Senegalese Diaspora in Cincinnati: Cultural Continuity and Disruption

A thesis submitted to the

Graduate School

of the University of Cincinnati

in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

in the Department of Anthropology

of the McMicken College of Arts and Sciences

by

Karen Lynch

A.A., Mid Michigan Community College, 2013

B.S., Central Michigan University, 2015

Committee:

Leila Rodriguez, Ph.D., Chair

Daniel J. Murphy, Ph.D.

Abstract

This thesis examines specifically, how Senegalese migration to Cincinnati, OH affects the meaning and practice of “community”. It seeks to determine which of the specific traditions related to the concept of community in Senegal remain important and are practiced in Cincinnati.

While there have been numerous studies done on Senegalese migrant communities in Europe and

New York City, few studies have looked at the issue of cultural disruption and continuity after migration to Cincinnati. This is a cross-sectional, comparative, qualitative study of the meanings and practices of community among Senegalese in Yoff and Ndem, and Senegalese migrants in the Cincinnati area. Included in the theoretical discussion is a review of anthropological theories, specifically transnational migration theories, and research on the effects of migration on culture.

The effects of migration on the sending, as well as the receiving society are also discussed.

Drawing on nine weeks of participant observation and interviews in Senegal, and interviews conducted over several months in Cincinnati, this study identifies comparative themes in how community and tradition are conceived and practiced in Senegal, and by the Senegalese diaspora in Cincinnati. Analysis of the data shows that Senegalese migrants blend the best of American culture and the best of Senegalese, and in this way, adapt to their new society. In conclusion, the research shows that the most important elements of traditional culture to Senegalese migrants are those that recognize and strengthen connection. Each person had a different level of requirement of connection,but their traditional values of respect and family remain important to migrants in

Cincinnati.

!ii

!iii Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………….…………… 4

Chapter 2: Background………………………………………………..…………….……..7

Chapter 3: Methodology and Fieldwork: …………………………….……..……………19

Chapter 4: Theory………………………………………………………………………….28

Chapter 5: Results……………………………………………………………..………….35

Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusion……………………………………………………66

Works Cited………………………………………………………………………….……72

Interview Questions……………………………………………………………………….79

!iv Chapter 1

Introduction

According to estimates by the 2017 United Nations International Migration Report,

258 million people are currently living in a country other than the country of their birth (United

Nations, 2017). The number of immigrants from Africa is 36 million, and during the period between 2000 and 2017, Africa had the largest relative increase of emigrants (+68%) of any region. An area for concern for cultural anthropologists is how adaptation to - and social integration into - immigrants’ new societies influences cultural change. This thesis examines specifically, how Senegalese migration to Cincinnati, OH affects the meaning and practice of “community”.

In 2015, I traveled to Yoff, Senegal, an impoverished suburb of the capital Dakar, to the colonial city of Thiés, to the coastal town of Popinguine, and to a daara in a village called

Ndem, near the town of Bambey, in the interior of Senegal. While texts often define daaras as religious associations (Buggenhagen, 2013:57), Cochrane (2013:37) argues that they are rather houses of a spiritual leader or teacher where his followers come to study with him.

Hill (2013:138) explains that daaras of international Murids (one of the Sufi brotherhoods in

Senegal) “try to mobilize disciples around projects common to the order as a whole, across national boundaries, regardless of lineage allegiance”. The word daara can also refer to a building used for community gathering and functions, such as Koranic education, community meetings, and as in the case of the daara in Cincinnati, a soup kitchen for the neighborhood.

!1 The trip was a six week ethnographic class in which I was a student, and I was able to conduct interviews and participant observation as exploratory research. During the trip I had many conversations and listened to many stories of the history, religion and culture of Senegal.

The people we met often welcomed us into their homes. The conversations we held often led to the theme of “community”. When I asked, for example, why people had such elaborate greetings, including blessings of peace in three languages, inquiries into the health of all family members, and hands pressed to foreheads, I was told that it was tradition - it is what their grandfathers did, and that greetings bring about amicable relationships. When I asked why people seemed to get along with everyone, it is rare to see anyone get angry or argue, there did not seem to be any animosity toward the French (former colonizers), toward white European visitors, and why helping, or as they say, “sharing with” each other was so important, I was told that the reason was that people in Senegal live “in community”.

To contextualize the importance of the composite concept of community to Senegalese culture , I begin by providing a brief explanation of the impact of French colonial policies toward the practice of Islam in Senegal and traditional culture, and how syncretic concepts of tolerance and laïcité, the French concept of secularism, allowed many cultural traditions to be strengthened rather than lost through the process of acculturation.

I designed my research as a comparative study to examine differences in the meaning and practice of community between Senegalese migrants in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the people in

Senegal, with the aim to determine which of the specific traditions related to the concept of community in Senegal remain important and are practiced in Cincinnati, and what

!2 improvisations or adaptations are necessary to recreate that sense of community away from their homeland.

In May of 2017, I returned to Senegal for three weeks, specifically to Yoff and Ndem, with the goal of forming a composite definition of “community” and outlining how it is traditionally practiced in Senegal. I later used this composite as a guide for interviewing project participants in Cincinnati. I also include in this thesis observations from my 2015 trip when they help to illustrate a concept or theme.

The results of this study reveal that family, greetings, sharing, teranga (tradition of hospitality and care for the other), and respect are the themes that Senegalese associate with community. Furthermore, my research shows that while socio-cultural traditions associated with community remain important to Senegalese immigrants in Cincinnati, the practice of these traditions is modified to adapt to the non-traditional neighborhoods and communities of their new country. While some of these traditions that are important to a sense of community in

Senegal can be practiced in Cincinnati as they are in Senegal, others are conceptualized only as an ideal, and the practice is altered to fit new living circumstances. This modification in their practice of traditional community does not necessarily require abandoning their beliefs, but it involves broadening them to include accommodation of the culture of which they are now a part.

When revolution or migration cause a disruption in a society, and therefore in the performance of symbolic and ritual traditions, new traditions are formed, and usually strengthened by repetition.

These “invented traditions” are based in actual traditions of the culture, but are innovated to be

!3 practiced in the current situation, while allowing an implication of connection to the past

(Hobsbawm and Ranger, 2012:4).

!4 Chapter 2

Background on Senegal and the Cincinnati-Based-Diaspora

Introduction

In this chapter I provide an introduction to Senegal, including demographic information. I then provide a brief summary of the history of the concepts of tolerance and community, including the effects of French colonization on pre-existing society and culture. I also briefly describe the two locations where I spent a total of nine weeks and gathered data, Yoff and Ndem, and provide an explanation of the differences in lifestyle of the two locations. I spent time in the two different locations in Senegal to obtain a composite definition of “community” that represents more than one perspective on Senegalese culture. I end this chapter with an overview of migration in the Cincinnati area.

!5 MAP 1: Senegal

Source: http://www.geographicguide.com/africa-maps/senegal.htm

Senegal

Senegal is the westernmost country in continental Africa, located on the Atlantic coast, in the Sahel region. It is a secular state, however, the majority of the population (approximately 96 percent) is Muslim, and most belong to one of four Sufi orders. The remaining four percent is

!6 predominately Catholic, with Protestant and Indigenous (Animism) practitioners making up about one percent of that (United States Department of State, 2016).

French influence on Senegalese culture can be seen in many of the current customs that began during the colonial phase of French occupation. The syncretic culture evidenced in

Senegal is long-standing and present in many areas, including the French influence on cuisine, such as frites (french fries) served in restaurants and on sandwiches, and the common choice of baguettes-or omelettes in baguettes-for breakfast, and the the main meal of ceebujen (rice and fish), which is a pre-colonial Senegalese dish. French language is the most commonly used for signage in (non-governmental or administrative) shops (Shiohato, 2012:274), although Wolof is the most common spoken language.

Contemporary Senegalese traditions combine Islam with indigenous and the pre-colonial kingdom culture. Before approximately 1900, the Wolof Kingdom ruled the Senegambia and today, Wolof are the largest ethnic group in Senegal. While Wolof is the most common indigenous language in Senegal (Aderinto, 2017:284), French is the official language of Senegal, is taught in schools, and approximately 20-25 percent of the population is able to read and write

French (Swigert, 2000:95).

History of Pluralism and Tolerance

Religious pluralism, in large part, resulted from French policies during occupation that produced the respectful coexistence of many Muslim orders, Catholic, and Protestant

Evangelicals. Laïcité, “defined as the neutrality of the state towards religious beliefs, and the

!7 complete isolation of religious and public spheres” (Normandy Vision, 2007), is a concept that also has its beginnings in French secular governance (Theoretically, government does not interfere with religion, and religion does not interfere with government). Abdou Diouf, the second president of independent Senegal (1981-2000), interpreted laïcité in this manner:

Laïcité in itself is a manifestation of respect of others. It acts in this

way if it is laïcité well understood and properly practiced. Such laïcité

cannot be anti-religious, but neither, if it is a true laïcité, can it

become a state religion. I would say further that such a laïc state

cannot ignore religious institutions….Respect of religion does not

only mean tolerance, it does not meant only to allow or to ignore, but

to respect the beliefs and practices of the other. Laïcité is the

consequence of this respect for the other, and the condition of our

harmony (Stepan, 2012:385).

The concept of laïcité, which the French established as one of the governing principles during colonization, was transformed as it was put into practice in Senegal, and again, after independence in 1960, and is now, rather than the French concept of “freedom of religion from the state”, a Senegalese version that is more specifically a respect of religion by the state (Stepan,

2013:215). The Senegalese government supports all religions and religious activities equally, including official attendance, along with leading religious authorities, at events such as a

Catholic festival in Popinguine, and the Grand Maggal (Sufi pilgrimage) in Touba. This practice began informally in the nineteenth century, and following a period of distrust between religious

!8 leaders and the colonial government, was mandated by then Governor Marcel de Coppet

(1936-1938).This is symbolic of the support and respect that the government and the leadership of each religion have for each other and the relationship of power between the two spheres

(Stepan, 2013:217).

When France incorporated Senegal into French West Africa in 1895, the French installed

Muslim clerics in junior positions in the administration. Xavier Coppolani created a policy and proposed a system that would help ensure “security and maintenance of order” through negotiation and compromise instead of coercion (Babou, 2013:126). His proposal not only took into consideration the interests of Senegalese, but also signaled respect for their religion and values. Stepan (2012:387) explains that the French had more interest in reaping the benefit of natural resources and agriculture than in conquering Senegal, which was difficult with their shortage of military, staff, money and legitimacy. In order to peacefully develop Senegal, by

1905 the French had embraced accommodation and instead, sought to be an Islamic power, eventually instituting policies that supported religious practice. Although the history of the Sufi brotherhoods in Senegal has included times of jihad, of peace and of accommodation, from the late 1800’s Senegalese Sufism placed emphasis on tolerance. Senegalese Sufi clerics regularly quote verses in the Koran such as Sura18:29: “Whoever wills, let him believe; and whoever wills let him disbelieve” (p.384).

Twelve years before the French incorporated Senegal into West Africa, in 1883, Cheikh

Amadu Bamba Mbacké founded the Sufi Muridiyya order and taught followers (referred to as

Murids) to be “focused on the soul and seeking God” instead of working and fighting for an

!9 “earthly kingdom” (Cochrane 2013:39). He taught that the traditional caste system and hierarchies of the Wolof kingdom were not in the Koran, and in settlements where his followers lived, studied, and worked, these castes became a way to define labor as devotion, that all work done for the community is work done for God. Instead of a class distinction, this gave greater importance to skilled trades and the people that worked in them (p.40).

The French were concerned that Bamba’s popularity, and the influence he had on his followers that could allow him to instigate and lead a rebellion. They exiled him twice before bringing him back to Senegal, under house arrest, to lessen his popularity as a martyr, and to ease tensions to allow further cooperation between the French and the marabouts, which are Sufi religious leaders and teachers who are thought to have baraka, or “divine grace and/or blessing

(Gemmeke, 2011:687). According to Stepan (2013:212), when he returned to his home and his followers, Bamba framed Sufism as a basis for the “process of accommodation” to the French colonial government as a means to continue the freedom to practice their religion.

More notably than the other orders, the Murids did not openly object to French political and administrative power, and instead strengthened their religious and cultural identity and autonomy, by establishing Murid settlements, using Islamic architecture and design, and continuing religious rituals, while removing governmental administration from the purview of their leadership. The French were pleased enough with this compromise that they deeded the land, on which stood the tomb of Bamba, to the Murids as private property of the Murid community with “special status”. Today it is the holy city of Touba, officially recognized as such by the government of independent Senegal (Babou, 2013:129). In independent Senegal, religious

!10 and traditional cultural symbols and rituals, such as the importance of greetings, seem to have remained much as they were before and during colonization.

Field Sites in Senegal

Yoff

Yoff is an impoverished suburb of Dakar, Senegal’s capital (see map 1), with, according to census data, a population of 89,442 which is socioeconomically, religiously, and nationally diverse (Open Data for Africa, 2013). Many individuals grew up in a different region of Senegal then settled in Yoff. Some people travel to Yoff to work and earn money -sometimes seasonally- and they return home when they have enough to get them through a few more months, or in some cases the rest of the year. Others relocate for work and they send money home to their families regularly (Working Group on Senegal, National Research Council et al., 2000:39).

Residents of Yoff live closely together, often in multiple unit, apartment style homes, and family compounds, which include members of multiple generations, are common. There are retail shops, restaurants and fast food shops, hotels, mosques, street vendors, as well as many governmental entities including police and health centers. There are also the automobiles and motorcycles, taxis, buses, and horse and cart traffic common of large cities. The “road of the airport” runs through Yoff which is next to the airport, and combined with chants and calls to prayer from loudspeakers in the many mosques, music playing loudly from many sources, school children playing, and many people walking, socializing and conducting business in the streets,

Yoff is a very noisy place.

!11 In almost every neighborhood, there is at least one boutique, which is a very small shop that sells essential food and household items. There is a main market, but street vendors work in many neighborhoods selling peanuts, produce, and hot beignets (fried donuts). Young men carrying large boards filled with sunglasses, enormous net bags of soccer balls, or calabash

(gourds) bowls for sale walk along the highway. Goats roam the streets or are tethered in sandy alleys, and cows make a daily, unaccompanied, trek along the highway browsing for discarded produce. Yet, there are many reminders of western influence in Yoff, including clothing, fast food, pizza, laundromats, and a small grocery store. Even though it is geographically a part of

Dakar, a very large, international city, it feels like many small villages jammed into five square miles.

Village of Ndem

East of Dakar, in the Diourbel region, is a small village, Ndem, in which there is a daara, or an intentional community of followers of one particular Baay Fall marabout. Baay Fall is a sub-order of Muridiyya (the larger Sufi order) founded by Cheikh Ibra Fall, who dedicated his religious life to work in the service of Cheikh Amadu Bamba, the founder of the Murid order

(Cochrane 2013:32).

The marabout of the daara in Ndem is Serign Babacar Mbow (Serign is an honorific, signifying his religious position), who is revitalizing Ndem and the surrounding area, and the village by improving agriculture, founding workshops that provide training in marketable skills, and developing sustainable living in the village (Cochrane, 2013:7). People that choose to live in

!12 the daara have chosen to live in keeping with the teaching of Cheikh Ibra Fall, with less material wealth, hard work, (p.101) and intentional, internal, spiritual work (p.112).

Residents of the daara live closely and have more traditional beliefs about cultural and social mores, such as sharing, personal modesty, respect, and social responsibility, than what is generally found in larger cities, or even in the village. Every resident of the daara is obedient to

Serign Babacar Mbow, as their chosen religious teacher, counselor and the founder of the daara

(Diouf, 2013:13). Depending on the individual relationship between marabout and follower, some will take this obedience very literally, such as to spend two weeks on a building project directed by Serign Babacar. Others take his counsel as suggestions, for example, when directed to consider marriage. Meals are often shared between many families. Problems, also, are often shared and solved with the help of other residents. Soxna Aïssa Cissé (Soxna is used to signify

“respected woman”), the wife of Serign Babacar Mbow, explained that the daara is an

“environment favorable for people”, and everyone works to keep it that way (Cochrane,

2013:116).

The population of Ndem is about 4,500 (Olivier, 2014:27), but the population of the daara fluctuates because of permanent residents, long term visitors, and people that leave for weeks at a time to work on the previously mentioned building project. During my 2017 visit, I saw fewer than fifteen occupied homes. Not only is the daara a Baay Fall community, which makes it much less diverse than Yoff, but daily life is much slower paced, and smaller. People are likely to have a simple, usually quite small, house that is within sight of the one mosque. There is one health center (for the village and surrounding area), two very small boutiques, no paved

!13 roads, and although cars and motorcycles do come into the village, horse and donkey carts are much more common. The nearest city is Bambey, which is about a twenty minute drive on sand roads.

Senegalese Migration to the U.S.

According to the 2002 Senegalese Census, almost 500,000 Senegalese were living abroad; the country’s Ministry of Senegalese Living Abroad estimated the number at about

650,000 (Baizán and González Ferrer, 2016). While these last-available estimates are evidently outdated, they show the high level of out-migration in Senegal (emigrants represent about 6.5% of the total population). The vast majority of them move to France, with the migration stream initiated during colonialism. The first migrations resulted from recruitment efforts by the French army and administration during colonial times. Starting in the 1950s, rapidly expanding French industry actively recruited significant numbers of male workers from Senegal. By the mid 1970s, when the French government started to restrict labor immigration, a significant Senegalese community was established in France. As in many other European countries during this period, family reunification then became the main conduit of legal immigration (Baizán and González

Ferrer, 2016:343) and the trend continues today.

In 2015, there were 2.1 million African immigrants living in the United States. Of these,

1.7 million were sub-Saharan. The current flow of sub-Saharan Africans consists of skilled professionals, individuals seeking reunification with relatives, and refugees from war-torn countries (Zong and Batalova, 2017). Nigeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa

!14 comprise the top sending countries; Senegalese only number approximately 26,000 in the U.S.

(Anderson, 2015).

Like all US immigrant groups, most sub-Saharan Africans are admitted through family reunification channels; but they are much more likely than other groups to be admitted as refugees or through the diversity visa program (Capps et al, 2012:1). This program was instituted in 1990 to “encourage immigration from under-represented nations”, especially European migrants, but many Africans have been able to take advantage of this program (Anderson, 2015).

Cincinnati as Context of Reception

Cincinnati, Ohio is the fifth largest city in the Midwest, with a population of 298,800 in the city limits, and over 2 million people in the larger metropolitan area. The 2016 Census estimated that there were 513,592 foreign born citizens living in Ohio, and as of 2013, 93,691 of them were living in Cincinnati. While exact numbers of Senegalese immigrants are not included in the Census data, the largest group of immigrants is from Asia, next is from Europe, and the third is from Latin America. African immigrants, including Senegal, are part of a group labeled

“other than”, and this group accounts for 16,363 people (American Fact Finder, 2016).

Cincinnati has been influenced by many immigrant groups since before the 1830’s; beginning at that time, Germans were the largest group of immigrants to the city (Ohio History

Central, nd). The influence of the varied immigrant populations in addition to Germans, such as

Irish, throughout the history of Cincinnati is prominent in historical figures, street names, social organizations and architectural styles throughout the city and surrounding area. A walk through

!15 Spring Grove Cemetery, which is a U.S. National Historic Landmark, reveals three centuries of immigrants settling in, and leaving their mark on Cincinnati.

As of 2012, immigrants are predominantly from Western Europe, East Africa, Central and

Western Asia, and India, and make up 3.5% of the population. They account for 7.9% of all business owners and 6.1% of workers in the metro area of Cincinnati, and were estimated to contribute $189 million in state and local taxes (New Americans in Cincinnati, 2017). While the

Cincinnati census does not give specific numbers of Senegalese population, Senegalese restaurants are found in the Northside, Wyoming and Springdale areas of the city. In Northside and Wyoming there are also grocery stores, hair salons and tailor shops that are owned by and serve Senegalese in the Cincinnati metropolitan area.

!16 Chapter 3

Methodology and Fieldwork:

Comparison of Community in Senegal and the Cincinnati Diaspora

Introduction

In this chapter I discuss the methodological elements of this study, including the research design, my experiences with entree and rapport building, and data gathering techniques. I include a brief discussion of adjustments that were necessary for me to be successful working in the

Senegalese communities.

Research Design

I designed my study as a cross-sectional, comparative qualitative study of the meanings and practices community among Senegalese in Yoff and Ndem, and Senegalese migrants in the

Cincinnati area. Cross-sectional studies examine a phenomenon at one point in time, and are not repeated at a later date (Bethlehem, 1999: 2; Bourque, 2003:230). They are appropriate for studying differences in populations with existing variables, rather than a process of change in those populations. One of the limitations of cross-sectional studies is that, because it is at a particular moment in time, a study done at a different time could show different results.

Using a comparative perspective allows findings to be compared and used to examine belief and practices in different countries, and to determine whether experiences of respondents are specific to the community in one country, or are found to be more universally applicable

(Jørgensen, 2015:6). The two populations from which I draw comparisons (Senegalese in

!17 Senegal and in Cincinnati) have a common origin but different countries of residence, and therefore different societal contexts. To make my research comparative, I conducted multi-sited ethnography, research that follows “people, connections, associations, and relationships across space (because they are substantially continuous but spatially non-contiguous)” (Falzon, 2016:1).

Multi-sited ethnography is appropriate when a question or phenomenon cannot be examined by people in only one location.

In Senegal, I chose Yoff because it is an example of an urban area, and Ndem is a very rural, small village. This would give a spectrum of opinions about traditions, community and life in Senegal on which I could base research with Senegalese immigrants in Cincinnati, Ohio. I conducted nine interviews, however I have data from many more people, and it is difficult to say how many participants I spoke with because of the informal nature of some of the conversations.

Often several people would share stories, each adding parts that the others omitted. Sometimes stories were started at one meal, and brought up again when someone else joined us for tea. At least once, a wife would tell us the “real” story after the husband left to buy bottled water for us.

The corrections offered were accompanied by lots of giggles from other family members, such as the wife’s sister and her children, who were present.

Participants in Senegal were predominately men, age 24 to 70, although I spoke very briefly with several women. In the homes I visited, women were often busy cooking in the kitchen (which is usually outside the home in an interior courtyard, while the men spoke with me in the salon (living room) with fans, or the breeze of the ocean, blowing on me. This was, in keeping with teranga, to make me, the guest, comfortable in the heat. In the case of the wife of

!18 my friend, an uncle had passed away as I arrived and she was away from home assisting the family of the deceased. We spoke only briefly.

In the daara in the village of Ndem, I had the opportunity to speak with a woman who had a cook, and therefore had a little more time to spend in conversation. She and her husband were responsible for our accommodations, and I ate all of my meals with them, their children, and many single residents of the daara. Single people often joined at meal time, not only because of the importance of sharing in Senegalese culture, but because of the communal culture, especially of meals in the daara. Because our host worked steadily, he was able to afford to have extra food prepared. His strong belief in his duty to his community, and to the practice of sharing, meant that his home was known to be a place where one would be welcome. Lengthy conversation was discouraged during meals, and after the main midday meal most people retired to their rooms to rest from the heat. After the evening meal, which was served no earlier than nine-thirty, there was time for socializing and conversation.

On my first trip there were four of us traveling together, so when our host in Ndem arranged meals with other residents of the daara, we gave money, in advance, to be privately given to those who were hosting our meals, which is customary. When I was traveling alone, a gift of money was only accepted by the two friends with whom I ate many meals, and was framed as “sharing” with my Senegalese families. I did, however, make a monetary gift to my

Ndem host and his wife, for accommodating me.

In Cincinnati, project participants ranged in characteristics such as time spent in the

United States, age at which they migrated, number of family members, if any, that migrated with

!19 them, and legal and employment status. I interviewed men and women, with an age range of late twenties to sixty years old. Interviews were conducted by phone, email, and over coffee at

Starbucks. I was only invited to one home, where I interviewed a man convalescing from back surgery.

Originally, my criteria for inclusion of individuals in the study was that they were adults, and in Cincinnati, that they had previously lived in Senegal. However, I found that there are people that were not born or raised in Senegal, but consider Senegal to be their homeland and I included them.

Entree and rapport-building

Conducting field-based research first requires entree into the community and rapport- building. My entree into the community in Senegal was an introduction to an older man who considered himself the “grandfather" of the community. This introduction was made by a former professor of mine who knew this man for many years, so he trusted her, and therefore was predisposed to welcoming me. Bernard (2001:336) encourages, when there is a choice, to choose a field site where you will have the easiest access to data, and it was very easy in Senegal. It was much more difficult in Cincinnati because I had no personal connection, so I patronized

Senegalese restaurants, introduced myself to the owners, and also finally met a Senegalese man who lived in the apartment building next to mine.

Spending time “hanging out”, rather than asking questions immediately upon entering a new field situation, is important because people need to become comfortable with you, learn that

!20 they can trust you, which develops rapport. This allows you to be part of, or observe ordinary situations in people's lives, and the trust will encourage truthful answers to sensitive questions

(Bernard, 2001:336).

My entree into the Senegalese community during fieldwork was a man that I met on my previous trip. He introduced me to visitors to his gallery, neighbors, cab drivers and childhood friends of his. I also visited in his home several times, where I spoke with his family, received a cooking lesson from his new daughter-in-law, and met and spoke with a constant stream of visitors.

Another man I met on my previous trip introduced me to a male friend that had studied in the US, and who explained what elements of the community he believes are particular to

Senegal. He also provided some historic basis for these elements. Staying in the auberge (a small inn, or hotel, in this case with an interior courtyard, lounge and restaurant area) also put me in contact with many people that were willing to speak with me.

My entree into the Cincinnati community was more difficult than in Senegal. I introduced myself to a restaurant owner who was happy to speak with me but was always too busy to actually be interviewed. He invited me to the magal (festival) at the daara in Cincinnati, and was always happy to see me in his business. However, he was very reluctant to be part of my study.

Likewise, a friend of his that I met at the restaurant was very friendly. He is originally from Yoff, and complimented me on my pronunciation of Senegalese words, but was also always too busy to be interviewed.

!21 I called another man who advertised his translation services who told me that he would not be part of my project because he “is not like the rest of them”. He explained that he had been here for too long, and even drinks alcohol, which is forbidden in Islam. He advised calling the owner of another business, and to be prepared to pay people for their time, and to eat a lot of ceebu jen.

The man to whom he referred was very happy to speak with me, and encouraged me to ask his employees to be interviewed, and to spend time in his business to meet people for my study. He also said that the man that sent me to him was “out of touch” and no one would accept money from me, which proved to be true, and I stopped offering after a few suspicious looks and many assurances that friendly conversation does not need payment.

I introduced myself to a man who lived near me and drove a cab with the words “Choice

Babacar” (common Senegalese name) on the door, and through him, I met his friend who had just arrived from Dakar, and a woman, and all three were very happy to speak with me.

Interviews as Research Technique

I collected my data using informal, unstructured and semistructured interviewing, as well as participant observation in Senegal and Cincinnati. This was especially necessary because the topic of “community” can be dependent on the age and family circumstance of the individual, as well as other situations which inform the connection to community. It was difficult, in Senegal, to have a list of questions because each person I spoke with wanted to tell stories of their experiences and their perceptions. Many times stories were to explain traditions and cultural

!22 norms. Yet, through the stories told some universal themes, that I discuss later in this thesis, emerge and are able to be identified.

In Senegal people readily answer questions, but almost as a trade, for the stories and parables that are also enthusiastically shared. My listening was like the price to be paid for the information. Therefore, my interviews in Senegal became unstructured or informal interviews conducted in homes over meals and reposé (afternoon rest time), in the salon at the auberge where I stayed, and at the gallery owned by one respondent. I also interviewed a participant during a three-hour car ride from Yoff to his village, Ndem, and then again on a six-hour car ride from Ndem to the southern delta-region.

Informal interviews are useful to build relationships when beginning participant observation. The goal of research in Senegal was to deepen my understanding of, and analyze community norms that I was introduced to in my first trip, and informal interviews allow topics to be introduced by the respondent. The difficulty in conducting this type of interview is that because of their informality they are difficult to record, and the researcher can write field notes only when possible, and further develop them by memory when the notes are written up

(Bernard, 2002:204). For my purposes, this method is extremely important because so many interviews, in Senegal, were conducted while visiting, and sometimes visiting is comprised of sitting quietly and not speaking for periods of time.

The interviews I conducted in Senegal were unstructured, in that the people I conversed with knew that I wanted to talk about community, but it was difficult to follow a specific list of questions. This method was particularly useful in Senegal, where social norms dictate that

!23 conversation occurs in a context of relationship-building. A drawback of this method is that it works best when there is an extended time period for fieldwork (Bernard, 2002:204), and I had three weeks instead of a year. I spoke with many others that contributed to my understanding of community in Senegalese culture, but these conversations occurred in the context of a conversation in a larger group of people.

In Cincinnati, I interviewed six people-two women and four men, and conducted these interviews in homes, coffee shops, by telephone, text messaging and email. Semi-structured interviewing enables the researcher to collect a large and focused amount of data in a relatively short time period (1-2 hours), and this type of interviewing worked best for me in Cincinnati.

Because of their hectic schedules that include full time jobs and families, and their

“Americanized” (sic) lifestyle, Senegalese in Cincinnati were less available for interviews so focused questions allowed me to engage with my interlocutors despite the brief time periods.

Having an interview guide not only makes the best use of time, but also portrays the researchers as prepared and respectful of the time the respondent is willing to give. This leaves the opportunity for exploring responses further while still collecting comparable data that can be analyzed qualitatively (Bernard, 2002:205). I created a list of eleven questions that I used to break the ice, and to give me personal information that I could use to frame further questioning

(see Attachment I). I then asked follow-up questions that prompted discussions about key topics such as: family, sharing, teranga, and respect, that elicited stories that often answered other questions that I had (See Attachment II.) I arranged further conversations with many participants

!24 in Cincinnati in order to explore particular topics with follow-up questions, or in some cases, prompts.

Some questions were not suitable for everyone, so I kept my interview schedule flexible, sometimes focusing on themes such as teranga, family, and greetings. Occasionally, participants were very adamant about avoiding a topic and I did not force questions at those times.

Participant Observation as Research Technique

In Senegal, I conducted participant observation at meals, religious gatherings, and social visits. Participant observation involves immersing yourself in a culture, and taking notes or recording what you see and hear. One of the important aspects of this method, according to

Bernard (2002:324), is to experience the lives of the people you are studying. In Senegal this meant refilling cisterns, daily marketing, sitting on the floor for meals, or riding in a car through the sand for three hours to attend a religious gathering where you sit on the floor, for hours, in the home of a revered religious man. It meant spending afternoons sitting with a man in his gallery, and greeting all the people walking by that stop to visit with him. This also means that you will knock on the gate of a woman you have never met, and ask her if you may use her

“toilette”, which is a hole behind a stone wall in the back of her yard.

In Cincinnati, it was more difficult to conduct participant observation similar to Senegal, such as visiting in homes or traveling. However, I was able to spend time observing social interaction while eating lunch in the Senegalese restaurants. I was invited to the Grand Magal

(festival), where the women and children gather in one or two rooms of the daara in Cincinnati,

!25 and the men pray or meet with Murid marabouts in separate rooms. I spoke with a few women, but none agreed to later interviews. While I saw the same type of meal being served in a similar way as it would be in Senegal, I was definitely an observer, however welcome.

Participant observation requires noticing and writing everything as accurately as memory allows, because it is not always appropriate to take notes or photographs. The researcher also needs to be able to remove themselves from the experience enough to have perspective and to write about it convincingly (Bernard, 2002:324).

!26 Chapter 4

Theoretical Approaches to the Effects of Migration on Cultural Beliefs and Practice

In this chapter I provide a brief review of anthropological theories, specifically transnational migration theories, and research on the effects of migration on culture as a framework for the analysis of my data. I discuss effects of migration on the sending-as well as the receiving society.

Transnational Migration

International migration has recently been theorized as “transnational”; migrants maintain relationships in their home country while developing and maintaining relationships in their new homes. These relationships can be economic, religious, political and social (Glick Schiller,

2003:102); and transnationalism looks at the details of these elements in the culture of the migrant. Although migrants have historically maintained connections to family in their home country (Vertovec, 2004, 972), contemporary migrants are more easily able to travel back and forth between their country of origin and new country. These advances in transportation, as well communications technologies to stay connected, play a role in the decision to remain in the

United States (Foner, 2012:963).

Widening social networks, combined with advances travel in communications technology, and an increase in activities between sending and receiving countries, do not necessarily prompt modifications in the ways that individuals function within the network, the intensity of individual and short term actions can create change in value systems and social life

!27 in the sending society. For example, an individual sending money to their family to build a larger home transforms the situation of the family. When many families in a region are able to build homes, or start businesses because of remittances, changes in the social life of the community are likely (Vertovec, 2004, 972).

Transnational migrant culture must be seen as neither the culture of the home country, nor the culture of the new country, but a new culture resulting from blending the two. Assisting in this blending is the idea that there could be many elements of the sending and receiving cultures that are based on similar norms, but are conceptualized within culturally specific contexts. There are different histories and mythologies that are used to reinforce the values within each culture

(Yanagisako, 1985:260).

Cultural Disruption and Continuity as a Result of Migration

To begin the theoretical discussion of cultural continuity or disruption, it is important to recognize that the culture of the country of birth is also a result of change (Foner, 1997:963).

This change can be dramatic and caused by the struggle for independence and revolution, or more subtle, such as the adaptation to globalization or growing economic interaction with other cultures. To better understand the effects of migration on culture, it is necessary to recognize that the cultures of a migrant’s country of origin may have undergone significant change in the migrant’s own lifetime (Foner, 1997:963). However, Yanagisako (1985) points out that traditions that migrants regard as timeless often are reconstructed over time to adapt to current-or changing situations in their country of origin.

!28 Migrant culture, while containing elements of both, is neither the culture of their home country, nor that of their new country (Foner, 2012:966). Elements of culture from the origin country are kept as founding principles because of the strength of ethnic community organizations and social interaction, and the maintenance of transnational ties (Foner:2012:963).

This blending of what is relevant in the old culture with what is useful in the new is much more correctly thought of as “acculturation” rather than assimilation (Gibson, 1988:25) and does not exactly replicate the original culture, but traditional patterns of belief influence their new norms and patterns of behavior (Foner, 2012:962).

Behaviors of migrants may seem to be similar to Americans, however they may not be internalized as a change in values, rather individual responses to circumstances that the migrant faces (Foner 2012:966). Foner explains that beliefs, values, and cultural symbols may remain unchanged as a framework, but have been adjusted to allow adaptation to the new culture(p.965).

People living away from their homelands may use memories of place as foundations to rebuild their new communities, which helps create “symbolic anchors” to their home culture, and thus incorporates their new location as part of their home (Gupta and Ferguson, 1992, 11). This process of redefining space as symbolic homeland is seen as emic, but Chavez (1991) describes an etic process of becoming part of the community as a movement from “outsider to insider”, and is not complete until the receiving society “imagines” the migrants as part of their community.

!29 Relationship between Migration and Family and Community

Country of origin

Researchers describe how migration of the male head of the household, as well as that of the younger, unmarried sons, along with the ensuing remittances, has changed the structure of the

Senegalese household (Buggenhagen, 2001:378). Typically, the male head of the household controls the finances, with any earner in the house turning their income over to him. As such, migration puts women in the role of head of household, and in control of the finances. The reliance on the income from remittances requires that even those men who originally planned to return to their homes will remain to keep earning money to send home. Because of this absence, the gender roles within the family are transforming.

The moral economy in urban Senegal is shifting to put greater emphasis on material and visible wealth as determining factors in social status. In the decades following independence, how wealth was acquired was most important, with civil service jobs being the most respected.

The pressure to emigrate is enormous on young men because of very few income possibilities in

Senegal. In addition to strong traditions of respect for elders, sharing, and cooperation, men need a stable income to marry and have children (Rodriguez, 2015:346). Women are increasingly contributing to the finances of the family and are also now being pressured to migrate if there is an opportunity (Rodriguez, 2015:333).

At a time when supporting families is more difficult, men who are unable to migrate are negatively compared to those that are sending money from abroad (Rodriguez, 2015:335).

Separation often creates conflicts in families, but the traditional values of respect and sharing

!30 within the family, help to maintain these relationships across distance. It is interesting that children can see the lack of parental discipline as having a negative impact and one that increases their feelings of loss due to separation from family (Foner and Dreby, 2011:551).

While families, and the role of each member of the families, are strengthened by “unity of residence”, migration that is in support of common goals, such as economic gain, can reduce the negative effects of living apart (Bourdieu, 1977:39).

United States

The legal system and immigration laws of the United States do not recognize the cultural definition of family in other countries, which forces migrants to amend traditional designations of nuclear and extended families (Foner, 1997:971). Rather than being a major disruption, research shows that migrant’s families are not forced into a new model dictated by the norms of the new society, but they are the architects of the acculturated family, with values and ideals that work for them in their new country (Foner, 2012:962). In fact, individual family members will adopt and utilize American cultural values that improve their position within in the family, such as an increase in the independence of women and adolescents. Men and parents are more likely to be resistant to these value changes (Foner, 2012:970).

Because of expected problems in gender relations associated with living in a new, more western culture, Kane (2011:170) writes that men are discouraged from bringing their wives with them when they migrate. However, research has shown that because of more opportunities for women to work in the United States, and with fewer family members available to help than in

Senegal, men are more apt to assume roles that are traditionally seen as women’s, particularly

!31 childcare (Foner, 1997:969). Some parents will send American born children to Senegal for

Islamic education, and others leave their children in Senegal to be taught the culture and to avoid

“Americanization”. Migrant parents sometimes see this Americanization of their children as not only a rejection of their traditional culture, but also of them, as parents (Stepick, 2003:130).

However, the second generation is not found to be choosing American culture, or rejecting the parent’s culture, but rather to be combining what they see as positive elements of both (Kasinitz et al. 2008). In this way the second generation become agents of the innovations involved in some of the new cultural patterns that their parents will react to and adopt as their own aculturation (Foner, 1997:549).

Research has shown that when migrants acquire cultural knowledge of their new country, and develop local friend and family networks, feelings of connection and involvement in the community are increased (Chavez, 1991:272).

In the next chapter, I present data about the meanings and practices among Senegalese in

Senegal and Cincinnati relative to Foner’s (2012) claims that changes in migrant’s behavior in the host country may mimic that of the host culture, but is not necessarily indicative of change in internalized values.

!32 Chapter 5

Results: Comparison of Community in Senegal and the Cincinnati Diaspora

Introduction

In this chapter I analyze the project data and identify comparative themes in how community is conceived and practiced in Senegal and by the Senegalese diaspora in Cincinnati. I introduce the project respondents, having changed their names, and their individual circumstances while utilizing their experiences and opinions to show how community is defined and practiced in each location.

I include a table to briefly illustrate similarities and differences in how the concepts of community are expressed in both locations.

As I discuss each, I will give details about lives of the respondents in this study that illustrate their beliefs in and practices of community. Some of these details show commonalities in all respondents beyond the fact that they are Senegalese, and some details point out differences between them. I have found that differences are not important to most of the people I spoke with, and this attitude exemplifies the tolerance that underlies the sense of community that respondents claim for Senegal.

!33 Concepts of Community in Senegal and Cincinnati

In Senegal, tour guides check in regularly at hotels and auberges, hoping for a client for the day. One of the tour guides that frequented the auberge, Ndoff, told me that if I want to see people live “in community” I needed to go to a village, and he would be happy to let me hire him to take me to one. He told me that in villages, people eat together, spend more time together, and generally are involved with each other more than in the city.

In the lounge of my auberge I spoke with a man with whom I was acquainted slightly on my trip in 2015. Mor is in his young thirties and explained his light blue eyes by telling me that he is a metis-his father is from Mauritania and his mother is Senegalese. Mor is Baay Fall, as are many of the people I spoke with, but Mor sells real estate so he dresses in stylish jeans, wears his hair tightly trimmed and wears a very flashy watch. He said that if he looks like the Baay Fall normally look, no one will take him seriously in business.

Mor also claimed that people in the city do not live in community like they do in villages,

Yet, I watched him exchange traditional greetings with people as they entered, and observed him checking in with his friends and making sure everyone was well. He embodied the elements of community that others had told me were important, and that I had observed.

However, I spent time with many people in Yoff, on the outskirts of Dakar, that lived in neighborhoods where everyone was known, spent time together, and everyone helped each other.

They, along with people living in family compounds, tended to see themselves as part of the community, and I often heard them use the phrase “in community” to describe Senegalese culture. Wherever I was, and whoever I spoke with, the following concepts frequently came up in explanations of traditions, in stories about events or people, and in my observations of the

!34 people I spent time with: family, respect, greetings, sharing, teranga, and cousins à plaisanteries

(joking cousins).

Table I: Comparison of Community in Senegal and Cincinnati

Concepts Senegal Cincinnati

First level of community. Important connection. Live Share resources, problems. with family when possible. Family Multiple generations live Share resources, problems. together.

Very important. Respect for Important, and “African” Respect elders. Respect for others respect is valued. Respect for and their beliefs. others and their beliefs.

Important, complex, and Important, but not as effusive. Conducted in effusive. Greetings Arabic, French and Wolof. Conducted in all languages, Used to recognize each but not always as lengthy. other. Traditional value. Traditional value.

Take care of each other. “It can be difficult, but Sharing Share food, living space, asking is more difficult” resources, problems.

Important religious concept. Important religious concept. Everyone is welcome. Open door policy is less Teranga Sharing meals is a prayer. “open”. Guests are made Everyone is made comfortable. No problems. comfortable. “No problems”. “Still important to be nice”.

Joking is tension reliever. No mention of tension Acknowledging family relieving. Acknowledging Cousins à plaisanterie history, and connections. family connections gives “Our grandfathers did it”. instant conversation. Makes people smile.

!35 I found that everyone I spoke with is proud of what, to them, it means to be Senegalese, stating for example that, “people in Senegal don’t fight”, “people in Senegal are happy”, “people in Senegal will treat you well”, “Senegal is the country of teranga”, and as an answer to any request, “no problem”. Living in the US seems to have reshaped how some of the Senegalese immigrants actually embody this identity.

During my fieldwork in Cincinnati the term “Americanized” was brought up often, and I believe local Senegalese use it to describe accommodation to the culture of their new communities. This term is often used to describe the way parents see younger generations adopting behaviors of their American peers. Many respondents I spoke with readily acknowledged that they have to be different, using the phrase, “more Americanized” for the different life they have here, and this, in turn, influences the way they speak of family in Senegal, and the community there.

When I probed further on their ideas of “more Americanized”, answers ranged from laughter, to “Oh, you know”, to “You have to let people do what they want to do” - in reference to teaching children Wolof, and whether they can speak or understand it. I was told that “people take the best of Senegal and the best of America”.

Americanization also came up when I asked people to spend time with me for interviewing. Many told me that in Senegal, they would have plenty of time, but here they are busy with work and children. I told some respondents that I failed to take into consideration the different lifestyles, and that unlike in Senegal, finding people that are willing to take time to speak with me was difficult. The business owner in my study told me that he is busy running his business, but if I call and he has time, he will answer my questions.

!36 Family in Senegal

One of the most often mentioned concepts, in both Senegal and Cincinnati, was family.

Of course, the idea of family is interwoven with relationships, sharing, respect, and culture, which are some of the other themes that arose from the data. I will discuss these themes separately, and will also point out when one strengthens or conflicts with another.

Pape is 47 years old, and attended university in Dakar, and then in the US. He is employed by Princeton University as an administrator and counselor for students in their gap year program, which makes him one of the better employed respondents I spoke with in Yoff. He is married and has five children that live with himin a single family home, and told me that a young man from a nearby village stays with him and sleeps in the room with his sons. His home is somewhat typical in Yoff, and is not lavish, but does contain, as many do, a flat-screen television, and fans that are usually off when I enter, but are soon turned on.

Pape explained that community begins in the family compound, which can include families and groups of families, including multiple wives and their extended families. Family generations live together to “take problems” and to “share problems”, such as sick babies and

“bad children”. He stated that in the compounds, members of the family do not get angry, or they get fined. The family will get together and tell the transgressor what he is doing is wrong, and if there is an injured party, he will say, “I want your shirt” as apology, and he will get it. He told me that a recent development is that money is asked for as an apology, or fine. In this conversation he specifically spoke of male members of the family.

Pape described one of the benefits of endogamy as “keeping tensions and fighting down because everyone is related”. He explained endogamy as “sons can marry daughters of father’s

!37 sisters, and of mother’s brothers”. Polygamy, which is legal and not unusual for men to have up to four wives, but officially discouraged in Senegal, “adds another element or level of cousins”.

Pape told me that he moved out of his father’s compound, which houses two wives and all the children of each, a few years ago (he was 45 years old), and his father was very unhappy that he was leaving the family compound. To maintain family connections, and out of respect for his father, two of Pape’s children sleep at his father’s compound every night.

Even though living in a family compound is strongly favored, Mor no longer lives with his mother and family, and instead lives “dorm” style in a house with three other men. He has a bedroom and use of the common area to make coffee or have breakfast, but when he wants to cook ceebu jen (a traditional rice and fish dish), he cooks it at his mother’s home.

Pape went on to say that after the family compound, the next level of community is the village (or neighborhood) and then ethnic groups. Pape’s home is very near Amadou's gallery, but they had never met. When I told Amadou that I had met Pape, he said that he was sure this man was related to Amadou's wife, which I then reported to Pape, who recently emailed me to tell me that he has gone to the gallery and he and Amadou had a very nice visit.

Family in Cincinnati

In Cincinnati, all of the respondents came to the United States, and Cincinnati in particular, because of connections, such as family, that were already established, and were more varied in economic circumstance than those I spoke with in Senegal. Project participants include a single mother, restaurant owners, a waitress, and a recently retired police officer, among others.

Aïssa, age 31, has lived in Cincinnati for six years, and is now a United States citizen.

She lives with her cousin, the cousin’s husband and children, and works in the service industry.

!38 Aïssa mentioned that if she were in Senegal she could live by herself if she could afford it, but

“most of the time we like living with family”. She would live under strict rules set by her parents, for example, she could not be out with friends after midnight, and she could not go out at night with a man who is not her husband. She pointed out that not all parents are as strict as hers, but Aïssa highlighted that she can go anywhere she wants to here in the US, and can stay out as late as she likes.

Aïssa explained that in Senegal, “Yeah, neighbors are like families- anything that happen they will be first there”. I commented that I would like neighbors like that and she said, “Yes I know, it feels good”. She explained that in Senegal, people walk in and doors are never locked, however she prefers the privacy of locked doors, no matter where she is, and especially in the

US, she added.

Another study participant, Fallou, pointed out that if she were in Senegal, Aïssa would give her earnings to her father, who would control the money in the family. Here she is able to

“control her money”, and therefore can decide how much to send to her family.

Fallou is 47 years old, and went to University in Canada on a student visa. He came to

Cincinnati on tourist visa and decided that the United States was the best place for work. He is married with four children and owns his own business, which he says he would probably not have in Senegal. Fallou’s parents are in Senegal, and he has traveled to visit them, but he is very busy and can not easily find time.

Fallou stated that in Senegal, fathers control the money, but here in the United States, you have to teach children to manage their own money, and he does that with allowances; he laughed when quoting himself, “You want to buy that? Where is your money? Then you may not buy

!39 that”. He also said that women have much more freedom in the United States. In Senegal there would be no overnight stays at the home of friends, no dating, and no pre-marital sex. Women also have much more opportunity for work here (his wife and daughter work for him), but he stopped short of admitting that women’s lives are easier in the United States. He said, "everyone is different”.

Farma is a single mother of two young children. She moved to the United States to join the man who later fathered her children, however they are no longer together. She is attending school, and believes that “this is totally the right place for me”. She has little interaction with other Senegalese because an unmarried woman with children is not accepted by traditional

Senegalese culture. She also has no family in Cincinnati and says that it is difficult to go to school and be the only one responsible for her children, but she feels that she is managing well.

Most respondents felt that it is important for children to be able to understand Wolof, because they need to be able to speak with their grandparents when they visit. Fallou was not as concerned about this, and told me that you can not force children to do this. He explained that people take “what is good in American, and what is good in Senegal”, and that this works.

I was told that there are men in Cincinnati that have more than one wife, sometimes the wives will live with the husband and family, and other times one (or more) wife will live in

Senegal.

Respect in Senegal

Respect seems to be one of the reasons for the tolerance that many Senegalese, both in

Senegal and Cincinnati, have for each other, and may be a better word than tolerance. Mamadou is a man in his early fifties that lives in Ndem and works as a reponsible (manager) in the

!40 workshops established by Serign Babacar. He and his wife are also responsible for settling guests to the daara into the guest rooms and making them comfortable, serving as erstwhile hosts. His wife is French-American and originally came to Senegal with the Peace Corps. They have four young children.

Mamadou, in particular, not only talks about respect, but I saw him embody this value many times in the weeks that he was my host when I stayed in Ndem. In the holy city of Touba there are many beggars in the area of the Grande Mosque, both children and adults. (In Senegal, I only heard the word “beggar” in reference to these people, which is why I use it in this context.

Fallou, in Cincinnati, told me that even though the word “panhandle” is more diplomatic, in

Senegal they say beggar, but they are more positive about these people, in general. He said that everyone chooses a different way to make a living, and this is the way they chose). On the day that we visited the mosque together,we stepped off the bus and he walked over to one of the vendors on the street - this one changed bills for coins for visitors - and although he does not have much money, Mamadou exchanged larger bills for smaller amounts to give to those that are begging. He walked to the adults, gave them money, shook their hands, and offered blessings to them. Then he turned to the children and told them that he would give them money, but they must be respectful of the people visiting the mosque. He asked them to walk with us for a time, and I often saw him rest his hand on one or another of their heads as we walked. He then gave each of them a small amount of money and asked them to leave us in peace, which they did.

This respect for those worse off than him, is something that I saw in others during my visit in Senegal. There are many children begging on the streets for reasons that are varied and difficult to remedy, but people are not unkind to them. The children usually speak only Wolof

!41 because they are not in school where they would learn French, and the Wolof phrases people use to get them to leave them alone (“leave me in peace”, “I will see you next time”) are usually said with no anger. The children (known as talibé) are found in cities, near ATMs and banks, or in markets during busy times. During my first trip, my professor taught us the phrases to say to them, and I heard them used often. While some were stern with the talibé, I saw no altercations or incidents, however, I have been told that these children can get too aggressive, and people do get “tough" with them.

I encountered an older woman at the auberge who acted very strangely, but was obviously familiar to the regular patrons of the auberge. However she was greeted kindly, and not discouraged from coming in for a few moments. The first time I met her, she tried to sell me a key chain, and told me that by selling them she would earn the money to go to Washington

D.C. the following year. Another time she came in to use the toilette, which was a freestanding cement block room at one side of the lounge area of the auberge. When she emerged she was not wearing her dress, only a lycra-type body suit in a dark color that matched her skin, and put her dress on over it outside of the toilette. A man sitting near by told her that she could not come out like that and she waved him off and ignored him. He laughed and twisted his fingers near his temples as a signal of “crazy”.

In Senegal, I spent many afternoons in the gallery of Amadou, who introduced me to many people in the neighborhood, while telling me stories of Senegalese life, culture, and traditions. He describes his work as “I buy some things. I sell some things”, but he sells very little and told me that he goes to his gallery to see people. “At home, I would see no one”.

Amadou is 68 years old and has one wife, seven children, a son-in law, daughter-in-law and a

!42 grandson. One of his daughters is married, and she and another daughter live with her husband in another town while the rest live with Amadou in his home. He is retired and receives a government pension, but has very little, yet because of unemployment in Senegal, his pension supports the household, with small contributions from his sons when they have work.

A few days after meeting the woman in the auberge, as I sat with Amadou in his gallery, the same woman came by, saw us and came in and sat near me. Amadou, politely, talked with her in Wolof. He said that she was telling him that I know her, and I said that I did. She then started gently petting my hair, and after a moment stopped, got up, and told us good bye. Amadou told me that there are healing ceremonies to help people with mental health problems and they work for some people. “They have not worked for her”, he said, while twisting his fingers at his temple. Because of his stiff smile that was not a usual expression for him, I could tell that he was not happy that she had come into the gallery, but he was very polite to her while she was there.

Even though this woman acts strangely, she is given respect and treated kindly by members of the community.

In Senegal, I experienced the respect that people have for each other, and especially for those older than themselves, firsthand, several times. During my first trip, the professor who I traveled with, two other students, and myself rode in a small taxi with a friend and his cousin, who drove, for two hours from Thiès to Ndem. On the highways in Senegal, it is illegal to have anyone in the front seat without a seatbelt, so our friend directed me to the front passenger seat, while he and my three traveling companions squashed into the very small back seat. Because I was the oldest woman of our group, I was given the most comfortable seat, where I would not have anyone sitting on my lap or crowding me. When we left the highway to drive on the sand

!43 “roads”, we stopped and rearranged so that the three men were in the front and we three women were in the back, so we all could be comfortable again.

While in the holy city of Touba, the group mentioned above, and our guide for the trip,

Mamadou, boarded a very crowded bus to go from the Grand Mosque back to a friend’s home where we left our car. In Senegal, buses have a driver and a conductor, who sits in a cage-like booth in the middle of the bus, and money for tickets is passed to him by passengers, and tickets are passed back to the paying passenger. When we boarded, there was one empty seat, which my much younger companion promptly sat in, with her back against the conductor’s booth. He immediately began yelling at her in Wolof, which Mamadou told me was scolding, because, since I was the oldest of our group, she should give her seat to me. Because she spoke no Wolof she never knew he was yelling at her. The conductor looked at me, shrugged an apology, and twisted his fingers at his temple in the “she is crazy” motion that I mentioned previously.

When a seat became empty, Mamadou insisted that I take it, then asked me if the young man traveling with us was “very young”. I told him yes, that he was 23 years old and very young. Mamadou took the next available seat, which he would have given to the other young man if I had not convinced him of his youth.

I also watched Mamadou show signs of respect for his marabout and other teachers and religious leaders by keeping his head lower than any of theirs when he was in their presence.

During a meal with a large gathering, including Serign Babacar, the marabout who founded

Ndem, Mamadou crouched before entering the room where we were all seated on the floor having our meal. He sat just inside the door, and while he would smile across the room at me, if any of the other men spoke, he would quickly look down. When he would leave the room for any

!44 reason, he would stay crouching, and back out. I saw him do this when we stopped to receive blessings later that day, from Serign Babacar’s marabout, while some men that entered kept their heads down as if praying while they were in the presence of the marabout.

Respect in Cincinnati

Participants in Cincinnati came from various cities in Senegal, and have been here for varying amounts of time. However, as I expected, all spoke about the same traditions as did those in Senegal. There was a variety of experience and opinion about the role “community” plays in

Cincinnati, but everyone reported that they value the elements of community that are so important in Senegal, even though they may not be as obvious in Cincinnati. But in Cincinnati, one of the concepts most commonly repeated among respondents was “African” respect.

Every respondent in Cincinnati agreed that “African” respect was very important to teach children. Those with children told me that it is not difficult to teach this to them, and that raising children in the United States does not change the fact that you are still their parent. Even though the respect, especially for those older than yourself, is not always evident in American culture,

Senegalese migrants told me that their children see many other Senegalese people, because of community gatherings and festivals, and even within families, that model this respect for others.

Farma wants her children to know African culture, and will eventually send them to

Africa to learn more, if she is able, although she says that even a trip to the grocery store becomes a lesson because she will tell stories about traditional foods and food traditions. She explains that “Respect is most important, but it's a process”. She wants her children to know how important it is to respect others, especially elders. She teachers her children that, “The way you respect me, you respect others outside”. She wants to teach them the “respect of Africa”.

!45 Farma also explained that it is important to her that her children learn about many cultures, and that she wants them to learn many languages so they can belong anywhere they go.

She said that she can “fit anywhere, but I don’t belong anywhere. I am from everywhere”. She wants that for her children.

Fallou’s four children were all born here, and he also told me that “African respect is different” from respect in the U.S. He told me the first thing to teach is to respect your elders.

However, Fallou has sent his children for a visit, but never for school, or to learn to be

Senegalese. He said it is important for them to be American because they live here, and he believes that there is good to be taken from many cultures. Aïssa has no children, but also said that she would want her children to know African respect.

Greetings in Senegal

In Senegal, one of the most visible displays of respect is greetings, which are a lengthy exchange, conducted in Arabic, Wolof, and French. Everyone, especially as you enter a shop or restaurant, greets you in the following way:

“Salaam Malekoum” (Arabic for Peace be with you)

answer: “Malekoum Salaam”

“Nanga-def” (Wolof for Do you have peace?)

answer: “Mangi-fi” (Wolof for Yes I have peace)

Ça-va? (French for How are you?)

answer: Ça-va. (French for I am fine)

This is followed by questions about health, family, extended family, and the health of any family member (spoken quietly and quickly, sometimes simultaneously).

!46 The questioning is usually done in Wolof , and in my experience, spoken very quickly and quietly, and happens while hands are shaken and then held. A Murid custom of taking hands as if to shake them, then touching the hand of the other to your forehead, is a signifier of respect and brotherhood, and can often be repeated many times.

Using this greeting, minus the family questions and hand shaking, signals that you, as a visitor, have learned about their tradition, and that makes people very happy. Many people said that “Americans are good because they learn about us before they come here. Europeans just come and act like they are home”. People said that it was good that visitors show respect for the culture when they come.

Greetings begin the social relationship valued everywhere, but when shopping, this tells the shopkeeper that you understand that the give and take of finding an acceptable price is part of the socializing and relationship. I was called “Maman” more than once during negotiations, and always told that, “now you are my friend. You come back again and I will give you a special price”.

One man in the daara told me that “Greetings are about love, tradition, amicable relationships. Our grandfathers did it. If you don’t salute anyone they won’t see you-receive you.

Greetings bring about relationships”.

Greetings in Cincinnati

In Cincinnati, when entering either of the two Senegalese restaurants, or the Senegalese market, I am met with a smile, nod and “How are you”, rather than salaam malekoum, to which I was prepared to respond. I asked one man in a restaurant about this and he said, “It’s no big deal.

!47 We say how are you. It is still a nice greeting”. Others deflected the question, but denied that they had any reservations about using an Arabic greeting in the U.S.

In Cincinnati, I watched many abbreviated versions of this between Senegalese men, with less questioning, with much less hand shaking, and only once did I see a man touch the other’s hand to his head. A simple ça va is a more usual occurrence. I was not able to prompt conversation about this in Cincinnati, but in Senegal people talked about this readily.

Sharing in Senegal

Project participants in Senegal all were in a lower economic group and some were actually quite poor, yet there were differences in their living circumstances that provided information from a variety of perspectives. For example, some lived in the urban Dakar neighborhood, Yoff, some lived in the rural village of Ndem, and some inside the daaira community of Ndem. These locations are somewhat culturally diverse in their adherence to traditions of dress and behavior. One of the most ubiquitous and important themes is sharing.

Sharing is an important element in the religious and cultural traditions of Senegal, and reemerges as foundational in other themes such as family, and teranga.

One afternoon I arrived at the gallery to find a young, college-aged man sitting with

Amadou, speaking Wolof with him, which I do not speak. When the conversation paused,

Amadou told me that this young man asked him for money because he is a college student and has no money for food. Amadou told him, “Today is not good, but if you come on Monday, I may have some to give you”.

Amadou explained that the young man, who was unknown to him, stopped, most importantly to him, because you should greet older people in the community, but also because

!48 the young man knew that an old man in a shop must be friendly, and as they talked they found that he is from the same region as Amadou. This relationship is important, acknowledged, and provides even more reason for Amadou to help him. I told Amadou that in the U.S., we often attach a stigma to someone, such as a homeless person, that needs help, and even chastise parents for helping their children when they are old enough to be independent. Amadou replied, “No, we don’t call it helping. We are sharing”. This distinction seems important and defines the theme of sharing quite well.

Mor often came after work to the auberge, to join other neighborhood men to watch soccer on the television in the lounge. On the day that Emmanuel Macron was elected president of France, he was in the lounge, cheering with the many other men, along with some guests of the auberge, watching the news and drinking Coke. Most of the Senegalese men there were single, and Senegalese women did not spend time at the auberge because, the men told me, they are busy in the homes. In fact, if women, other than those employed by the auberge came to speak with an acquaintance, they usually stopped at the door to wait for whomever to go outside of the auberge to speak with them.

Mor told me that he was fifteen years old when his father died and he and his older sister quit school to work and support the family. He said, “You want to have enough to help your family if they need something” and he still pays the school fees for his younger siblings. He explained that “Your family might not need anything, but you will have a friend that does. And you want to be able to share”.

Mamadou lives in Ndem, but was in Dakar conducting business for the craft and artisan workshops at Ndem, so he visited me at the auberge. During the visit, he called another

!49 acquaintance, an American woman named Aïda, who arrived at the auberge within minutes. We left with her to visit her work partner, Pape, at his nearby home.

In Senegal, if you enter someone’s home when food is set out, it is assumed you will share the meal. Pape explained further, that when you see the bowl of food, a portion of it is yours, and this is understood and accepted by everyone. This custom is so universal, that many homes have an interior courtyard, or a small room with a door, where the cooking takes place, which ensures that if someone comes to the door while the meal is being prepared, they will not see the food, and the expectation of sharing is removed. Families with very little have a difficult time having extra to share. Pape told me that if I visited him at around 12:30, there will be food and, of course, I will join the meal.

In the villages women cook inside of the small hut behind their home (usually made of grass). It is usually more difficult for women in small villages to have extra food for visitors, so cooking over a gas burner in a small, hot hut is preferable to being embarrassed by not having the food to share with visitors.

Amadou is, like Pape, a Baay Fall, but in keeping with the typical Baay Fall, and because of his economic circumstances, lives with fewer resources. However, Amadou tells me that Baay

Fall tend to eat later because “What if someone is coming? And if you start early there might not be enough for them when they arrive”. He told me this as an explanation and apology for eating so late the day before, when I visited the gallery with a young Nigerian man whom I met at the auberge. My fellow visitor remarked many times that he was hungry and might go somewhere and buy some food. Amadou asked me to explain this to him next time I saw him. While he has little, Amadou regularly thinks of what other people need.

!50 In the daara at Ndem, sharing is also very important. There are several cement block, tin- roofed, “guest houses”, which range from one small room that are usually owned by single people, to larger multi room houses that are owned by the marabout, Serign Babacar, his family, and a few of the managers of the workshops. There are also rooms that are usually available for visitors to the daara to use. Mamadou has a three room house with a kitchen that is a small, detached, cement block room with a locked door, located across the yard from the house. In the daara, the kitchen is usually a small grass hut with a burner for cooking located behind the home.

Even though Mamadou will share his meal, and most of his possessions with anyone that needs something, I was told by his wife, Awa, that sometimes residents of the daara take sharing to a level that can be unacceptable, and she marks some of her belongings with her initials On my first trip we spent three weeks in the daara, and Awa locked our money and passports in a safe in her bedroom, and advised us to keep our rooms locked.

Sharing in Cincinnati

I will use the term sharing, rather than remittances, when discussing money sent home from Cincinnati because, sharing, as a concept, is such an important one in Senegalese culture. In

Cincinnati, project respondents also spoke of sharing, and while believing that it is a very important part of Senegalese culture, some have a more cynical view of the practice, and even

!51 call their attitudes “Americanized”. Farma, a single mother of two who is unemployed but attends school, said that she accepts assistance because she needs help right now, but said that:

“We are hard workers. If we get help from organizations (she is referring to assistance such as food stamps and financial assistance) you have nothing to help your family with.” People “need to get independent so they can help family at home”. Farma lamented that, “People in Senegal will ask for help but not how you are doing”, and even though she is struggling, when she can afford to, she sends money to family in Senegal, which they expect. I met Farma while I was interviewing Cheikh, who was recovering from back surgery when we spoke. Farma met Cheikh when she worked in a hotel and he drove a cab, so they became friends while he waited to pick up fares. While I was interviewing him, she brought him rice and vegetables for his meal, and brought her children with her to visit him. Fallou explains that “If you don't help your family, who’s gonna do it”? He said that everybody has pride, and that “Giving is easy. Asking is more harder. Everyone has pride”. He said it might be hard when you work sixty hours or more and have to send money to family it is difficult, but it is the right thing.

Cheikh is 40 years old and has lived in Cincinnati for seventeen years, was married in

2008 and became a citizen, and divorced in 2017, although he and his wife are still friends and shared an apartment until he moved to Atlanta to live with his brother shortly after I interviewed him. Cheikh has performed many jobs in the U.S., including dishwasher, cab driver, and factory worker, although because of his injury feels he may not be able to work any longer. He instructed me to “google” an incident in which, as a cab driver, he was “pistol whipped” and robbed by a fare. Cheikh says that he has no hard feelings, and that there are good and bad people

!52 everywhere, but he experienced no outreach from other Senegalese in Cincinnati while he recovered from this incident.

Cheikh feels very disconnected from the Senegalese community in Cincinnati. He told me, “I take care of myself”, and that people have not been good to him, when he has been good to them, and said, “I am hurting”. He said that the community should be here for him, especially because he is recovering and unable to work, but they are not. Then he pointed at Farma, smiled, and said that she is a friend and is very good to him. While not part of community in Cincinnati,

Cheikh has a younger brother in California to whom he sends money regularly. His brother works, but Cheikh sends him money, and when I asked why, he said because he is able to.

However, when discussing sharing, Cheikh told me that when he travels to Senegal, which he does at least once a year, the first thing people say to you is, “You live in America.

What did you bring me?” To them, what you give them is more important than yourself. He then waved his hand to dismiss the topic. Cheikh and Farma were the only respondents that admitted to any negative feelings about the community in Cincinnati, or family in Senegal. They also were the most isolated from others in Cincinnati.

I met Faye when he was living with Cheikh after arriving from Dakar. He is a retired gendarme (He describes this as a combination of sheriff and policeman). He traveled to the

United States on a visa that he received to travel to Haiti on a peacekeeping mission after the earthquake in 2010. He is divorced with grown children in Dakar where he owns two homes. He explained that he has a pension, but he makes more money in one week in the United States than he could make in a month in Senegal. He hopes to find an American wife, because, as he said, “I tried to be married to a Senegalese woman. It didn't work”. He also told me that this would be a

!53 way to citizenship, but eventually told me that he would not marry without love. Faye would not answer my question about sending money to his family in Senegal, but he said he speaks with his children often.

Aïssa has three younger school age siblings at home, and her father works “when he can find it”, so she sends money to ensure that her siblings can finish their education. She explained that family is very important. “Even if you don’t have nothing, you have your family”.

Teranga in Senegal

Both in Senegal and Cincinnati, respondents spoke of teranga with enormous pride.

Senegal is known as “The country of teranga”. Teranga is a very inclusive interpretation of hospitality and is an important concept in Senegalese culture, although explaining teranga as hospitality, or reciprocity, is a gross simplification of the concept. Teranga involves opening your door to anyone that comes in, feeding and treating them like family for as long as they stay, and not asking how long that will be. No gift, contribution, or help with the housework is expected by the host. A Senegalese mother believes that welcoming other children in her home means that her children will be welcome wherever they go (Gasparetti, 2011:221).

In Senegal, many people stated that having others in your home for food and conversation elevates everyone, makes everyone noble. Amadou explained that sharing your food is like offering a prayer.

In Senegal, Awa, the wife of Mamadou, described teranga as a negotiation, a sort of aikido, which is a defensive martial art that is focused on reconciliation, rather than winning or losing (Westbrook, 2001:213). She said that your host may want you to leave, and even not like

!54 you, or be angry with you, but as you are leaving his home you will be happy and believe that he cares for you and your well-being. As I was usually an invited guest, I never felt that I was being maneuvered out, although after a meal at Pape’s home, he did explain that he had to return to work, and apologized for cutting our discussion short.

One afternoon in Ndem I ate lunch of ceebu jen with a man named Moussa and his family in their three room, sparsely furnished home. The main room had one chair and a television in it. After the meal, our host went into the bedroom belonging to one of his wives, and returned with a large mattress, which he placed on the floor of the main room. He then motioned and told me to reposé-or to relax, lie down and get comfortable. He then told me to ask him any questions I liked, but when I was finished with my questions, he said, “now, will you answer my questions”? He asked me what I like about Senegal, and because I wanted to understand this concept from many perspectives, I responded “teranga”. It also is a topic that people seem very pleased to know is appreciated by visitors to Senegal.

Moussa had many things to say about teranga. He explained that it means that they will

“offer eat, drink, have a bed-reposé, we will take care of you well”, but said that it was deeper in meaning. It is a way of living, and act of nobility, and different in Senegal than in other countries. He shares his spirit, discusses things, and we share with each other. Teranga is

“Beaucoup de choses”-many things. He continued that Senegal is a country of teranga and that everyone takes care of you-“no paying”, and that “In Europe you have to pay for everything.

Here they will feed you-drink, lodging”. He also told me that teranga, and the interest in aiding

!55 and helping each other is “in Islam”. Sharing with someone who has nothing is “no problem”. He explained that “Senegal puts teranga into application more because we live “in community”.

Moussa said, “When people live together with differences-that’s teranga”, and most other people said the same thing. He also said that “Americans and Africans are the same and this is why we try so hard to have teranga. Americans have problems with black and white”. Our conversation that day included a lesson in Wolof, that Moussa believes is an important part of teranga:

wax ton- conversation

wax tach-the process of everybody getting something out of conversation

During my first trip we traveled to Louga (a city four hours north of Ndem), to spend the day with Serign Babacar and many of his family members and followers, as he was participating in a program to raise funds and awareness for a building project for which he is responsible. We visited the site where Cheikh Amadou Bamba and Cheikh Ibra Fall would stop to pray as they traveled through the area. We went to the home of Serign Babacar’s cousin, also Babacar, and visited with Soxna Aïssa, Babacar, and several other relatives. Here we had attayah (tea) and bisap (sweetened hibiscus tea-very popular in Senegal), while Serign Babacar attended meetings elsewhere. We then traveled to the home of a wealthy follower of Serign Babacar, where we, at this point a party of about twenty five to thirty people, were served lunch. We all ate ceebu jen, then ice cold mangoes, and then attayah was served.

!56 Attayah is tea that is served in small glasses, in three rounds that get sweeter and milder by the third round. It is served with foam on top, made by pouring a small amount back and forth between glasses and then filled with hot tea. Especially when there are many people, this takes quite a long time, because care is taken to make sure that everyone gets three rounds of attayah, and many families have very few glasses, so they are passed back, rinsed and refilled. This is how the hot afternoon is spent by many people in Senegal, however, Fallou in Cincinnati said that he believes the process of making the foam is to take up time, and prolong the visiting. He said that in Senegal, sitting with other men, drinking tea, is a way to feel like you are away from the problems of the world. He also told me that in Cincinnati, people just put their attayah in a travel mug and keep going.

The program would be starting in the evening, so we all were to reposé. Even though

Baay Fall do not pray five times a day, several of the men went outside at some point in the afternoon to perform ablutions and pray. Later, when we were leaving for the program, we went into the hall to slip on our sandals and found them damp and cool. It was very refreshing on a hot day, and the professor I traveled with pointed out, “This is quite an example of teranga. They washed our sandals”.

During this trip I experienced many moments that illustrated themes that I have found in this study, and an important theme was teranga. Mamadou began our day by having us change into traditional clothing that was lent to us by people in the daara, so we would be more comfortable (because we blended in with the others) being in the entourage of Serign Babacar.

Cousin Babacar opened his house to an unknown amount of people that day and there was no

!57 mention of convenience, or inconvenience. If there was a shortage in refreshments, someone quietly ran to get more and we never knew about it. When our large group showed up for the midday meal, our hosts had no idea how many they would need to feed, and yet there was an abundance of food.

That night, as we prepared for our trip back to the daara, Mamadou informed us that

Serign Babacar wanted us to spend the night because it was so late, and as a follower of this marabout, Mamadou, of course, agreed. Our entire group returned to Cousin Babacar’s home for supper at about midnight, and then beds were found for everyone. Every person that hosted us that day was warmly welcoming and full of smiles throughout our time with them. This is teranga.

On our way back to Ndem the next day, I asked Mamadou (our driver, as well as host in

Ndem) about the sandals. He replied that the men slipped on the sandals in order to go outside to pray, and in doing their ablutions got them wet. “That is okay, yes? It is alright to wear your shoes”? he asked. I assured him that it was. Mamadou had told me previously that it was the responsibility of the guest to adapt in order to receive teranga.

Mamadou also explained that making things pretty, like arranging the ceebu jen and vegetables nicely in the bowl, and, as he encouraged me to keep eating, added that food left in the bowl doesn’t look pretty. He also agreed with Moussa that teranga is a “conversation back and forth between people. You don’t reject an idea immediately, you discuss”. I learned to not say “non, merci” when he encouraged me to eat. I would tell him that I am very happy and very full, that the food was delicious, and so plentiful. This is when the big bowl of mango cheeks

!58 was passed around, and I would repeat my assertions that, “I am happy”, and “I ate three pieces”, and “I just washed all the mango juice off my hands and face! I can’t eat more”. Mamadou laughed at me often, but also gently pushed me to keep talking until I had provided sufficient conversation.

Teranga in Cincinnati

In Cincinnati, I brought Senegalese mints and cookies to Farma and her children when I came to interview her. This is not teranga, but the Senegalese in Cincinnati were happy to see that I had brought mints home from Senegal. Most people I spoke with seemed very happy, and proud, when I expressed that I like something from Senegal. However, as I was leaving Farma’s house, she stepped to the kitchen and returned with a bottle of tea and said, “Here is tea for you, take it and drink it later”. This is teranga, since our visit was at a time in the morning that tea is usually not drunk, she made sure to be the one to provide me with a drink for later.

The owner of one of the Senegalese restaurants in Cincinnati, told me that teranga is treating people ‘the way you would want to be treated, in business and in personal life”. I watched a customer in his restaurant who came to pick up an order for take-out, open it and began, loudly, complaining that the meat was “so small”, “that’s hardly anything”. The cashier called the owner in his office next door, and soon he entered the restaurant, where he greeted the unsatisfied man, and assured him that he wanted him to be happy. As the kitchen adjusted the order, the owner, who never stopped smiling, repeatedly told the man, “If there is something you are not happy about, tell us. We will fix it. We will take care of it. I want people to be happy at my restaurant”. The man was laughing and joking as he carried his food out the door.

!59 Aïssa told me that everyone she speaks with who has been to Senegal talks about teranga, and it makes her happy that everyone sees it as such a positive thing. She explained that women used to be housewives and now go to school and work more, especially in the United

States, so there is less visiting. I asked if teranga is difficult because there is less visiting in the

U.S. to which she answered, “No, it is not difficult here. People are very nice.” Aïssa esplained that “A man likes to see his wife “do a lot teranga for people like cooking, welcoming family, taking care of guests”. She pointed out that teranga is in their religion, found in the Koran, and not their culture.

When I visited with Cheikh, because he was recovering from surgery, he was lying on his couch as we talked. When Farma arrived with his meal, he got up, went to the kitchen and brought two plates. I asked if he was expecting someone and he said “You will eat with me”. I told him that I would need to leave soon, and could not join him, but I would visit again with a bottle of bisap, which I later made for him. This satisfied his expectation of our relationship that day, and I suspect relieved him of having to share with me, since Farma brought him just enough food for one.

Before I began my research, I was invited to attend a religious festival at the daara, where my husband and I were welcomed and made comfortable. When they served food, we were given individual portions so we would not need to sit on the floor and eat from the communal dish, which is traditional in Senegalese culture. We were offered fruit, drinks, and when the meal was over, our remaining food was packed for us to take home. While all project respondents in Cincinnati value teranga, and are proud of the heritage of teranga in their culture,

!60 this was one of few times that I was able to see it in practice in the same way or as often, as when

I was in Senegal, because I was not often in the homes of respondents.

Cousins à Plaisanteries (Joking Cousins)

Cousins à plaisanteries was explained to me slightly differently, by several people. In

Cincinnati, Aïssa told me that it is joking between two specific ethnicities-the Serêre and the

Foulani, and said that she sees people in the restaurant joking. She said “It gives people something to smile and laugh about”, and told me that when you know someone’s name it is something you can talk about as soon as you meet, when you know nothing else yet. It is “A way to talk to everybody”.

In Senegal, this explanation was refined by Amadou as the ethnic cousins, Serêre-

Toucouleur-Peulhs, and the Serêre-Diola. Amadou explained, and wrote in my notes so that I would not misunderstand, that one is the Buur (Wolof), Roi (French) or King, and the other is the

Diâme (Wolof), Esclave (French) or Slave. Now, when a member of one group sees the other they will say “Ah, you are my slave”, and they receive, as an answer “No, I am your King”, and many other variations of this teasing.

Others told me that it is teasing between people of different castes, which are still acknowledged although are not used for social stratification. Mamadou, in Ndem, referred to

!61 “clans” when talking about castes. He told me that each name is important, and certain names are still associated with specific castes, for example:

Diop, Fall, Diack and Mbacké are nobles.

Diallo are cattle herders.

Ngom are griots.

Oudé are leatherworkers.

Tegge are forgerons, or metal workers.

Slaves had no last names. Sene is a Serêre name and Diagne is Moorish. If you are a

Diop, and your son is marrying a Tegge, your friends may tease that you are letting your son marry a metal worker. He said that it is important to remember that classes (castes) exist in spite of Islam and are not in the Koran, human beings created them, and that the first written record of castes is in the 1500’s.

Pape describes cousins à plaisanteries as a tension reliever in a similar way that this tacky (French-taquiner, teasing) was described by a man in Ndem. He told me that differences are important. They tease each other, and can live intimately because of teasing. Tacky is part of the reason for peace in Senegal. Later, I spoke with this man’s wife, who also said, “The ethnicities are different, no importance to that. Recognizing ethnicities cements relationships and tradition of Senegal”. Mamadou’s wife, Awa, told me that joking about characteristics of another’s ethnicity is a way to hide animosity.

!62 Chapter 6

Discussion and Conclusion

While the data I collected supports theory (Glick, Schiller, 2003:102) that migrants maintain economic, religious, political and social relationships in their home country, my research does not entirely align with the assertion from Foner (2012:963) that advances in transportation and communication technologies play a role in the decision to remain in the

United States. I was told that “the United States is better for work, and business-things are better here”, in answer to my question about returning to Senegal. Some told me that they may return

(if visas expire) to try to improve things in “my country”, but everyone saw more opportunity in the United States, and this seems to be the most important deciding factor. The ability to talk to family easily may play a role, but it is not something that anyone verbalized to me.

Many respondents came to Cincinnati to earn a better income than in Senegal, and this would allow them to help family in Senegal. This arrangement is absolutely transnational. Even though the family is separated, it operates as a unit in that you still have family to “take problems” and to “share problems” as well as to share resources. The value of sharing with family is definitely as strongly held as in Senegal. I found that all respondents in Cincinnati believe that it is important to achieve enough success to allow the sending of economic assistance to family in

Senegal, even when it is difficult. When children are the migrants and parents remain, the money decisions become their own, instead of their father’s, yet this does not change the value of contributing to the family. This is one way that families (and roles of family members) are

!63 renegotiated, but traditional values are the basis of this adjustment (Foner, 2012; Buggenhagen,

2001).

A participant in Senegal calls this “maintaining connections”. The two respondents in

Cincinnati who attached negative feelings to this sharing are also the two with the least connection and interaction with other members of the community, which supports claims by

Chavez that migrants feelings of connection to the community are related to developing a network of family and friends to alleviate feelings of isolation (Chavez, 1991:272). Although they send money to family, they wish that family would express concern for their well being, and not just what they can send home. A man in Cincinnati adds that while sharing is sometimes difficult, it is even more difficult to ask for help, because everyone has pride.

Family is the first level of community in Senegal, and within a family compound all the elements of community are practiced and modeled to younger generations. Other researchers

(Stepick, 2003:130) found that Senegalese migrant parents often either leave their children with family in Senegal, or send them back to be educated and to avoid “Americanization”. I found that parents were happy with their own ability to teach respect and culture, and that they wanted their children to learn to be American. Unlike researchers (Kane, 2011:170) that show men migrating without their wives, no one I spoke with found that to be a good idea. One man is divorced with grown children, so he came to the United States alone.

However, young women, who would turn over any money earned to their father if they were in Senegal, are also living with less restrictions in other ways. In Senegal they would not be allowed to spend the night at the home of a girlfriend, no dating and no sex before marriage.

!64 While in the United States, Aïssa does what she wants. She goes to clubs, is out late with friends and will date if she likes the man. If she moved back to Senegal, she would return to her father's home and his traditional rules, and her traditional role. This is an example of a value that is held, while the behavior of young American women is mimicked (Foner 2012:965).

Behaviors that are solidly replicated as in Senegal seem to be related to Islam. All respondents reported that they would not drink alcohol or eat pork (prohibited in the Koran), and all but one man with an ulcer fasted during Ramadan and other traditional celebrations that require it.

People in Senegal claim that living “in community” is the reason that the Senegalese culture is one of tolerance and peace, and elements such as sharing, teranga and joking cousins are all important concepts of their culture. However, my datasuggest that in Cincinnati,

Senegalese people value their traditions regarding community, but do not practice all of their cultural traditions when not in their homeland, or they practice them in a modified way which supports Foner's claims (2012:966). I intended to examine how immigrants in Cincinnati recreate or innovate their traditions, and I found that the expression of some of these traditions is not critical to successful integration into their new community. In fact, in many cases, participants reported no difference in how they practice their traditions, in spite of my observations of differences, such as simplified greetings. One man said that people take “what is good in

American and what is good in Senegal”, and in this statement he embodied ideas of blending cultures, or acculturation (Foner, 2012; Gibson, 1988).

!65 According to the data I collected, the importance of respect is one element of Senegalese culture that is not compromised because of location. In Senegal, it is very important to respect parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and even strangers that are older than yourself. The respect you have for members of your family is the respect you should show to strangers. Respect for the history of your family, ethnicity and country is evident in stories told and in the greetings exchanged when meeting anyone-friends or strangers. In Cincinnati, people referred to “African respect” when discussing what is important for children to learn. No one I spoke with wanted to speak badly of Americans, but all, sometimes laughingly, agreed that there is a difference between respect shown by African and American children.

Everyone that I spoke with, in Senegal or Cincinnati, told me that teranga is an important element of Senegalese culture, and is unique to Senegal. Sometimes erroneously described as hospitality, teranga is a “way of living, an act of nobility” with roots in Islam and the Koran.

Taking care of each other and helping them if they need it, is teranga. Sharing food with someone is like offering a prayer. In Senegal, I was invited to many homes and was treated to first hand experience with teranga. In Cincinnati, I visited respondents in their own homes only twice, but both times I was reminded of this important tradition. However, others told me that teranga is “very nice” and even though people are busier in Cincinnati than in Senegal, so there is less visiting, treating people well and taking care of them is still important. A business owner told me that in life and in business, you treat people the way you want to be treated. Although this is a concept that looks, to an outside observer, like it is adapted to the setting, no one was willing to say that it is changed, or is less important.

!66 Greetings, and recognition of connection, are also performed here as in Senegal and even if the greeting is in English rather than French and Wolof, they are just as warm and filled with questions of the health and welfare of as much family as can be listed.

I expected to find that, in Cincinnati, involvement with the community was very important, but what I found was that most people I spoke with are too busy to attend all but the biggest festivals. No one felt that their attitudes toward their neighbors, or other immigrants were different than they would be if they were in Senegal. Traditions of respect and tolerance for each other are not diminished with less contact. Regular attendance at mosque was not as important as faithful prayer, and many have “call to prayer” phone apps that remind them, although some often pray later than the prescribed time.

The theme of living together with no problems is present in all the concepts that I found to be important elements of community. This is congruous with comments from respondents throughout data collection in all field sites. Preserving peaceful relations, respecting other people, taking care of others, and even hiding animosity are values that seem to be ubiquitous in

Senegalese culture.

What my research shows is that the most important elements of culture to most of the people I spoke with are those that recognize and strengthen connection. Each person had a different level of requirement of connection, but knowing family, however that is defined, is very important to respondents both in Senegal and Cincinnati.

!67 Further research in this area should include many more respondents than I was able to speak with. Using a survey to get responses from many people would be helpful in view of time constraints in the lives of migrants in Cincinnati. However, there also seems to be a reluctance to deal with paperwork, so this might not be accepted by respondents. Another possible addition to research on the Senegalese migrant community in Cincinnati would be to look at changes in religious belief and practice due to migration. I did not include marabouts (or followers of marabouts) in my study, and inquiry into this area would be interesting. To conduct further, more comprehensive research with this community, longer-term relationships seem to be necessary, but difficult, to get more ethnographic data as opposed to brief answers to questions asked. In

Senegal, people I spoke with are happy to have conversations with a visitor from overseas, and are often able to find time to speak with a toubabi (white person), and stories are exchanged over three rounds of small cups of tea. In Cincinnati, people want to meet new people and be helpful, but are very busy and their free time is guarded jealously, and tea is served in a travel mug.

!68

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!75 Attachment 1

I. Interview Questions

1. Where are you from?

2. How old were you when you came to US?

3. Are you here with family? How large is your family?

4. Why/how did you come? (family, work…)?

5. What were your thoughts about America/Americans before coming? After?

6. Connection to other Senegalese when arriving?

7. What does the Senegalese community mean to you? (What role does it play in your life?)

8. How important is teaching Senegalese culture to your children?

9. Have you done anything differently (than in Senegal) to fit in as an American? Have you

experienced any negativity because of religious or cultural differences?

10. What do you think a good mix of Senegalese and American culture would be? I this important?

11. How often do you travel to see family in Senegal?

II. Follow up questions (these were asked when and to whom appropriate)

1. How do you spend your time off?

2. What do you miss about Senegal?

3. Do you still own a house in Senegal?

4. How often do you speak with family?

!76 5. Is Wolof important for children to learn?

6. Do you have time for friends/socializing with your work schedule?

7. Do you dress more traditionally when you visit Senegal? / Do you wear caftans in Cincinnati?

8. Do you send money home to family?

9. Do you attend mosque as often as you would if you were in Senegal?

10. Would your retirement pension support you if you were in Senegal? Would you need to find work?

11. Is there anything else that you would not be allowed to do by your father

in Senegal, that you do here?

12. Is teranga as important here as it is in Senegal?

13. Would you be allowed to live somewhere other than with your family?

14. Is sharing, in Senegal, part of teranga?

15. Is sharing food from Ramadan with your Christian neighbors, or them bringing Easter dinner food to you, considered sharing or teranga?

16. Where do you socialize with friends?

17. Can you tell me about cousin plaisanteries? Does it happen here?

18. Where will you go if you are deported? Are you prepared for that?

19. Where do you meet other Senegalese people if not at mosque?

!77