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“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’S 2017 Elections
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-34761 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa is an independent not-for profit organization that promotes freedom of expression and access to information as a fundamental human right as well as an empowerment right. ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa was registered in Kenya in 2007 as an affiliate of ARTICLE 19 international. ARTICLE 19 Eastern African has over the past 10 years implemented projects that included policy and legislative advocacy on media and access to information laws and review of public service media policies and regulations. The organization has also implemented capacity building programmes for journalists on safety and protection and for a select civil society organisation to engage with United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mechanisms in 14 countries in Eastern Africa. -
Internationale International ^^^^^^^.^ Court
ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 1/22 CB PT Cour Pénale ^ ^-^\ Internationale International ^^^^^^^.^ Criminal Court Original: English No.: ICC-01/09-01/11 Date: 2 May 2011 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER II Before: Judge Ekateiina Trendafilova, Single Judge SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR V. WILLIAM SAMOEI RUTO, HENRY KIPRONO KOSGEY AND JOSHUA ARAP SANG Public Document Decision on the "Prosecution's Application for leave to Appeal the 'Decision Setting the Regime for Evidence Disclosure and Other Related Matters' (ICC-01/09-01/11-44)" No. ICC-01/09-01/11 1/22 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7ea8aa/2 May 2011 ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 2/22 CB PT Decision to be notified, in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court, to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for William Samoei Ruto Luis Moreno-Ocampo, Prosecutor Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa, David Fatou Bensouda, Deputy Prosecutor Hooper and Kioko Kilukumi Musau Counsel for Henry Kiprono Kosgey George Odinga Oraro Counsel for Joshua Arap Sang Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar & Deputy Registrar Defence Support Section Silvana Arbia, Registrar Didier Preira, Deputy-Registrar Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-01/09-01/11 2/22 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7ea8aa/2 May 2011 ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 3/22 CB PT Judge Ekaterina Trendafilova, acting as Single Judge on behalf of Pre-Trial Chamber II (the ''Chamber'')^ of the International Criminal Court (the "Court''), hereby renders the decision on the "Prosecution's Application for leave to Appeal the 'Decision Setting the Regime for Evidence Disclosure and Other Related Matters' (ICC-01/09- 01/ll-44)"2 (the "Application"). -
Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta Vs. The
1 Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta vs. The International Criminal Court: Narratives of Injustice & Solidarity Stefanie Hodgins Student Number: 5562223 Supervisor: Professor Rita Abrahamsen University of Ottawa Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Date: July 23rd, 2015 2 Abstract The intent of this paper is to explore the dominant narratives used by Uhuru Kenyatta to discredit the legitimacy of the International Criminal Court within Kenya and Africa. Using a framing analysis as a theoretical approach, this paper identified four primary arguments, which pertained to issues of neo-colonialism, sovereignty, ethnic polarization, and national reconciliation. This paper argues that these arguments supported narratives of injustice and solidarity and were evoked by Kenyatta in order to mobilize a domestic and regional support base throughout the course of his trial at The Hague. This paper examines how these narratives were used in the context of the 2013 Kenyan election and at Kenyatta's various appearances at the African Union. Overall, this analysis offers new insights into the effectiveness of global criminal justice and considers the importance of addressing local perceptions and realities. 3 Table of Contents 1.0 - Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4 2.0 - Theoretical and Methodological Approach ..................................................................................... 7 3.0 - Kenya's 2007-08 Post-Election -
Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive. -
ICC-01/09-02/11 Date: 23 March 2011 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER II Before
ICC-01/09-02/11-13 23-03-2011 1/7 CB PT Original: English No.: ICC‐01/09‐02/11 Date: 23 March 2011 PRE‐TRIAL CHAMBER II Before: Judge Ekaterina Trendafilova, Presiding Judge Judge Hans‐Peter Kaul, Judge Judge Cuno Tarfusser, Judge SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. FRANCIS KIRIMI MUTHAURA, UHURU MUIGAI KENYATTA AND MOHAMMED HUSSEIN ALI Public Document Defence Submissions on the Variation of Summons Conditions for Francis Kirimi Muthaura, Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and Mohammed Hussein Ali Source: Defence No. ICC‐01/09‐02/11 1/7 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7959a5/23 March 2011 ICC-01/09-02/11-13 23-03-2011 2/7 CB PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Mr. Luis Moreno‐Ocampo, Prosecutor Counsel for Francis Kirimi Muthaura: Ms. Fatou Bensouda, Deputy Prosecutor Karim Khan and Kennedy Ogetto Counsel for Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta: Steven Kay QC and Gillian Higgins Counsel for Mohammed Hussein Ali: Evans Monari and Gershom Otachi Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Ms. Silvana Arbia, Registrar Deputy Registrar Mr. Didier Daniel Preira, Deputy Registrar Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC‐01/09‐02/11 2/7 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7959a5/23 March 2011 ICC-01/09-02/11-13 23-03-2011 3/7 CB PT I. -
Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°84 Nairobi/Brussels, 9 January 2012 Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings convinced parliamentarians. Annan consequently transmit- I. OVERVIEW ted the sealed envelope and the evidence gathered by Waki to the ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, on 9 Although the mayhem following the disputed December July 2009. Four months later, on 5 November 2009, the pro- 2007 elections seemed an exception, violence has been a secutor announced he intended to request authorisation to common feature of Kenya’s politics since the introduction proceed with an investigation to determine who bore of a multiparty system in 1991. Yet, the number of people greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the killed and displaced following that disputed vote was un- post-election violence. precedented. To provide justice to the victims, combat per- vasive political impunity and deter future violence, the In- When Moreno-Ocampo announced, on 15 December 2010, ternational Criminal Court (ICC) brought two cases against the names of the six suspects, many of the legislators who six suspects who allegedly bore the greatest responsibility had opposed the tribunal bill accused the court of selec- for the post-election violence. These cases have enormous tive justice. It appears many had voted against a Kenyan political consequences for both the 2012 elections and the tribunal on the assumption the process in The Hague would country’s stability. During the course of the year, rulings be longer and more drawn out, enabling the suspects with and procedures will inevitably either lower or increase com- presidential ambitions to participate in the 2012 election. -
ICC-01/09-01/11 Date: 20 November 2013
ICC-01/09-01/11-1109 20-11-2013 1/7 EC T Original: English No.: ICC-01/09-01/11 Date: 20 November 2013 TRIAL CHAMBER V(A) Before: Judge Chile Eboe-Osuji, Presiding Judge Olga Herrera Carbuccia Judge Robert Fremr SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. WILLIAM SAMOEI RUTO AND JOSHUA ARAP SANG Public Defence Response to the Prosecution’s Request for provision of further information and Reconsideration of the excusal of William Ruto Source: Defence for Mr. William Samoei Ruto No. ICC-01/09-01/11 1/7 20 November 2013 ICC-01/09-01/11-1109 20-11-2013 2/7 EC T Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for William Ruto Ms. Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor Mr. Karim A.A. Khan QC Mr. James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Mr. David Hooper QC Mr. Anton Steynberg, Senior Trial Mr. Essa Faal Lawyer Ms. Shyamala Alagendra Counsel for Joshua Sang Mr. Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa Ms. Caroline Buisman Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Mr. Wilfred Nderitu Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Ms. Paolina Massidda States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Mr. Herman von Hebel Deputy Registrar Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-01/09-01/11 2/7 20 November 2013 ICC-01/09-01/11-1109 20-11-2013 3/7 EC T I. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/29/2021 06:03:36AM Via Free Access
International international criminal law review Criminal Law 20 (2020) 405-491 Review brill.com/icla The Prosecutor v. Vojislav Šešelj: A Symptom of the Fragmented International Criminalisation of Hate and Fear Propaganda Mohamed Elewa Badar1 Professor of Comparative and International Criminal Law, Northumbria Law School, Northumbria University, Newcastle, UK [email protected] Polona Florijančič Legal Researcher and Consultant, Slovenia [email protected] Abstract In 2016, the icty Trial Chamber found one of the greatest hate and fear propagandists of the Yugoslav wars, Dr Vojislav Šešelj, not guilty on all counts of the indictment. A full comprehension of the role the propaganda played was lost and the partial reversal of the judgment at the Appeals Chamber provided little improvement in this regard. Yet the blame does not solely rest with the Chambers but also with the Prosecution and an utterly fragmented law applicable to hate and fear propaganda. This article looks in depth at the Šešelj case in order to highlight the many hurdles to effective prosecution, some specific to the case and others symptomatic generally of propaganda trials. It then takes a multi-disciplinary approach in presenting the nature of hate and fear propaganda to suggest a broader way of looking at causality as well as to argue for re- form of the current applicable law. 1 The authors are very grateful to Professor Predrag Dojčinović, Dr. Wibke K. Timmerman, Pro- fessor Gregory S. Gordon, Professor Richard Ashby Wilson and Ms Clare Lawson for their me- ticulous reading of the paper and their most valuable comments and inputs. -
Grojil 6(1) (2018), 146-160 Implies That Local Remedies Had Been Exhausted
Groningen Journal of International Law, vol 6(1): Open Submissions Attribution Commons Creative the under licensed is work This ICC and Afrocentrism: The Laws, Politics and Biases in Global Criminal Justice Nwafor Ndubuisi* Mukoro Benjamin Onoriode** DOI: 10.21827/5b51d55740ab8 Keywords INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT; AFRICA; BIAS; WITHDRAWAL; CONTINUED RELEVANCE - NonCommercial Abstract The International Criminal Court (ICC) was established to prosecute the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole. However, since its inception, the Court has been wholly focused on Africa in terms of indictments and trials. - NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by visit license, this of copy a view To License. International 4.0 NoDerivatives This has led many Africans, including state leaders, to question the integrity of the Court. While most explanations of the ICC’s focus on Africa have bordered on the political, this work attempts to find out the reason for the Court’s slant towards Africa in the very Statute by which it was established. Therefore, this paper finds that of the four broad crimes that the ICC has jurisdiction to try, three (crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide) are more likely to occur in Africa, while the fourth (the crime of aggression), will more likely be perpetrated by or at the instigation of individuals in powerful States. Introduction The International Criminal Court (ICC) was set up by the international community to deal with cases involving ‘the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole’.1 African countries played a very important role in bringing the Court into existence. -
An Outlook of the Kenyan Situation
KONRAD ADENAUER STIFTUNG’S SUMMARY REPORT ON THE OUTLOOK OF THE KENYAN SITUATION AFTER THE ELECTIONS 2013 1. KENYA’S ELECTIONS 2013 Kenya held her most critical and complex elections in its 50 th year since independence on March 4, 2013. Kenya is implementing a devolved 47-county system of government via these polls -- electing governors, senators, county representatives and other officials to a brand new federated structure of government. A high voter turnout was recorded in almost all polling stations and the process was largely peaceful and orderly. Several challenges were reported especially technological failure of the electronic voter identification machines prompting election officials to revert to manual voter registers; as well as failure of the electronic transmission of results from the polling stations to the tallying centres. These technical glitches caused some public anxiety but nevertheless, the voting went on largely uninterrupted. 2. CREDIBILITY OF KENYA’S ELECTIONS The organization, credibility and transparency of Kenya’s recently concluded presidential and general elections have been commended by both international and local observers. International observers from the Commonwealth, EU and Carter Foundation described the initial phase of the election as transparent and credible despite the challenges that caused delays in voting. Similarly, the Elections Observation Group (Elog) and the Africa’s civil society were satisfied with the way Kenya conducted its General Election. According to the Coordinator of Civil Society in Africa (CCSA), Jean Marie Ngondjibangangte, except for the failure in equipment acquired by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), everything else was in order. Konrad Adenauer Stiftung/Kenia, P.O. -
Original Paper Jurisdictions of the Hague Court
World Journal of Social Science Research ISSN 2375-9747 (Print) ISSN 2332-5534 (Online) Vol. 7, No. 1, 2020 www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/wjssr Original Paper Jurisdictions of the Hague Court Professor Bishnu Pathak1 1 A Noble Peace prize nominee, a former Senior Commissioner at the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP), Nepal * Bishnu Pathak, A Noble Peace prize nominee, a former Senior Commissioner at the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP), Nepal Received: January 22, 2020 Accepted: February 7, 2020 Online Published: February 25, 2020 doi:10.22158/wjssr.v7n1p17 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v7n1p17 Abstract The objectives of the paper are threefold: a) to find out the axiomatic truths, investigating crimes committed in the past; b) to examine the steps of the trial to the perpetrators for acco untability and to deliver justice to the victims without prejudice at present; and c) to foster peace, human security and harmony for not repeating crimes in future. This state-of-the-art paper is prepared based on archival literature review, exchanging and sharing, Rome Statute defined functions and a practical observation approach rather than theoretical conception. The Hague Court gathers and scrutinizes testimonies, questioning victims and witnesses and analyzes the shreds of evidence of a suspect’s inn ocent or guilty. The examination and investigation guided by Rome Statute jurisdiction shall initiate on five criteria: (i) State Party, (ii) Declaration of Acceptance, (iii) Situation Referring by the UNSC, (iv) Transnational Crimes and (v) Petition by Victim/Representative. As of December 2019, 123 countries have become the Member States to the Rome Statute, but China, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Qatar, USA and Yemen voted against the treaty. -
The Secret Double-Dealing in Kenyatta 'Crimes Against Humanity' Case - Page 1 | Medi… Page 1 of 3
The secret double-dealing in Kenyatta 'crimes against humanity' case - Page 1 | Medi… Page 1 of 3 INTERNATIONAL INVESTIGATION The secret double-dealing in Kenyatta 'crimes against humanity' case OCTOBER 6, 2017 | BY STÉPHANIE MAUPAS In 2010, the International Criminal Court began proceedings against six Kenyan officials, including the country’s current president, Uhuru Kenyatta, of crimes against humanity over their responsibility in the deaths of more than 1,100 people, the displacement of an estimated 350,000 others, and rapes and persecutions which followed contested presidential election results in late 2007. But, as revealed by confidential documents obtained by Mediapart and analysed together with its media partners in the European Investigative Collaborations consortium, the ICC cases fell apart due in large part to the weakness of the investigation led by chief prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo who, after bringing charges against Kenyatta, subsequently campaigned behind the scenes for the Kenyan leader to escape prosecution. Stéphanie Maupas reports. enyans are due to return to the polls on October 26th in a re-run of presidential elections held on August 8th, K after Kenya’s supreme court in September annulled sitting president Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory over longstanding rival Raila Odinga, which it ruled was invalidated by “illegalities and irregularities”. The opposition National Super Alliance movement is demanding an overhaul of the east African country’s electoral commission, and rolling demonstrations in the capital Nairobi (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10- 05/kenya-to-tighten-security-for-opposition-protests-on-friday) in support of the call have been marred by clashes with police.