established the school while Schoolmaster, Michael Ignatius O’Keefe, a friend of Irish exiles, conducted classes in it from 1843.874 The parish consisted predominately of Irish immigrants and former convicts with little financial means, with Dunne donating towards the maintenance of the school from his stipend. This was due to “the social composition and financial status of the community [which] was not very promising”.875 With 30 children attending in November 1846, Bishop Willson and Father Dunne sought financial assistance from the Government to extend the establishment. They also sought to employ suitably qualified teachers to instruct the children, however, these requests did not meet with Government approval. Although “the penny a day system saved the school. By 1853, there were more Catholic children at Richmond than the children of any other denomination”.876

The five boys’ schools established in Hobart included the Anglican Hutchins School, which had enrolments of 96 pupils, the Launceston Church Grammar School with 85 pupils, Horton College in Ross with 50 students and Scotch College in Hobart with 65 boys. The Friends Co-Educational School in Hobart opened in 1887. The original three girls’ schools established included the Presentation Convent of St Mary’s in Hobart with 220 enrolments, while the Methodist Ladies College and the Anglican Ladies College in Hobart held matching enrolments of 85 pupils each.877 Loyalty to religious principles was highly important to Catholics and Protestants alike. Catholics especially, directed by Bishop Daniel Murphy in his Pastoral Letter

873 Jones, Elizabeth. Richmond-Tasmania: A Crossing Place. Richmond Preservation and Development Trust, Richmond, Tasmania, 1973. 874 Fox, Noela M. An Acorn Grows Among the Gums: The Presentation Sisters Tasmania, 1866-2006. Presentation Sisters Property Association, Hobart, Tasmania, 2006, pp. 30-31. 875 Southerwood, William Terrance. Planting a Faith in Tasmania: The Country Parishes. W.T. Southerwood, Hobart, Tasmania, 1977, p. 12. 876 Southerwood, William Terrance. Planting a Faith in Tasmania: The Country Parishes. W.T. Southerwood, Hobart, Tasmania, 1977, p. 13. 877 Robson, Lloyd. A History of Tasmania: Colony and State from 1856 to 1980s, Volume 2. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1991, p. 147. Townsley, Wilfred Asquith. Tasmania: From Colony to Statehood 1803-1945. St. David’s Park Publishing, Hobart, 1991, p. 148.

207 of 1884, advised that the Church could not be responsible alone for the teachings of faith; parents also had a duty to impart the Catechesis to their children. He stated:

The first and most essential duty to parents is to teach, or have taught, their children the fear and love of God, a horror of sin, respect for those to whom they owe their existence, a love of truth, of purity, of meekness, the Catechism, which contains the revealed doctrines which they are obliged to practice, and which comprises the duties they owe to God, to their neighbour, and themselves.878

The Anglican ministry shared Murphy’s concerns. The Tasmanian colony was comparable to the mainland, as it encouraged adherence to a faith-based educational programme, producing citizens that followed the beliefs of those in power. Strasser confirms:

Protestant and Catholic state governments alike insisted on fixing their chosen religion’s meaning in an officially sanctioned creed. Subjects were subsequently required to take oaths to uphold their rulers’ preferred creed. A strictly controlled educational system coupled with confessional propaganda and censorship reinforced the creed’s message.879

Catholics in the colony remained under-represented. They possessed little influence, due to the restrictive guidelines for inclusion in the Government requiring a considerable portfolio of property for Upper House members. In 1870, the representative Government in Tasmania had only three Catholics. The 3 were born in Ireland and included John D. Balfe, farmer and former journalist, James Monaghan Dooley, Government Surveyor and Christopher O’Reilly, Commissioner for Works and Crown Land.880 The increase in Catholic population was not evident until later in the decade, as the first Census was not held until April 1881 and did not include data on religious denominations. In 1881, the population was recorded throughout the colony as being 61,162 males and 54,543 females. Secular instruction for children of school age was recorded as being 79%, or more than three fourths, according to their parents or guardians. Sixteen per cent of children at home received secular instruction from their parents or guardians and another 82% received secular instruction from their schools. The 1881 Census, also revealed that more than 54.5% of the population could read and write, and more than 8.5% could

878 Daniel Murphy, Pastoral Letter, Hobart, 1884. Archdiocese of Hobart Museum and Archives. 879 Strasser, Ulrike. ‘Early Modern Nuns and the Feminist Politics of Religion’. The Journal of Religion, October 2004, Vol. 84. No. 4, p. 535. 880 Mercury, 14 December 1880. Robson, Lloyd. A History of Tasmania: Colony and State from 1856 to 1980s, Volume 2. Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1991, p. 147. Townsley, Wilfred Asquith. Tasmania: From Colony to Statehood 1803-1945. St. David’s Park Publishing, Hobart, 1991, p. 84.

208 read only, leaving nearly 27% who had no school education whatsoever.881 The 1881 Census of the Colony of Tasmania stated that:

There are 10,008 children including scholars up to 20 who were attending schools receiving aid from the state, namely, those under the Board of Education, Industrial, and Ragged Schools; of these, 5,566 being boys, and 4,452 girls. At the private schools there were 6,776 pupils consisting of 3,166 boys and 3,610 girls.882

Timothy A. Coghlan, New South Wales statistician, aware of the anomalies that the Census did not reveal, documented his findings on the economic and social conditions of the Australian Colonies in A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia in 1890.883 Within a year, he had prepared an additional volume in which he detailed his findings on the establishment and growth of religious denominations throughout the colonies and, in particular, those not recorded in the Census of 1881 in Tasmania. The Church of England in Tasmania possessed the highest record of parishioners with 47,208. The other Churches included the Roman Catholic Church with 29,644 members, the Presbyterians with 14,486, and the Wesleyan and Primitive Methodists with 12,230. Other denominations totalled 12,137.884

Bishop Murphy, in his Pastoral Letter of 1884, implored Catholics to be an example to their children. He stated:

It is their duty to keep a strict watch over their conduct, to guard them against evil companions, and to protect them against vanity and the dangerous ways of the world. Childhood is that period of man's life most susceptible of receiving impressions. These are lasting for good or evil, and many persons distinguished in religious and civil life have attributed a large share of their success to the good impressions received when young, whilst others have traced the misery of wicked lives to the bad impressions made in their tender years. Careful and virtuous parents are the glory of religion and society, whilst negligent and impious parents are their curse.885

Murphy was aware of the lack of suitable Catholic schools for the poor within the colony. His nephew, Monsignor Daniel Beechinor of Launceston, was assigned

881 Census, the Colony of Tasmania, 3 April 1881. Registrar-General’s Department, Government Printer, Hobart, Tasmania. 882 Ibid. 883 Coghlan, Timothy Augustine. A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia. Charles Potter, Government Printer, Sydney, 1890. 884 Coghlan, Timothy Augustine. A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia. George S. Chapman, Acting Government Printer, Sydney, 1891, p. 246. 885 Daniel Murphy, Pastoral Letter, Hobart, 1884. Archdiocese of Hobart Museum and Archives.

209 the task of visiting the Perthville foundation of the Sisters of St Joseph to request that a community of Josephite Sisters be sent to the Launceston parish.886 The Presentation Sisters, M. Patrick Hickey, M. Catherine Murphy, novice, Sister M. Gabriel Horner and postulants, Misses Mary Ann Boylson and Honorine Beechinor, had travelled 118 miles overland from Hobart in horse drawn carriages. They had quickly established a high school and were responsible for the staffing of a primary school, St Mary’s.887 On 21 June 1874, Honorine Beechinor, by then received into holy orders with the name of Sister Mary Columba, died from cholera. Hers was the first death within her order in Australia.888 At the funeral Mass, Father Julian Tenison Woods offered his sympathy to the bishop and Honorine’s family and spoke eloquently of the tragic loss of such a young life at the age of 31 years.889

In addition , Murphy obtained a new foundation of nuns and five Sisters of St Joseph arriving in Tasmania on the vessel, Coronella, from Sydney in May 1887.890 On their arrival in Launceston, Beechinor and Murphy realised that the Presentation Sisters did not require another religious order to assist them. A greater purpose for the Josephite Sisters involved providing education for the poorer classes of society through aiding a large, Irish Catholic community at Westbury.891 This was a farming community 19 miles from Launceston.892

Sister Mary Francis McCarthy, accompanied by Sisters, Patrick Nolan, Mary Joseph Eather, Mary Stanislaus Doyle and Mary Teresa Predergast, arrived in Westbury and opened their school on 24 May 1887 with eight pupils in attendance. As the Westbury Diary stated, “Dr Murphy, Father Daniel Beechinor and Parish priest, Matthew O’Callaghan attended at the opening. As the Convent was not ready, the Sisters remained at the presbytery, [with the] priest staying at a hotel for a time”.893 By 7 June, the sisters were able to move into the convent and, on 12 June

886 Burns, V. Torchbearers for Christ: History of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Tasmania 1887- 1966. Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, 1966, pp. 8-9. 887 MacGinley, Mary Rosa. Roads to Sion: Presentation Sisters in Australia 1866-1980. Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Clayfield, Queensland, 1983, p. 76. 888 Launceston Examiner, 25 June 1874. 889 Launceston Examiner, 23 June 1874. 890 Launceston Examiner, 23 May 1887. 891 Mercury, 8 January 1867. 892 Walsh, J. Walsh’s Tasmanian Almanac. J.Walsh and Sons, Hobart Town, 1871, p. 198. 893 Westbury Diary, unpublished manuscript. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, New Town, Tasmania, 1887.

210 1887, their new school, Holy Trinity, opened with 59 pupils in attendance; this number increasing to 94 on 6 July 1887. Brady states:

The founding Sisters were women of deep faith and prayer imbued with a simplicity that endeared itself to the Catholic families of the Westbury district and beyond. They were excellent teachers and maintained a human and compassionate approach to their students with the development of sound relationships.894

During this time, Sister Francis communicated, through a continual flow of correspondence, with Father Julian Tenison Woods, who provided his personal knowledge of the Rule and the Tasmanian Church. Woods had travelled to the colony on the vessel Southern Cross arriving in Hobart in 1874.895 He was familiar with the Westbury district, as he had presented the first mass at the Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Westbury. The Mercury reported, “After the Gospel, Father Woods delivered a very eloquent and impressive sermon”.896 Although geographically very far from his fledgling new order of the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration in Brisbane, Woods remained committed to their purpose. During his stay in Tasmania he discovered two women seeking a religious life and who, with his guidance, became important contributors to the new foundation in Queensland. Doherty asserts that “they were Catherine Gaffney who, as Mother Mary Stanislaus, was first Superior in 1882 and Sarah Breen (Sister Mary Joseph)”.897 Woods’s visits to these two sisters remained spasmodic, however, he also possessed the ability to inspire them in a unique way. Boland explains that [Woods] was running a Correspondence School in Spirituality, a mail-order, do-it-yourself foundation. The talent was unusual, its practicality questionable, but its result remarkable”.898

Woods’s insights and missionary commitment became beneficial to the newly arrived Sisters of St Joseph in Tasmania. He assisted the Sisters during the foundational phase of their relocation to Tasmania, as they had arrived without their

894 Brady, Josephine Margaret. ‘Sisters of St. Joseph: the Tasmanian experience: the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Tasmania 1887-1937’. Ph.D. thesis, Australian Catholic University, Victoria, 2004, p. 81. 895 Doherty, Carmel Mary. J E Tenison Woods: his recorded years, Book II. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Wollongong, New South Wales, 1997, p. 41. 896 Mercury, 20 May 1874. 897 Doherty, Carmel Mary. J E Tenison Woods: his recorded years, Book II. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Wollongong, New South Wales, 1997, p. 41. 898 Boland, Thomas P. Quiet Women. Refulgence Publishers, Deception Bay, Queensland, 1974.

211 Book of Instructions and Directory, with the destruction of both occurring at Perthville prior to their departure.899 Crowley confirms,

during 1883 evidence suggests that Father Huggard in his capacity as retreat director and supposedly authorised by Father Byrne, ordered that all copies of the Book of Instruction be destroyed at the same time the vicar-general gave orders that all correspondence with Father Woods was to cease.900

The Sisters in Tasmania, being far away from the authoritarian stance of the Goulburn, Maitland and Bathurst Bishops, feared no reprisals from such a harsh directive. Woods, however, suggested a more clandestine approach in his correspondence with Sister Francis McCarthy. He stated:

You can lean upon me and rely upon my help in everything, the only favour I will ask of you is not to mention my name or speak of me or quote my authority, especially to any of the clergy. Indeed, it would be better not to mention your correspondence with me. You will see the wisdom of this hereafter.901

The curriculum that the Sisters employed remained similar to that devised in their initial teaching practices and included writing, arithmetic and pre-designed tasks for the older children, such as plain or fancy needlework and, for the boys, bookkeeping. The sisters also continued their lectures to their students on a variety of subjects using maps, charts, science topics and globes. Religious instruction for the students continued to be provided on a daily basis. They taught all age groups from first class to fifth, with any changes to the timetable requiring prior approval by the Sister Guardian.902 The teaching of music in the new Rule, nevertheless, presented the sisters with a financial advantage. The Rule stated that “whenever they undertake to teach music it must be only under circumstances of necessity in keeping with the objects of the Institute”.903

Woods’s role as secular guide to the sisters in Tasmania continued. Brady states:

899 Brady, Josephine M. St. Joseph’s Island: Julian Tenison Woods and the Tasmanian Sisters of St. Joseph 1887-2012. ATF Press, Adelaide, 2012. 900 Crowley, Marie. Women of the Vale: Perthville Josephites 1872 – 1972. Spectrum Publications, Richmond, Victoria, 2002, p. 75. As cited in Bishop Byrne’s diary, 4 May 1887. 901 Letter, Julian Tenison Woods to Francis McCarthy, August 1877. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, New Town, Tasmania. 902 Woods, J.E.T. n.d. Book of instructions for the use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart with Community Prayers, School Directory. S. Pole and Company, Brisbane. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, New Town, Tasmania. 903 Original Rule for the Institute of St. Joseph, 1867.

212 The spiritual direction that Woods continued to exert over the Diocesan group ensured that he was regarded as their founder to the exclusion of Mary MacKillop. His removal by Quinn as director in 1882 had significant impact on his place in the history of the Diocesan Josephites at Perthville; while away from Perthville the Tasmanian Josephites were to maintain a consistent contact with him until his death.904

Within two years, the Sisters had established additional schools. On 24 May 1899, St Joseph’s School at Forth, 50 miles north of Westbury, opened. The second, the Sacred Heart School at Ulverstone, seven miles from Forth, commenced on 14 July 1899.905

Woods’s health deteriorated following his return to Sydney from the Northern Territory in June 1887. During his final years, Sister John Dowling, who had professed in 1880, acted as his nurse and secretary, organising his copious collection of notes from his travels. Woods did not discuss publicly his response to his denunciation by the Bishops. However, in a final letter to the Sisters of St Joseph at Lochinvar, he advised them to remain true to his Rule and “be mindful of the enemies that surround us”.906

The significance of Woods’s vision in the establishment of Catholic education was unrecognised. Furthermore, his friendship with MacKillop had deteriorated, due to what he perceived as her disloyalty. In 1874, MacKillop wrote to Monsignor Tobias Kirby claiming that the original formation for the establishment of the Institute and the Catholic schools in South Australia was not only her idea, but due to her individual efforts. She stated,

I must be frank and tell you plainly the truth now, the idea of this system and the drawing up of the plans of it was a duty some way always left to my unworthy self. Whatever I had to do about it always came easy because it was done under obedience.907

However towards the end of her life Mackillop recanted her original statement in her memoirs, dictated to Sister Mary Chanel. She concluded:

904 Brady, Josephine Margaret. ‘Sisters of St. Joseph: the Tasmanian experience: the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Tasmania 1887-1937’. Ph.D. thesis, Australian Catholic University, Victoria, 2004, p. 46. 905 Sisters of St. Joseph, List of Schools established in Tasmania, n.d. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, Hobart, Tasmania. 906 Julian Edmund Tenison Woods, Sydney, letter to the Sisters of St. Joseph, Lochinvar, 9 September 1887. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, New South Wales. 907 Mary MacKillop, Turin, Italy, letter to Monsignor Tobias Kirby, 3 May 1874. Archives of Mary MacKillop and the Sisters of St. Joseph, North Sydney, New South Wales.

213 Circumstances have overshadowed the part played by Father Woods in the inception and early growth of our Institute. Nearly all was due to him, as will appear from our correspondence, which I have preserved. He may never be overlooked in the history of what God has done by our Sisters’.908

During Woods’s last days of illness, Mary MacKillop attempted to visit him, but due to the difficulty of reaching him, was unable to arrive in time and reconcile their past differences, before he died of paralysis on 7 October 1889.909 As Press acknowledges:

The morning of 7 October found her and her companion helplessly stranded on a broken-down ferry between North Sydney and the Quay, unable to be with him when he died, as she had so much wished to be. The friendship that has given to the developing Australian church a new concept in religious living and spirituality had been destined to bring satisfaction, even happiness, to hundreds of people, but not to the two people who had first shared their hopes and ideals.910

The death of Father Woods received a high level of public attention. The Argus announced that

the death of the Rev. Julian E. Tenison Woods, the distinguished geologist and scientist, was reported late this evening. Mr. Woods died at about 11 o'clock this morning after a long illness, brought about largely by the hardships he endured during his recent travels in the tropics in the interests of science.911

Other journalists felt Woods’s death keenly. The Illustrated Sydney News stated,

by the premature death of Father Julian E. Tenison-Woods the scientific world of Australasia has sustained a severe and, apparently, an irremediable loss. It will be difficult to fill his place. The notable scientists of this singular continent of ours are, indeed, too few.912

However, significantly, the obituraries in the two newspapers overlooked Woods’s promotion of Catholic schooling for the colonies’ impoverished children.

908 O'Loughlin, Mary Chanel Sister. Life of Mother Mary, foundress of the Sisterhood of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart. Boys' Industrial Home, Westmead, New South Wales, 1916, p. v. 909 Royan, Ellen. ‘Julian Edmund Tenison Woods’ in Margaret Gibberd (ed), People of the Valley: Writings from the Hunter. Catchfire Press, Newcastle, 2009, p. 7. 910 Press, Margaret, M. Julian Tenison Woods: Father Founder. Collins Dove, North Blackburn, 1994, pp. 226-227. 911 Argus, 8 October 1889. 912 Illustrated Sydney News, 17 October 1889.

214 Conclusion

The research questions posed by this thesis are how successful were Pompallier, Arnold and Woods in their promotion of Catholic education amongst impoverished Australasian children and what was the motivation for their efforts? Clearly, the three, neglected by educational and religious historians, made a significant contribution to the promotion of Catholic schooling in Australasia. Unquestionably, they were significant promoters of the faith. This thesis also reveals that their motivation involved promoting both Catholic religious understandings and Christian morality amongst the children of their parishioners, and the rejection of protestant and liberal influences. A consequently greater community respect for Roman Catholics and the spiritual salvation of the children who attended schools under their supervision was important to them.

The National and State systems of Education in Australasia encouraged children to become honest, hard-working, conservative-minded members of society, supporting the directives of their Government representatives. This objective extended beyond Australia, with teachers who were subject to inspectorial appraisal and parental approval in Government schools in Europe, Britain and America similarly influencing children to become productive cooperative community members. Bruce Curtis confirmed that in Upper Canada, the providers of National Education wished to promote the values of diligence, honesty and the acceptance of class differences in students through the influence of their teachers and the lessons that they taught. In Australia, as this thesis reveals, Catholic clergy too encouraged this stance, believing that many opportunities were available to the children that they taught provided that the values of National loyalty, respectability and the rejection of rebelliousness accompanied their adherence to the teachings of their Church. Catholic schooling not only provided the opportunity for faith to infuse the thoughts and actions of the students, but also the attributes of moral respectability and the embrace of diligence and hard work. But Pompallier, Arnold and Woods did not support homogenous Government instruction. It was, to them, an insidious method of proselytising. Pompallier, the first Catholic Bishop to arrive and be appointed in New Zealand, sought to convert the Māori. The Catholic bishops and clerics in Australia and New Zealand feared manipulation of Catholic children by Protestant

215 clergy. Attending Government schools could lead to religious conversion or the embrace of liberalism and thus undermine the tenets of their faith.

Promoters of education in both Catholic and government schools wished to create a cohesive society with citizens united in their rejection of anti-social behaviour. Catholics shared similar views, except that the Church in Rome possessed the final accountability for the teaching of the Catholic faith and delegated this to clerics, Sisters and in some cases lay teachers. However, with the promulgation of Pope Pius IX’s declaration of the Syllabus of Errors and Quanta Curia in 1865, the looming threat of liberalism throughout Australasia troubled Catholics and destabilised their their trust in Government authority. It was, many Catholics believed, a means of submission by the Church to the State. Pius IX had warned his clerics that, for society to remain free from seditious and harmful behaviour, children of the working classes must be free from interference by outside authorities. To counteract these fears, bishops and priests encouraged the establishment of a comprehensive system of Catholic schooling; one that did not incur a financial burden on the diocese. However anti-Catholic sentiments in the community and the desire for a united and economical system of schooling led to the rejection of government funding in all of the Australasian colonies.

Julian Tenison Woods, assisted by Mary MacKillop, formed the nucleus of the Institute of the Sisters of St Joseph and established an egalitarian teaching order. Woods in his early years in Penola held a vision that by establishing this order that more schools, similiarly faith-based would soon follow. The success of this venture to him was reliant upon the children of his parishioners being taught by religious sisters. He was idealistically driven to provide educational opportunities for the poor children in his region, as he considered that religion should permeate their lives. In his Memoirs he stated:

the great object of this school and of all that would subsequently be established on the same model was the religious training of the children according to the principles and teaching of the Catholic Church, so as to make them good pious members of society; to train them also to those means by which they could receive and preserve the graces of God.913

913 Doherty, Carmel Mary. Song of Seasons. Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Brisbane, 1996, p. 81.

216 In 1866, Woods, assisted by MacKillop established the first Catholic Josephite school in South Australia, devoted to instructing children of the poor. They provided a pious schooling environment where Catholic children learned how to read, write and become effective and respectable members of their Church community. The school’s success gained the attention of Bishops James Quinn in Queensland, Matthew Quinn in Bathurst and James Murray in Maitland. All requested that the Sisters open further foundations and schools to provide education for the predominately Irish children in their dioceses. Their intervention protected the students from the temptations of immoral or delinquent behaviour. The clerics believed that the receipt of an education within a religious setting encouraged the likelihood of achieving honest employment, community respectability and individual salvation. It was also beneficial for the Church to promote attendance at Denominational schools, as it enabled Catholic children and therefore, in many cases their parents, to gain ready acceptance in colonial society. This spiritually and financially enriched the Church. Idealistically driven to pursue his ambitions, Woods remained trusting and naive concerning the machinations of the Church clergy, unaware of the mounting jealousy resulting from his popularity as a priest, an academic and a visionary which led to his exclusion and removal from official Catholic Church duties.

French born Bishop Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier was the first Catholic cleric to arrive in New Zealand in 1838. Marist priests and brothers who accompanied him set to work in establishing schools, not only for the settlers, but also for the Māori. For him, education was a desirable consequence in accepting the teachings of the Catholic Church, as they were indelibly entwined. He was motivated to establish pariochal schools to ensure that the children gained salvation, and their parents, a respectable position in society and where they would be welcomed by other Catholics who supported their church and their community. Although initially receiving support in his educational endeavours by Marist priests and brothers under his administration, his tenure was undermined by the jealousy of the Marists due to his overwhelming popularity. He remained however, committed to the furtherance of Catholic education for his flock. Clisby agrees that “as time

217 went on, elementary schooling went hand in hand with the catechising”.914 He introduced the first female religious, the Irish Sisters of Mercy, to his diocese in April 1850 to provide a convent education for the children of the Catholic settlers. Pompallier sustained the teachings of his Catholic faith and supported directives from Rome. His involvement in the establishment of Catholic schooling in New Zealand was, primarily, to train children in virtuous habits, so that they could benefit socially and religiously.

The arrival of Thomas Arnold in New Zealand in 1848 arose through his belief that the colony was a place where a fair and just society existed. His stay was brief due to his unstable financial situation and he accepted the position of School Inspector in Van Diemen’s Land in 1850. Arnold viewed the circumstance of education in the colony as inferior and he devoted his passion and energy towards further improvement. Many parents, he believed, did not support the attendance of their children at schools in the convict colony. Without a stable and continued education, children would be prone to a life of criminality and experience a dissolute future. Arnold welcomed the introduction of additional Catholic schools, as they provided a secure and constructive environment where children acquired manners and adhered to desired social conventions. Arnold shared many of the characteristics of Pompallier and Woods, he was also charismatic, idealistic and held a vision of a utopia yet to be discovered or realised. Arnold’s educational endeavours were motivated by his desire for a society that created equality for all, and in particular children who deserved he believed, an education system worthy of their future aspirations. He believed that all children deserved a life free from the influence of criminality and one that enabled them to fit into respectable society. His own desires and beliefs did not always meet his exacting standards and he was subject to public scorn and derision during his final years in Tasmania due to his conversion to Catholicism. Bertram argues that “to see Thomas Arnold as one naturally religious,

914 Clisby, Edward. ‘The Contribution of the Marist Teaching Brothers to the Foundation of the Catholic Church in Western Oceania’ in Alois Greiler (ed), Catholic Beginnings in Oceania: Marist Missionary Perspectives, ATF Press, Hindmarsh, South Australia, 2009, p. 112.

218 to whom youthful scepticism, and a period of idealistic revolutionary enthusiasm, could never afford lasting satisfaction”.915

In Australasia, Catholic bishops and clerics established a system of education that they controlled, one that was faith-based and that allowed Catholic children to learn in an environment where their Christianity infused all areas of their instruction. Catholic children of Irish decent and those who were poor received their attention, as they believed that, to create a community of pious and respectable members, the teachings of the Church should permeate the students’ lessons. National School promoters shared similar convictions concerning the desirability of teaching children within a structured and disciplined environment honesty and social conservatism to create future citizens who were hardworking and law-abiding.

The history of Catholic Education in Australia and New Zealand has not received, until now, a comparative study that focuses upon these particular individuals who have provided a remarkable service concerning the establishment of Catholic Education. Bishop Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier, Julian Edmund Tenison Woods and Thomas Arnold have received little attention that relates directly to their involvement in the promotion and supervision of Catholic education. The three believed that, for society to improve, children required a structured schooling environment that promoted exemplary standards of behaviour and values taught. Pompallier and Woods valued the tradition and spirituality of the Catholic faith. They sought to teach the children in their care the importance of attaining virtuous and respectable behavioural traits that enabled them to enter society as valued members, and who were worthy representatives of their Church. Arnold held similar views, more apparent after his conversion to Catholicism, as he believed that all Catholic children deserved the opportunity to receive a Church-based education.

The research undertaken in the preparation of this thesis has revealed that Catholic clerics, like promoters of Government schooling, possessed a desire to promote within children via schooling honest, diligent, socially respectful behaviour.

915 Bertram, James (ed). New Zealand letters of Thomas Arnold the younger with further letters from Van Diemen's Land and letters of Arthur Hugh Clough, 1847-1851. University of Auckland, Wellington, New Zealand, 1966, p. xxxix.

219 Catholic schools also promoted distinctly Roman Catholic religious understandings. The Bishops in this thesis sought to create a Catholic system of education that they could control, while promoting the traditions of Rome. They thus encouraged the management and supervision of schools by clerics and religious laity. In the schools, the children received a disciplined, industrious, faith-based approach to learning, as devised by Woods and MacKillop and others, with the intention of creating upright and devout Catholic citizens.

220 Bibliography

Primary

Official Records (printed and manuscript)

Archives of the British House of Commons: A bill for the establishment of a board of national education, and the advancement of elementary education in Ireland, House of Commons, London, 1831. Penal Laws, An Act to Restrain Foreign Education, 7 Will III c.4, 1695, Section 9. Incorporated Society, First Report of the Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry, H.C. 1825 (400), xii, Appendix, No. 132. First Report of the Commissions of Irish Education Inquiry, Dublin, 1825. Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829. United Kingdom, National Archives, 1829 C.7 (Regnal.10 Geo). A bill for the establishment of a board of national education, and the advancement of elementary education in Ireland, House of Commons, London, 1831.

New South Wales

Mitchell Library: Bigge, John Thomas. Report of the Commissioner of Inquiry, on the judicial establishments of New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land. Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, Parliamentary paper, Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons, London, 21 February 1823, No. 33. Mitchell Library, Sydney.

State Archives of New South Wales: State Records NSW: Colonial Secretary; NRS 1046, Copies of Government and General Orders and Notices 1810-1819 [SZ759, pp. 100-114]. Governor Macquarie, Government Proclamation, 24 February 1810, Historical Records of Australia, VII. Despatch from Lieutenant Governor Arthur to Colonial Secretary, Earl of Bathurst, 21 April 1826. Historical Records of Australia, Vol. III, Series V. SR NSW: Returns of the Colony, Blue Books, 1828-1854 [4/6288-89]. SR NSW: Returns of the Colony, Blue Books, 1828-1854 [4/6288-89]. SR NSW: Returns of the Colony, Blue Books, 1828-1854 [4/6288-89]. Governor Bourke to Lord Stanley, 30 September 1833, Historical Records of Australia, 1st Series, XVII.

New South Wales Board of Education: Report, National Board of Education, Model National School, Appendix No 1, 30 June 1851. Report of the Select Committee on Education, New South Wales Legislative Council, 5 July 1844. New South Wales Council of Education. An Act to make better provision for Public Education, 22 December 1866, XXII, 30 Vic, Act No. 22.

221

New South Wales Denominational School Board: New South Wales. Report of the Council of Education upon the condition of the public schools and of the certified denominational schools for 1873. New South Wales. Report of the Council of Education upon the condition of the public schools and of the certified denominational schools for 1874.

Public Record Office of Victoria: VA703. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848. VA920. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848. VA703. Colonial Secretary to Denominational School Board, 4 January 1848. Act for the Better Government of Her Majesty’s Australian Colonies, 1 July 1851, Victoria, 9 and 10, c. 35. Common Schools Act. An Act for the better Maintenance and Establishment of Common Schools in Victoria, 25 Victoria, VA713, No.149. VA 714. Education Act of 1872, Victoria, 36, No. 447.

Queensland State Archives Board of General Education, Queensland, First Annual Report, 1860 Immigration Act, 1864. Immigration Land Orders 1861-1874.

Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart

School Inspectors’ Reports: CB 3. Board of Education. Secretary's Letterbooks, 1847-51; Inspector’s Reports. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. Report by the Inspector of Schools for 1850. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1850, Paper No. 12. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. Report by the Inspector of Schools for 1852. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1852. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. Report of the Board of Inspection on the State of the Public Schools of the Island, Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen’s Land for the Session of the year 1853, Paper No. 46, p. 5. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart.

Legislative Council: Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council, 1852, paper 27. Schools’ Bill, Petition of the Right Reverend Bishop Willson. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart. Votes and Proceedings Second Session, 1855, paper 27. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart.

Committee of Inquiry into Female Convict Prison Discipline: Report on female prison discipline, evidence of Reverend T.J Ewing, 1 January 1842, CSO 22/1/50. Tasmanian Heritage and Archive Office, Hobart.

222 Committee of Inquiry into Female Convict Prison Discipline. Colonial Secretary’s Office,CSO22/501841–1843. Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, Hobart.

Catholic Archdiocese of Hobart Museum and Archives Daniel Murphy, Pastoral Letter, Hobart, 1884. Bishop Robert Willson, Hobart Town, letter to Reverend Mother Mary de Sales O’Brien, 23 April 1847.

Australasian Pastoral Letters: Geoghegan, Patrick, OSF, Pastoral Letter on the Educating of Catholic Children, 1860. John Bede Polding, letter to Bishop Patrick Bonaventure Geoghegan, 21 November 1862. James Alipius Good, Pastoral Letter, 1872. Catholic Church. Province of Australia. The pastoral address of the Most Reverend the Archbishop and of the Right Reverend the Bishops of the Province of Australia assembled in Provincial Synod, 1 November, 1862. L.B. Sheil, Bishop of Adelaide, Pastoral Letter, Wexford, Ireland, 31 July 1867. Bishop Patrick Moran, Pastoral Letter, Roman Catholic Diocese of Dunedin, 3 March 1871. Archbishop Roger William Bede Vaughan, Joint Pastoral Letter of the Archbishops and Bishops of the Province, New South Wales, June 1879.

Archives of the Dominican Sisters, Strathfield, New South Wales Annals of the Dominican Convent of St. Mary’s, Cabra, Ireland, p. 114. New South Wales Council of Education. Certificate of Registration, St. John’s Denominational School, West Maitland, June 1867. The Martha Birnie Journal. Account of the Voyage of the Sisters from St. Mary’s Convent Kingstown on the Mission to Maitland (Australia) 1867.

Sisters of St. Joseph: Manuscripts, Correspondence, Diaries, Rules and Constitutions

Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania Hyacinth Quinlan, letter to Mary MacKillop, Vale Road, Perthville, 30 January 1876. Copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart. Westbury Diary, unpublished manuscript. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, New Town, Tasmania, 1887. An Account of Sister Mary Hyacinth of Saint Joseph the Baptist (Bridget Quinlan). Typewritten n.d., Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania. Letter, Sr Hyacinth, Wanganui, to Fr Kirk, Wanganui, 19 March 1885, Marist Archives, Wellington, New Zealand. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania. Letter, Bishop Redwood, Wellington to Sister Hyacinth Quinlan, Wanganui, 7 February 1891. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, Wanganui, New Zealand, copy, Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, Tasmania.

223 Woods, J.E.T. n.d. Book of instructions for the use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart with Community Prayers, School Directory. S. Pole and Company, Brisbane. Sisters of St. Joseph Archives, New Town, Tasmania.

Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Lochinvar, New South Wales Diocesan School Inspector’s Reports, 1883 and 1884.

Correspondence: Julian Tenison Woods, Thaiping Perak Straits Settlement, Malaya, Letter to Sister Ambrose Joseph Dirkin,19 March 1884. Julian Tenison Woods, Villa Maria, Brisbane, letter to Sister Mary Joseph, Lochinvar, 7 November 1886. Julian Tenison Woods, Sydney, letter to the Sisters of St. Joseph, Lochinvar, 9 September 1887. Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, New South Wales.

Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Perthville, New South Wales Woods, J.E.T and MacKillop, M. Directory or Order of Discipline for the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Book of Instructions for the Use of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart, 1870. Constitutions of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, Adelaide, 1875. Woods, J.E.T. Rules of the Institute of the Institute of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Bathurst, 1878. Woods, J.E.T. Rules of the Institute of the Institute of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Bathurst, 1878. Woods, J.E.T. Explanation of the Rules of the Institute of St. Joseph for the Catholic Education of Poor Children, Sydney, 1877.

Archives of the Sisters of St. Joseph, Wanganui, New Zealand Collected correspondence

Archives of Mary MacKillop and the Sisters of St. Joseph, North Sydney, New South Wales J.E. Tenison Woods, letter to Bishop Sheil, reporting on education in the Adelaide Archdiocese, Adelaide Archdiocesan Archives, February, 1871. Mary MacKillop, Turin, Italy, letter to Monsignor Tobias Kirby, 3 May 1874.

Archives of the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, Fortitude Valley, Queensland Julian Edmund Tenison Woods, Memoirs, 1887-1889. Collected correspondence.

Archives of the Good Samaritan Sisters, Glebe, New South Wales John Bede Polding, Sydney, letter to Bishop Thomas Joseph Brown, 20 January 1866.

Catholic Diocesan Office, Newcastle, New South Wales. Bishop James Murray, East Maitland, New South Wales, letter to Mother Prioress, M.M. Ursula Maher, St. Mary’s Convent, Kingstown, 20 November 1866. Rt. Rev. Dr. Murray, Pastoral Letter, Maitland, 1 December 1866.

224 Bishop James Murray, East Maitland, New South Wales, letter to Archdeacon O’Rourke, 19 January 1867, Ireland. Rt. Rev. Dr. Murray, Pastoral Letter, Maitland, 8 December 1867. Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 25 July 1874. Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 28 January 1876. Bishop Matthew Quinn, letter to Dr. Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 18 April 1876.

Archives New Zealand New Zealand Legislative Council, Auckland. Education Ordinance, No. 10, 7 October 1847. Domett, Alfred in Legislative Council of New Munster, 22 June 1849. Minute of Protest inserted in the report of the proceedings of the in New Zealand Government Gazette, New Munster, II, No.18, 5 July 1849. Government of New Zealand, Constitution Act 1852. An Act to Grant a Representative Constitution to the Colony of New Zealand, 30 June 1852. Petition of the Roman Catholics Against the Education Bill. Presented to the Provincial Council of Wellington, 30 January 1855. Acts and Proceedings of the Provincial Council of Wellington 1854/5, Session II. Statistics of New Zealand for the Crown Colony Period 1840-1852, n.d., pp. 14-16; Statistics of New Zealand for 1861, Nos. 13-14. Votes and Proceedings of the Otago Provincial Council, New Zealand. Session XXIX, 1871, Appendix. Education Act of 1877, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, Archives New Zealand New Zealand Second Annual Report of the Minister of Education, 1878. New Zealand Education Act 1877, Amendment. Education Amendment Act, 17 September 1885. The Statutes of New Zealand, 1885, No. 37.

National Library of New Zealand: Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1880, H-IA, Education, p. 30. National Library of New Zealand.

Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand: Personal correspondence between Thomas Arnold and family members Arnold, Thomas, 1823-1900: Papers (MS-Papers-0231-03-02).

Bodleian Library, University of Oxford: Letter from T. Arnold to A.H. Clough, Colonial Office, London, 16 April 1847. MSS. English Letters. c. 189-90/246. Papers of A.H. Clough.

Papal Encyclicals Pius IX, The Freedom of Bishops to watch over Education. Consistorial Allocution, 5 September 1851, 20, (19,02). Pius IX, Complete Religious Formation. Encyclical. Singulari quidem, 17 March 1856. Pius IX, Quanta Cura. Encyclical, 8 December 1864, XLV, 34 (109, A).

225 Pope Pius IX. The Syllabus of Errors Condemned by Pius IX . Issued by Holy See, 8 December, 1864. http://papalencyclicals.net/Pius09/p9syll.htm Encyclical of Pope Pius IX. Quanta Cura Condemning Current Errors, promulgated on December 8, 1864. http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Pius09/p9quanta.htm

Archives of Propaganda Fide, Rome: Priests’ Petition to Sheil on his return from Europe, February 1871. Submission for decision by Propaganda Fide, Rome, on the disturbances in Adelaide and the choice of a new Bishop. Adelaide, April 1873.

Australian and British Contemporary Newspapers and Journals Adelaide Register Argus Australasian Chronicle Bathurst Diocesan Record Bathurst Free Press Bathurst Times Bathurst Times and Mining Journal Border Watch Brisbane Courier Church of England Messenger Colonial Times Colonial Times and Tasmanian Advertiser Cornwall Chronicle Courier Empire Express Freeman’s Journal Hobarton Mercury Hobart Town Advertiser Hobart Town Courier Hobart Town Mercury Hobart Town Gazette and Southern Reporter Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser Illustrated Sydney News Inquirer and Commercial News Launceston Examiner Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser Melbourne Argus

226 Mercury Moreton Bay Courier Port Phillip Herald Queensland Times South Australian Advertiser South Australian Register Southern Cross and South Australian Catholic Herald Sydney Chronicle Sydney Gazette Sydney Morning Herald The Australian The Labourer The Times Warrnambool Examiner

New Zealand Contemporary Newspapers Auckland Chronicle Daily Southern Cross Evening Herald Lyttelton Times Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle New Zealand Herald New Zealand Tablet New Zealand Times New Zealander New Zealand Advertiser and Bay of Islands Gazette New Zealand Gazette and Wellington Spectator New Zealand Spectator and Cook’s Strait Guardian Otago Daily Times Otago Witness Wanganui Chronicle Wanganui Herald Wanganui Times Wellington Independent

Secondary Books and Journals Akenson, Donald Harmon H. The Irish Education Experiment: The National System of Education in the Nineteenth Century. 2nd ed. Routledge, London, 2012, p. 159.

227 Alexander, Alison (ed). The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005. A Sister of St. Joseph. Christian courtesy for Catholic girls. Pellegrini and Company, Sydney, 1956. Archer, Margaret Scotford. Social Origins of Educational Systems. Sage, London, 1979. Arnold, Josie Stainsby. Mother superior, woman inferior. Dove Communications, Blackburn, Victoria, 1985. Arnold, Matthew. A French Eton, or Middle-Class Education and the State. MacMillan and Company, London, 1864. Arnold, Thomas. The Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Arnold. 2nd ed. T. Fellowes, London, 1858. Arnold, Thomas. Passages in a Wandering Life. Edward Arnold, London, 1900. Aubert, R (et al). The Church in the Age of Liberalism. Peter Becker (trans). Crossroads, New York, 1981. Austin, A.G. Australian Education 1788-1900: Church, State and Public Education in Colonial Australia. 3rd. ed. Pitman, Melbourne, 1972. Austin, A.G., and Selleck, R.J.W. The Australian Government School 1830-1914: Selected documents with commentary. Pitman, Carlton, Victoria, 1975. Australian Bureau of Statistics 1861, Australian Historical Population Statistics, 2006, ‘ Mean population by sex, states and territories’, Table: 68, cat. No. 3105.0.65.001, viewed 14 October 2011, http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/3105.0.65.0012006 Baker, D.W.A. John Dunmore Lang, 1799-1878. Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 2. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1967. Barcan, Alan. A History of Australian Education. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1980. Barcan, Alan. ‘Education for liberal democracy, 1856-1866: the Hunter Valley’. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, June 2001, Vol. 97, No. 1, pp. 66-83. Barker, Theo. A History of Bathurst: The early settlement to 1862, Volume I. Crawford House Press, Bathurst, New South Wales, 1992. Bathurst Historical Society. A Short History of Bathurst, Volume I. 4th ed. Western Advocate, Bathurst, New South Wales, 1977. Barzun, Jacques and Henry H. Graff. The Modern Researcher, 6th. ed. Wadsworth/Thomson Belmont, California, 2004. Bate, Weston. ‘Why is Victoria different? Victorian Historical Journal, 1987, Vol. 81, No. 1, June 2010, pp. 5-17. Beechinor, Michael. Memoir of Archbishop Murphy. Tabart Brothers, Launceston, Tasmania, 1916. Belich, James. The Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict. Auckland University Press, Auckland New Zealand, 1988. Benedictine Monks of Solesmes (eds). Papal Teachings – Education. Aldo Rebeschini (trans). Daughters of St.Paul, Boston, Massachusetts, 1960. Bergonzi, Bernard. A Victorian wanderer : The life of Thomas Arnold the Younger. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003.

228 Bertram, James (ed). New Zealand letters of Thomas Arnold the younger with further letters from Van Diemen's Land and letters of Arthur Hugh Clough, 1847-1851. University of Auckland, Wellington, New Zealand, 1966. Binney, Judith. ‘Whatever happened to poor Mr Yate? An exercise in voyeurism’. New Zealand Journal of History, 1975, Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 154-168. Blackmore, Jill. Making Educational History: A feminist perspective. Deakin University, Geelong, Victoria, 1992. Blombery, 'Tricia. The Anglicans in Australia. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1996. Boland, Thomas P. ‘The Queensland Immigration Society: A Notable Experiment in Irish Settlement’. Royal Historical Society of Queensland Journal, 1963-1964, Vol. VII, No. 2, pp. 307-321. Boland, Thomas P. Quiet Women. Refulgence Publishers, Deception Bay, Queensland, 1974. Boland, Thomas P. Nudgee 1891-1991: St. Joseph’s College, Nudgee. Boolarong Publications with Nudgee College, Brisbane, 1991. Bourke, D.F. A History of the Catholic Church in Victoria. Catholic Education Office, East Melbourne, 1988. Bourke, John F. and Lucadou-Wells, Rosemary. ‘Colonial education: Progression from cottage industry roots’. Macquarie Journal of Business Law, 2011, Volume 8, pp. 161-180. Brady, Josephine M. St. Joseph’s Island: Julian Tenison Woods and the Tasmanian Sisters of St. Joseph 1887-2012. ATF Press, Adelaide, 2012. Breen, Shayne. ‘Class’ in Alison Alexander (ed), The Companion to Tasmanian History. Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, Hobart, 2005, pp. 408-414. Brisbane Archdiocesan Archives. Good Shepherds 1859-2009: the Catholic Bishops of Brisbane. Brisbane Archdiocesan Archives, Brisbane, 2009. Broadbent, John V. ‘Viard, Philippe Joseph – Biography’, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 1 September 2010. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/1v1 Broadbent, John V. Redwood, Francis William - Biography, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/2r6/1 Brosnahan, Seán. ‘Being Scottish in an Irish Catholic Church in a Scottish Presbyterian Settlement: Otago's Scottish Catholics, 1848–1895’. Immigrants & Minorities, March 2012, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 22-42. Brown, Margaret C. Nelson Historical Society Journal, September 1977, Vol. 3, Issue 3, pp. 1-42. Browning, John. Always Mindful: A history of Catholic Education in Central Queensland 1863-1990. Diocesan Catholic Education Office, Rockhampton, Queensland, 2005. Bull, Philip, McConville, C and Noel McLachlan (eds). Irish-Australian Studies: Papers delivered at the Sixth Irish-Australian Conference July 1990. La Trobe University, Melbourne, 1991. Burford, Kathleen E. Unfurrowed Fields: A Josephite Story, NSW,1872-1972. St. Joseph’s Convent, North Sydney, NSW, 1991.

229 Burns, Patricia., Henry Richardson (ed). Fatal Success: A history of the New Zealand Company. Auckland, New Zealand, Heinemann Reed, 1989. Burns, V. Torchbearers for Christ: History of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Tasmania 1887-1966. Sisters of St. Joseph, Hobart, 1966. Burton, Antoinette. Empire in question: Reading, Writing, and Teaching British Imperialism. Duke University Press, Durham, 2011. Burton, William Westbrooke. The state of religion and education in New South Wales. J. Cross, London, 1840. Butchers, Arthur Gordon. Young New Zealand : A history of the early contact of the Maori race with the European and the establishment of a national system of education for both races. Coulls Sommerville Wilkie Ltd., Dunedin, New Zealand, 1929. Butchers, Arthur Gordon. Education in New Zealand : an historical survey of educational progress amongst the Europeans and the Maoris since 1878; forming with Young New Zealand a complete history of education in New Zealand from the beginning of the nineteenth century. Coulls Somerville Wilkie, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1930. Byrne, Neil J. Robert Dunne: Archbishop of Brisbane 1830-1917. University of Queensland Press, St. Lucia, Queensland, 1991. Campbell, Alexander Elmslie. Educating New Zealand. Wellington, New Zealand, Department of Internal Affairs, 1941. Campbell, Harold. The Diocese of Maitland, 1866-1966. Catholic Church, Diocese of Maitland, New South Wales, 1966. Campbell, Craig and Sherington, Geoffrey. ‘The History of Education: the possibility of survival’. Change: Transformations in Education. May 2002, Vol. 5.1, pp. 46-64. Campion, Edmund. Australian Catholics. Penguin Books, Ringwood, Victoria, 1988. Cannell, Josephine. To the Beckoning Shores: Urged on by the love of Christ. J.Cannell, Sisters of Charity, Hobart, Tasmania, 2007. Carey, Hilary M. Believing in Australia: A cultural history of religions. Allen and Unwin, St. Leonards, NSW, 1996. Catholic Education Office of Victoria. Catholic Education in Victoria: Yesterday, today and tomorrow. Catholic Education Office of Victoria, East Melbourne, 1986. Catholic Church, Archdiocese of Melbourne. The Catholic Church in Melbourne (1848 – 1948). Advocate Press, Melbourne, 1948. Census, the Colony of Tasmania, 3 April 1881. Registrar-General’s Department, Government Printer, Hobart, Tasmania. Chandler, Paul. ‘Memories of Catholic Schooldays’. Quadrant, 2009, Vol. 53, No. 1-2, pp. 87-89. Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Barton, Cranleigh. Early Missionary Work in Wanganui, 1840-1850. H.I. Jones and Sons, Wanganui, New Zealand, 1930. Chapple, Leonard James Bancroft and Veitch, H.C. Wanganui. Hawera Star Publishing, Wellington, New Zealand, 1939. Church, Ian. Pezant, Jean Étienne - Biography, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed from: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/1p14/1 Church Missionary Society Register, Jan 1814. Church Missionary Society, L and G Seeley, London, 1814.

230 Christian Brothers. Christian Politeness and counsels for youth. Christian Brothers, Strathfield, NSW, 1938. Christian Brothers of Ireland. Constitutions of the Congregation of the Brothers of the Christian Schools of Ireland, usually called Christian Brothers. Christian Brothers, Dublin, 1962. Clarke, Eddie. Female Teachers in Queensland State Schools: A History 1860-1983. Policy and Information Services Branch, Division of Planning and Special Programs, Department of Education, Brisbane, 1985. Clerkin, Ciaran. ‘Good Christians and good citizens’: The early years of Marist education in Oceania: 1830s-1900s’. International Studies in Catholic Education, March 2010, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 95-111. Cleverley, J. and Lawry, J. (eds). Australian Education in the Twentieth Century: Studies in the Development of State Education. Longman, Camberwell, Victoria, 1972. Clisby, Edward. ‘The Contribution of the Marist Teaching Brothers to the Foundation of the Catholic Church in Western Oceania’ in Alois Greiler (ed), Catholic Beginnings in Oceania: Marist Missionary Perspectives, ATF Press, Hindmarsh, South Australia, 2009, pp. 105-121. Coste, Jean and Lessard, Gaston (eds). Origines Maristes 1786-1836, Volume I. Rome, document 347, No. 5, 13 November 1835. Coghlan, Timothy Augustine. A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia. Charles Potter, Government Printer, Sydney, 1890. Coghlan, Timothy Augustine. A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia. George S. Chapman, Acting Government Printer, Sydney, 1891. Cohen, Sol. Toward a New Cultural History of Education. Peter Lang, P. Lang, Frankfurt am Main, 1999. Coleman, Michael, C. ‘The children are used wretchedly’: Pupil responses to the Irish charter schools in the early nineteenth century. History of Education, 2001, Vol. 30, No. 4, pp. 339-357. Coolahan, John. ‘The Daring first decade of the Board of National Education, 1831-1841. The Irish Journal of Education / Iris Eireannach an Oideachais, 1983, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 35-54. Corrigan, Urban. Catholic Education in New South Wales. Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1930. Coste, Jean and Lessard, Gaston (eds). Origines Maristes 1786-1836, Volume I. Rome, document 347, No. 5, 13 November 1835. Cremin, Lawrence A. The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876-1957. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1969. Cresp, Mary. In the Spirit of Joseph. Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, North Sydney, 2005. Crowley, Marie. Women of the Vale: Perthville Josephites 1872 – 1972. Spectrum Publications, Richmond, Victoria, 2002. Crowley, Marie. ‘The Contribution of Women Religious in Rural Australia’. The Australasian Catholic Record, Jan 2010, Vol. 87, No. 1, pp. 20-29. Cubberley, Ellwood P. The History of Education: Educational practice and progress considered as a phase of the development and spread of Western civilization. Constable, London, 1948.

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249 Cahill, Desmond. ‘Paradoxes and Predictions: Italians and Catholicism in Multicultural Australia’. Paper presented at the Italian Australia Institute, Park Hyatt Hotel, Melbourne, 26 May 2000. Cohen, Sol. ‘The History of Education in the United States: Historians of Education and their Discontents’ in D.A. Reader (ed), Urban Education in the Nineteenth Century, Proceedings of the 1976 Annual Conference of the History of Education Society of Great Britain, Taylor and Francis, London, 1977, pp.115-132. Crowley, Marie. ‘German Hill’. Paper presented at German Hill (Lidster), Orange Parish Pilgrimage to commemorate the Centenary of the death of Blessed Mary MacKillop, 15 August 2009, pp. 1-9. Hanlon, Christopher H. ‘From Quinnsland to Q150’. Aquinas Memorial Lecture delivered at the Francis Rush Centre, Brisbane, December 3 2008. Harrison, Jennifer. ‘...not likely to command attention or to conciliate general esteem’: the Revd John Vincent, First Clergyman at Moreton Bay 1829’ in Harmers, M., Henderson, L and G. Colclough (eds), From Augustine to Anglicanism: The Anglican Church in Australia and Beyond, Proceedings of the conference held at St. Francis Theological College, Milton, February 12-14 2010, p. 96-97. Kippen, Rebecca. ‘And the Mortality Frightful’: Infant and Child Mortality in the Convict Nurseries of Van Diemen’s Land’. Paper presented at a meeting of the Female Convicts Research Group, Tasmania, 8 August 2006. MacGinley, Rosa. ‘Irish women religious and Australian social history: an aspect of 19th Century migration’. Paper presented at the Australian Catholic Historical Society, April 14 1996. McGeorge, Colin and Snook, Ivan. Church, State, and New Zealand Education. Papers presented to a Seminar organised by the Committee for the Defence of Secular Education held at Wellington Teachers College, 5th September 1981. Price Milburn, Wellington, New Zealand, 1981. Mickleborough, Leonie. ‘Sir John Eardley-Wilmot, Lieutenant Governor of Van Diemen’s Land 1843-1846: Aspects of Colonial Development. Papers and Proceedings of the Tasmanian Historical Research Association, 10 May 2011. Miller, Pavla and Davey, Ian. ‘Patriarchal Governance, Schooling the State’. Paper presented at the Conference of the Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society, St. Marks College, Adelaide, 1992, pp.331-350. Ryan, Lyndall. ‘Risdon Cove and the massacre of 3 May 1804: Their place in Tasmanian History’. Paper presented at the Conference of Tasmanian Aboriginal History: Fabrication or Fact?’ University of Tasmania, Launceston, 16 May 2003. Snowden, Dianne. ‘Convict marriage: The best instrument of reform’. Paper presented at 'A Rugged Path'? Family and Gender in Australia and Tasmania Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies Annual Conference, 2003, Hobart.

Unpublished Theses Axon, John Edward. ‘A biographical study of Thomas Arnold the younger’. Ph.D. thesis, School of English, University of Leeds, 1975. Brady, Josephine Margaret. ‘Sisters of St. Joseph: the Tasmanian experience: the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph in Tasmania 1887-1937’. Ph.D. thesis, Australian Catholic University, Victoria, 2004.

250 Bubacz, Beryl M. ‘The Female and Male Orphan Schools in New South Wales 1801 – 1850’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education and Social Work, University of Sydney, 2007. Burley, Stephanie. ‘None more anonymous? Catholic teaching nuns, their secondary schools and students in South Australia, 1880-1925’. M.Ed. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1992. Collins, Jenny. ‘For the common good: The Catholic educational mission in transition 1943-1965’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education, Massey University, 2005. Cozens, Erin Ford. ‘The Shadow only be their portion: Gendered Colonial Spaces in Aotearoa/New Zealand, 1840-1855’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Hawaii, 2011. Curry, Norman G. 'The work of the Denominational and National boards of Education in Victoria 1850 – 1862'. M.Ed. thesis, University of Melbourne, 1965. Connole, P.F. ‘The Christian Brothers in secondary education in Queensland, 1875-1965’. M.Arts thesis, University of Queensland, 1965. Davies, Angela Mary Frances. "The heart of the village": What determined the spatial distribution of North Canterbury rural schools 1850-1940? M.Arts thesis, Department of Geography, University of Canterbury, 1993. Dean, Robina. ‘Peripheralisation within a centralised state education system: small schools and the Auckland Education Board, 1877-1914’. Master of Educational Management and Leadership thesis, Unitec Institute of Technology, 2008. Duncan, Barry James. ‘An analysis of the primary teacher education of the Sisters of Mercy, the Christian Brothers, and their lay teachers in Queensland from 1859 to 1979’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1984. Farquer, Aileen M. ‘Cultural Mission of the Sisters of St. Joseph’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Melbourne, 2004. Foale, Marie Therese. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph: their foundation and early history, 1866- 1893’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1987. Fraser, Lyndon A. ‘Community, Continuity and Change: Irish Catholic Immigrants in Nineteenth Century Christchurch’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, 1993. Geraghty, Rebecca Catherine Ruth. ‘A Change in Circumstance: Individual Responses to Colonial Life’. B.A. (Hons) thesis, University of Sydney, October 2006. Gilchrist, Catie M. ‘Male Convict Sexuality in the Penal Colonies of Australia, 1820-1850’. Ph.D. thesis, Department of History, University of Sydney, 2004. Hodder, Catherine. ‘Demography of nineteenth century New Zealand education: gender and regional differences in school retention’. Master of Social Sciences in Demography thesis, University of Waikato, 2006. Kumnick, David I. ‘Religious Education in South Australian Public Schools’. M.Arts thesis, Liberty University, Lynchburg, Virginia, United States of America, 1983. Larcombe, Giselle. ‘Antoine Marie Garin: A Biographical Study of the Intercultural Dynamic in Nineteenth-Century New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 2009. Lewis, Constance Marie. 'Provision for the Education of Catholic Women in Australia since 1840'. Ph.D. thesis, University of Melbourne, 1988. Linehan, Patrick Michael. 'Archbishop Carr and Catholic Education: the attitude and response to the Registration of Teachers and Schools Act 1905'. M.Ed. thesis, University of Melbourne, 1993.

251 MacGinley, M.E.R. ‘Catholicism in Queensland, 1910-1935: a social history’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1982. Mackey, John. ‘The Passing of the New Zealand Education Act, 1877: The Genesis of a State School System in the Nineteenth Century’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Notre Dame, Indiana, 1963, p. 292. McAleer, Gerard. ‘An Evaluation of the Early Readers Produced by the Irish Christian Brothers in Nineteenth Century Ireland’. M.Ed. thesis, Queen’s University, Belfast, 1991. McEntee, Walter. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus in Queensland, 1869-1880’. B.Arts Hons. thesis, University of Queensland, 1978. McIvor, Timothy J. ‘On Balance: a biography of John Balance, journalist and politician, 1839-1983’. Ph.D. thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 1984. McKenna, Margaret M. ‘Women-very hopeful, not easily disheartened: the history of the congregation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Sacred Heart in Queensland 1870- 1970’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 2008. McLay, Yvonne Margaret. ‘James Quinn First Catholic Bishop of Brisbane’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1974. Mickleborough, Leonie C. ‘Colonial William Sorell Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land 1817-1824. An Examination of his Convict System and Establishment of Free Settlement’. M.Arts thesis, University of Tasmania, March 2003. Moore, R. Keith. ‘The influence of local and central management on national and denominational board schoolteachers in Ballarat and Buninyoung, 1848-1862’. Ph.D. thesis, Monash University, 1996. Newman, Erica. ‘Māori, European and Half-caste Children; The Destitute, the Neglected and the Orphaned – An Investigation into the Early New Zealand European Contact Period and the Care of Children 1840-1852’. B.Arts (Hons.) thesis, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 2007. O’Donoghue, Evelyn. ‘Mother Vincent Whitty: with special reference to her contribution to education in Queensland’. M.Ed. thesis, University of Queensland, 1968. O’Kane, Frances. ‘The Catholic Church in the Port Phillip District and Victoria under Rev. P. B Geoghegan and Bishop Goold, 1839-1862’. M.Arts thesis, University of Melbourne, 1973. O’Neill, John Charles. ‘The History of the Christian Brothers in New Zealand’. Dip.Ed. thesis, University of Auckland, 1968. Pawsey, Margaret M. ‘Uncommon common schools an analysis of the Common Schools Act of 1862 and its social context’. Ph.D. thesis, Monash University, 1981. Phillips, Derek. ‘The State and the Provision of Education in Tasmania. 1839 to 1913’. Ph.D. thesis, Centre for Education, University of Tasmania, August 1988. Player, Anne V. 'Julian Tenison Woods 1832 – 1889: The interaction of science and religion'. M.Arts thesis, Australian National University, 1990. Rayner, Keith. ‘The History of the Church of England in Queensland’. Ph.D. thesis, University of Queensland, 1962, p. 21. Roach, Brian. ‘George Augustus Middleton – A Prodigal Priest? M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 2003. Russell, Lyle P. 'The Evolution of the Josephite School Principal'. M.Ed. thesis, University of New England, 1980.

252 Stephenson, Maxine Sylvia. 'Creating New Zealanders: Education and the formation of the State and the Building of the Nation'. Ph.D. thesis, University of Auckland, 2000. Strevens, Diane M. ‘The Sisters of St. Joseph of Nazareth, New Zealand 1880-1965’. Master of Theology thesis, Melbourne College of Divinity, 1995. Sweeney, Brian, J. ‘Bishop Matthew Quinn and the Development of Catholic Education in New South Wales, 1865 – 1885’. M.Arts thesis, University of Sydney, 1968. Taylor, Diane J. ‘Jean Baptiste Francois Pompallier- loved and lamented through the generations in New Zealand: an overview and appraisal of Bishop Pompallier's mission to Maori, its continuation and the return of his body to New Zealand’. Ph.D. thesis, Massey University, New Zealand, 2009. Toole, Kellie Louise. ‘Innocence and Penitence Hand Clasped in Hand’: Australian Catholic Refuges for Penitent Women, 1848-1914. M.Arts thesis, Department of History and Politics, University of Adelaide, April, 2010. Tranter, Janice. ‘Foundations, the forces at work in the foundation of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Lochinvar, 1883-1913’. M.Arts thesis, University of Newcastle, 1988. Vick, Malcolm John. 'Schools, School Communities and the State in mid-nineteenth century New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria'. Ph.D. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1991. Wicks, Pauline Mary. ‘A study in the spirituality of Mary MacKillop as expressed in her correspondence from 1860 to 1874’. Master of Theology (Honours) thesis, Sydney College of Divinity, 2005.

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