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Home , Alfred Waterhouse, Charles Barry, Deansgate, John Rylands, Manchester, Manchester Cathedral

Journal of Design Hutory Vol. 13 No. 3 © 2000 The Design History Society Environmental Pressures on Building Design and 's Library

Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

The enormous growth of the Victorian city and its parallel pollution problems confronted with great problems. Environmental pressures included denial of light, overcrowding, awkward sites, noise, accessibility and visibility of buildings, and air pollution. Corrosive pollutants were especially damaging to the minutely detailed popular in Victorian Britain. Dense smoke made cities dark, coated the windows and penetrated inside damaging their contents. Basil Champneys, in designing Manchester's John Rylands Library, responded to these problems in an imaginative way that reflected the best of late nineteenth-century solutions. His thoughtful design made the most of available light and the crowded site. He used durable materials and colours that could resist the polluted air, while adopting electric light and air filtration inside. Valuable books and manuscripts were protected with carefully designed cases. Although not everyone was happy with the building, it has remained as an example of a determined attempt to cope with a very aggressive urban environment. Champneys confronted the conflict between design and the urban environment to produce a durable but pleasing library that proved suitable for users and provided secure accommodation for its contents.

Keywords: air pollution—architecture—environmental design——library— urbanism

Introduction continued to form the focus for many historical analyses of society in Victorian . The environmental damage generated by the Indus- The environmental impact on die built environ- trial Revolution in England from the late eighteenth ment was also profound. Although an awareness of century was profound. The harmful impact of rapid damage to buildings by atmospheric pollution was and industrialization was widely not unique to die nineteenth century, it was through- acknowledged. Human and social costs, manifested out this era of accelerated degradation of die environ- physically, for example, in high mortality rates ment that the problem took on a new dimension. amongst the urban poor, provoked some consterna- Damage to the built environment was recognized and tion and desire for change. Those charged with confronted by contemporaries but has tended to be improvement focused predominandy on ameliora- ignored by later historians. This paper discusses the tion of through the sanitary reform of architectural responses to building widiin an urban living and working conditions of the labouring location in die nineteenth century. It focuses parti- classes. This was implemented through local and cularly on Victorian Manchester and on die con- national legislation, which increasingly provided for struction of architecturally significant secular the local administration of sanitary affairs. This activ- buildings including the John Rylands Library ity generated a vast body of literature, which has (1890—9), one of die last secular Godiic buildings in

175 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe the city. The Basil Champneys was particu- central Manchester was comprehensively rebuilt from larly sensitive to the environmental problems in the early 1800s onwards, using innovative building designing urban buildings at the end of the nine- techniques, novel materials to create unique build- teenth century, and has left us with a fine and detailed ings.6 Visitors acknowledged that despite its polluted record of his responses. appearance, it possessed many of the finest and most advanced Victorian secular buildings in the country: 'one can scarcely walk about Manchester without Victorian redevelopment in an coming across frequent examples of the grand in architecture. There has been nothing to equal it industrial city since the building of .'7 Local architects were A result of the mechanization of the industry concerned enough to advocate smoke abatement and and the adoption of steam was the establishment of a incorporated 'the most scientific kinds of fire places system from around 1750. Thus by the time flues and furnace and inventions for the avoidance of Victoria became monarch, Manchester had become a smoke.'8 prosperous -manufacturing town. The cotton industry stimulated the growth of the engineering and chemical industries and the evolution a regional 1 Designing for the urban financial centre. environment Social conditions worsened with the development of slums and industrial chimneys created intense Within an urban environment, awkward sites, over- smoke pollution. By 1808, Manchester was 'abom- crowded surroundings, lack of light and the presence inably filthy', its steam engines 'pestiferous' and by of noise and pollution influenced the design response. 1834 that the town was 'often covered, especially Such problems were particularly acute in Victorian during the winter, with dense fogs . . . there is at all Manchester. Here, buildings were constructed in a times a copious descent of soot and other impurities.' congested environment undisciplined by any attempt Foreign observers expressed amazement at 'the pecu- at comprehensive planning. Space was at a premium, liar dense atmosphere' of the town, its 'incomplete' land prices soared and important buildings were often daylight and the 'curious red colour' of the sky.2 sited in cramped and ungainly surroundings. Corner Manchester's first Medical Officer of Health cam- or irregular-shaped plots caused by the frequent paigned vigorously over the public health implica- intersecting streets meant that many structures (e.g. tions of coal smoke pollution as 'positively injurious , 1868—77) effectively had no to health'. He claimed that sulphurous acid existed in 'back' on which to economize in design.9 Conver- such quantities in Manchester's air that it rapidly sely, some buildings situated on corner plots had only tarnished silver exposed to it in the streets, and the two 'free' sides and combined ornate stone facades sulphuretted hydrogen had a depressing effect leading with rear plain elevations.10 Most were over- to intemperance amongst the labouring classes.3 shadowed by surrounding buildings and visible only This urban environment might inhibit the creation from oblique angles in the narrow streets. of architecturally significant buildings. Indeed, many In response, building designers resorted to a Victorian writers caricatured the northern middle- number of devices, which combined both practical class industrialists as uncultured, bluff and concerned and aesthetic considerations. Iron-framed construc- primarily with personal wealth—a sort of 'bourgeois tion allowed commercial and office buildings to reach philistinism': 'civic pride and civic rivalry among the eight or more storeys in height. Towers were fre- industrial towns of the north was almost entirely quently employed not only in an ornamental capa- materialistic and not aesthetic. The pall of smoke city, but also to provide a varied skyline to the roofs and smuts in itself was enough to discourage any that were frequendy the only visible part of a effort after beauty or joy in the visible aspect of life."* building, to give height and visibility to a confined However, northern industrial towns were not structure and to disguise technical innovations. culturally impoverished and Manchester developed Thomas Worthington's Manchester Police and Ses- a distinct cultural identity.5 In architectural terms, sions Court rose sheer from the pavement and was

176 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library designed to be seen obliquely. It had a tall clock Buildings constructed on cramped inner-city sites tower at one corner, a steep pyramid roof at its centre had to be designed to achieve maximum natural light, and a tall chimney concealed as a minaret tower. but not to deprive older buildings of light. Nine- incorporated a tower into his teenth-century English common law recognized no design for the Manchester Assize Courts. Although general right to light for existing buildings, except he acknowledged that this was not an indispensable where the right (ancient lights) had been acquired by part of his design, he argued for its inclusion on the prescriptive use over more than twenty years.15 grounds of its multiplicity of functions.11 Nevertheless Manchester architects complained that The John Rylands Library, commissioned and the right to light issue constantly interfered •with their financed by Mrs Enriqueta Augustina Rylands as a practice and submitted them to 'frequent amounts of memorial to her late husband, was designed by Basil difficulty and annoyance and expense of their Champneys (1842—1935) and constructed on Deans- employers.'16 gate in the centre of Manchester. The rationale The John Rylands Library site was surrounded by behind Mrs Rylands' choice of site remains obscure. tall , derelict cottages and narrow streets. She wanted to provide a library that would be Some adjacent windows were within four feet of the unsurpassed in the north of England.12 Perhaps, boundary and the site was awkward in shape and therefore, offered a central position orientation [1]. Contemporaries criticized the plot for within an increasingly fashionable part of the city its lack of surrounding space, which they felt unsui- near other important buildings including the new table for a library. They were concerned diat valuable Town Hall. Manchester Council's choice of site for manuscript collections were to be housed in Man- its new building had been influenced by a desire to ; 'that dirty, uncomfortable city . . . [with] not provide a central, accessible but relatively quiet site in enough light to read by, and the books they already a respectable district near banks and other municipal have are wretchedly kept.'17 However, Manchester offices, next to a large open area and suitable for the 13 had few alternative sites and the Library's central display of a fine building. Although Mrs Rylands' position was the best available.18 Basil Champneys site brought prestige to the building, air pollution and later stated that 'he did not so much mind about the overcrowding created many design problems for the site' although a building constructed in an open space architect. 'might perhaps get more honour and glory.'19 Before building began, Mrs Rylands nego- Providing maximum light tiated Deeds of Agreement with her neighbours that fixed the heights of future adjacent buildings. The The desire to obtain maximum natural light in permissible height of any future building on her site crowded surroundings had influenced building was already set at just over 34 feet, equalling that of design since medieval times. French medieval cathed- extant warehouses on the south-west side (Spinning- rals, built without cloisters, hemmed in by domestic field), so as not to interfere with light for properties buildings and deprived of light, were often higher on the north side (Wood Street). This confounded than their English counterparts. In Victorian England Basil Champneys' initial intention to design the concern to provide adequate light took on particular Library to a height of 60 feet. It was suggested that significance within industrial towns and offices had to the Library could be taller at its centre if it incor- use artificial light for many hours on smoggy winter porated an open area around the edges of the site at mornings. The interior of had the height of the buildings that previously occupied to be illuminated throughout the day by gaslight even the plot. This would also allow the requisite light to on comparatively bright days. Some writers argued the windows of Wood Street properties.20 that Gothic architecture was suitable for Manchester Champneys adopted this suggestion into his design and drew parallels between the vertical lines of and set the two towers of the main facade twelve feet French cathedrals which rose above 'humbler build- back from the boundary to prevent interference to ings' and those Manchester buildings which reached the light of buildings on Deansgate. The entrance hall above the warehouses and 'are not so easily dom- block in front of these towers was kept low [2] to inated, but the same principle holds good.'14 allow light to enter the main library behind. The

177 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brirnblecombe

Fig 1. A plan of the site of the John Rylands Library showing nearby streets

PROPERTY 7yas other 7y,4"! WOOD STREET -,7- ! proparnes: 7, / -, I : (REAR) I 1865 719 sq yds 26yds u area z

[JRL SITE]

-r body of the building was designed in a series of tiered steps and only reached its fill width at either end. The ground-floor comdon flanking the buildmg i were only 9 feet high in order to allow light into I; the rooms behind them and the main library side 1 elevations were set back at first-floor level. Because the narrow perspective of the site ruled out anything but the steepest pitched roof, Charnpneys replaced ths with an almost flat roof He perceived these ' actions to represent a 'liberal concession' to neigh- , bouring 'rights to light1." The main library reading room [3] on the first floor, 30 feet above ground and 12 feet f?om the boundary on all sides, gained light and minimized street noise. Visitors to the completed library appre- ciated the contrast between the external 'sullen roar of Manchester' and the internal 'cloister quietude of Rylands'.z2 Charnpneys' design incorporated elements f?om traditional library plans, from ecclesiastical and vernacular archtecture and from the Mansfield ' College ~ibrary." The use of suspended first-floor rooms had previously been incorporated into the design of a number of Victorian buildings in Man- chester includmg Alfred Waterhouse's (1830-1905) G new and in the warehouses. Fig 2. The completed John Rylands L~brary(drawmg by Phhp Such innovative and flexible designs were rendered ,,,dge) Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

during the design phase because Champneys believed they would provide 'the most valuable light in the building'.*' Inadequate provision of high side-light could be problematic in Manchester. The painting over of previously plain glass clerestory windows at Manchester Cathedral in 1845 had seriously dirnin- ished the amount of internal light." Alfred Water- house's desire to maximize light in the new Town Hall had been acheved through adoption of 'bor- rowed lights and skylights', additional dormers and the insertion of some extra windows." Manchester's commercial architects responded to the need for adequate light by adopting the Italian palazzo style which had been introduced to Manchester by (1795-1860) in the design of his Athenaeum buikdmg (1830-9).28 Ths flexible style, in preference to the strictly ordered Classical style, when used in conjunction with cast- iron construction techniques, allowed the main facades of commercial warehouses and office cham- bers to be articulated with unusually large areas of glass and windows spaced nearly twice as close as academically preferred in order to provide sficient internal light.29 Some architects adopted even more unusual responses. House, a nine-storey textile , was designed with a stepped-in and hlly glazed rear ele~ation.~' The desire to enhance and maximize the amount of avadable light extended to the provision of inter- nal-facing materials. One common Victorian re- sponse was the incorporation of areas of glazed white . This device was employed by Water- Fig 3. The Readmg Room of the John Rylands Library showing house at the Town Hall for the facing of internal the Goth~cinterior and provision of light (drawing by Phhp public circulation areas in conjunction with Ju&e) paving containing whte centres in areas feasible by the use of iron-earned construction and where the light was 'less strong'. The use of these brick arched flooring originally aimed at fireproof- materials would not have been suitable at the John ing late eighteenth-century cotton &. The con- Rylands Library. Here, Champneys specified that the struction of commercial buildings in this manner stone employed in the interior should absorb less was criticized by some Manchester architects as light. Ths does not appear to have been entirely appearing unstable and 'top heavy'.24 successhl and the pale plnk and grey 'Shawk' stone of Basil Champneys designed the side elevations of the interior was subsequently criticized for not assist- the Library to catch maximum difFuse daylight and ing the lighting and for requiring more sunlight than opted for high side-light rather than direct top-light usual to be effecti~e.~' on the advice of a local sculptor. The main readmg Another way to maximize access to light was room was lit by oriel windows placed in the reading through the choice of glazing and, again, this con- recesses at 6nt- and gallery-floor level and supple- sideration influenced the design of the majority of mented by hgh clerestory windows ranged along Manchester's Victorian buildings. Design stipulations both sides. These clerestory windows were enlarged for Manchester Town Hall had Included provision Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe for 'the sufficiency of window light supplied an appropriate choice of materials for an urban throughout the building.' The Town Hall incorpo- environment. In , , introduced rated clear glass in the windows of important rooms to the Capital in 1619 and employed on a large scale and restricted itself to lightly coloured tints for the by Wren post-1666 and in the reconstruction of St coloured glazing to maximize light penetration since Paul's Cathedral (1675—1710), became widely recog- 'the sky of Manchester does not favour the employ- nized as the most suitable stone to resist die atmo- ment of deeply .'32 sphere.38 From die end of die eighteenth century, At the John Rylands Library the glazing scheme stone was increasingly used for building facades. took many years to resolve and was hindered by Improved means of quarrying and transportation disagreements between Mrs Rylands and the Archi- lowered die price of this commodity and rendered tect.33 Champneys originally specified that the major- it an economically viable option. ity of external glazing, apart from the stained-glass However, by die early nineteenth century die panels in the principal windows of the north and damage caused by copious black soot deposits on south facades, should be executed in plain white stone facades had been identified as defoliation, 'cathedral rolled' or 'round' glass. This decision was discoloration and obscuration of ornamental detail. based on his belief that it would be 'impossible to get Air pollution became one of die most important too much light surface considering the atmosphere of factors influencing the design of Victorian urban Manchester.'34 Mrs Rylands eventually sanctioned buildings. Architects had to ensure the correct the use of green German glass for the 'lead light choice of external stone during die planning phase glazing' executed in 'the roundel pattern of glass with for buildings. Prior to the construction of the new white borders.' This decision proved problematic. Palace of (1837-70), a committee of Visitors to the Library were 'unfavourably impressed' experts, including die geologist Henry de la Beche, and considered the mullioned windows attempted to find a pollution-resistant limestone for 'about the worst form possible for admitting die new buildings. Their choice of Anston limestone light.'35 It was felt that the glass was not translucent subsequendy proved disastrous and by 1861 Portland enough and that clear glass should have been used. stone was affirmed as die only 'safe' stone for Visitors were puzzled by the contradiction between London's buildings.39 Champneys' obvious attempts to acquire extra light In Manchester, many important Georgian buildings through stepped in side elevations and numerous were already blackened. Manchester Royal Infirmary windows and the ineffective nature of the glazing. (1755) situated in die central area, was A few visitors appreciated the contribution of the refaced in 1835.*° From the early nineteendi century, 'gendy toned' light to the building's religious and the damage to the exterior of central Manchester mystical atmosphere.36 buildings accelerated rapidly and it was recognized mat die vernacular red sandstone could Resisting damage by air pollution no longer resist the industrial and domestic emissions of the town. This altered die choice of building From the late seventeenth century, following the materials. The use of soft red sandstone became adoption of domestic coal burning on a large scale increasingly limited and by die 1870s tough Pennine in England, the damage caused by air pollution to sandstones were the preferred and dominant materials buildings became increasingly severe. Ecclesiastical where building funds allowed.41 Despite their dull buff administrative bodies and architects employed as or grey colour they were perceived to be much 'Surveyor of the Fabric' to national monuments tougher, more reliable and largely resistant to die possessed first hand knowledge of the impact of air disintegrating influence of a smoke-laden atmosphere. pollution on stone. Christopher Wren, for example, This type of stone, which had firstbee n introduced to recognized that domestic coal-smoke emissions from die town in die facade of die Royal Manchester London were damaging and Institution (1824—35), later became die standard 37 measured stone decay to a depth of four inches. material for many of die grand public and commercial The recognition of the damage to building stone buildings in central Manchester and was also compre- by smoke resulted in an increasing concern to achieve hensively employed in building restorations.42

180 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

When approved the important design criterion within a polluted urban decision to build a new Town Hall in the centre of environment. In Victorian Manchester the black soot the city during the 1860s, concern to produce a deposits were so thick that they obscured the faces of building able to withstand the local polluted urban illuminated city clocks, drastically impaired the environment was paramount. In 1868, county jus- growth of vegetation and rendered any attempt at tices complained to Manchester's mayor about the urban tree planting almost impossible.48 The disco- disfigurement of local buildings and the damage to loration of external facades was rapid. At Manchester metalwork and stone caused by the dense volumes of Cathedral, areas of recendy cleaned, restored or smoke from local manufacturers. The architectural replacement stone were discoloured and indistin- competition entries for the Town Hall were judged guishable within a few years so that 'disfigured by on their suitability for 'the climate of the district' and, its blackness ... it has to pay die penalty of its before building work commenced, the Town Hall position in a great manufacturing city.'49 architect and Manchester's city surveyor were A number of mid-Victorian Manchester architects authorised to investigate sample stone types in order assimilated the Venetian Godiic style into their designs to find the most suitable supply for the building.43 and the city witnessed a proliferation of structures The building was faced with durable Spinkwell which The Builder referred to as 'Manchester sandstone in preference to the vernacular red sand- Gothic'.50 This style, propounded by Ruslcin, stressed stone. Waterhouse believed that it was 'a matter of the importance of colourful building facades. Colour great difficulty to find a stone proof against the evil could be achieved by combining different building influences of the peculiar climate of Manchester' but materials and textures rather than by the application of perceived that Spinkwell stone would resist 'the paint, which was considered inappropriate for the deleterious influences of Manchester atmosphere.'44 English climate. The Manchester Assize Courts When Basil Champneys began to design the John (1859—64) by Alfred Waterhouse represented one of Rylands Library, the problem remained acute, so he the firstmajo r examples of secular Gothic architecture knew his building would require special treatment according to Ruskin's principles after Museum 'rendered necessary by the special surroundings of the (1854—60).51 The facades exhibited a contrast between site.' Before selecting the stone he inspected many brick, stone, , and tiles. Thomas buildings in Manchester and discovered often 'the Worthington's Memorial Hall (1864—6) was faced surface of the stone employed had been to some with banding in red, orange and black brickwork and extent eaten away.' He ascribed this to 'the effects of buff stone and his Police and Sessions Court (1867-73) an atmosphere somewhat strongly charged with with yellow stone dressings and orange brick facades. chemicals.'45 Waterhouse's Fryer and Binyon warehouse facade Numerous stones were considered for the exterior (c.1856) was executed in a diapered pattern of two of the Library and Champneys questioned the archi- colours of brick and his Royal Insurance Building tect involved in the restoration of Chetham's Hospi- (1861) achieved its constructional polychromy tal about his choice of replacement stone. Initially dirough the use of different-coloured stone.52 stone was thought 'the best and most However, the polychrome walls of Manchester's effective' for the Library, but this proved unsatisfac- Venetian Gothic buildings fared badly in the polluted tory in terms of durability and Champneys settled for atmosphere. Alfred Waterhouse was alarmed that the the red 'Barbary plain' sandstone which, he believed, colourful exterior of the Assize Courts was rendered 'had every chance of proving durable.'46 This choice black within three years. This influenced subsequent of red sandstone was unusual in late Victorian Man- design policies. The exterior of the chester and the Library was considered exceptional in Town Hall was comprehensively faced with a buff this respect. In 1900, Champneys examined the monochrome sandstone and external patterning con- exterior facades of the Library and was unable to fined to the dark and light grey slates of the roof. find any sign of stone softening, although an inspec- Similarly, his design for Owen's College (1873-96) tion of the stonework in 1909 revealed that it incorporated facing in buff brick for the ordinary required repair in several places.47 walling and very hard light-brown sandstone for die The colour of building facades was an equally main facades.53

181 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

Basil Champneys' study of the facades of Man- from the late , its ideology espoused initially by chester buildings revealed that elevations executed in a group of writers and architects including Augustus light coloured stones soon became drab and 'dirty Welby Pugin (1812-52) and epitomized, by mid- black' within smoky surroundings and that Portland century, in die influential writing of limestone facades discoloured and blackened 'in a (1819-1900).56 streaky manner suggestive of cement rendering.' He In London, die new Houses of Parliament (1838— perceived, however, that red sandstone facades kept a 70), designed by Charies Barry in collaboration with warm tone even when discoloured and noted similar Pugin, were faced widi limestone and articulated in a behaviour in the red brick facades of London build- highly decorated Perpendicular Godiic style in pre- ings. As a result he felt 'rather hopeful' that the red ference to the Classical style. This provoked immedi- sandstone exterior of the Library would keep its ate concern that die Godiic style was not suited to a warm tones. Not all contemporaries shared this polluted urban environment. It was argued diat high- optimism and some suggested that die warmth of level ornamentation trapped soot and corroded more colouring would be retained only in those areas of the quickly dian areas of plain stone 'as if contrived to Library 'less heavily touched by die baneful hand of arrest die fall of every sooty particle contained in a the impure atmosphere.'54 Champneys applied similar London atmosphere' and diat 'Greek architecture is 57 criteria to his choice of motded pink and grey of all others die best adapted for avoiding this.' 'Shawk' stone for die Library interior and believed Charles Barry retaliated by suggesting that any sub- diat diis would keep its colour permanendy. He felt sequent decay would not impair the beauty of die diat die incorporation of air filtration in the Library building since many extant Godiic buildings were 'must do some good though not to the extent he already in ruins. Ultimately, the ornately carved stone hoped' and was encouraged by the fact diat the details began to decay before die building was internal stone of Manchester Cathedral, where there complete. The exterior was 'so frittered away in was no air filtration, had kept a fair colour. Again, details, that in die course of a few years it would be nothing more dian a metropolitan asylum for birds' critics complained diat die internal colour effect of 58 die new building would be quickly destroyed by the nests and soot.' 'fog of Manchester, which would reduce the greys The majority of Manchester's early nineteendi- and reds to browns and blacks.'55 century stone-faced buildings were classical in style.59 From 1839 die Italianate palazzo style was adopted and adapted by local architects for die 60 Finding durable designs and articulation of commercial building facades. These designs had to contend widi die 'black velvety decoration brocade' of soot which 'spread widi perfect and Ideally, external stone had to remain durable and miraculous evenness over all die buildings' and colourful within its urban environment and be which quickly reduced architectural features of Man- 61 compatible with the proposed architectural style of chester buildings to an indistinct pattern. It is die building. However, die type of architectural style suggested diat architects countered diis dirough die influenced what type of stone could be employed. A employment of bold and ornate external ornamenta- design featuring profuse and ornate carving could not tion on die main facades of dieir buildings in order to be executed in hard stone widiout being a cosdy and make an impression through die soot deposits and an difficult endeavour. Traditionally, softer limestones insistence upon surface relief came to be symptomatic and sandstones were selected for external facings of of Manchester warehouse design. ornate urban buildings but diis was not a viable From the early 1860s, die palazzo style was proposition widiin polluted nineteenth-century replaced in Manchester buildings by a more chaotic towns. This dilemma was compounded by the mix of architectural styles and many local commercial changes in architectural taste diat occurred nationally architects began to assimilate die Venetian Godiic of from die early 1800s as the Classical style of archi- Ruskin into dieir designs. Initially it was felt diat this tecture was replaced in favour of die principles of style responded well to die practical dilemmas of die medieval architecture. The Gothic Revival evolved Victorian period. It could incorporate plate glass,

182 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

iron-framed construction, brick, stone or stucco and sides of . Upper parts of the building, facades and large windows alongside technological which could not be seen from the close side streets, advances in lighting, heating and ventilation, but including the clerestory exterior, were constructed in many of these Gothic buildings were very ornate red brick. The rear and side elevations and the 'backs' and detailed for such polluted environments. of the main towers were austere and Champneys When Waterhouse designed Manchester's new reserved most stone carving for the protected interior, Town Hall, he used a Gothic style with limited arguing that it was 'far more important' than the carved decoration and no external polychromy. In exterior.69 their place, Waterhouse created surface interest By the mid-Victorian period, terracotta was being through limited modelled detail, the ordered reces- employed in many building facades. Although some sion of windows, some statues and coats of arms and individuals disliked the 'machine-made hardness' of carved patterning of features which produced a 'hard' this material, it was widely perceived to be more appearance externally.62 This treatment represented a resistant than brick or stone to industrial pollution. departure from Victorian heaviness and Additionally, it was not difficult to produce, it constructional polychromy of other contemporary allowed cheap multiplication of ornament, was Gothic buildings.63 The Town Hall was criticized easily washed and gave permanent colour and texture by some Manchester inhabitants for not being Gothic to exteriors. Alfred Waterhouse was an important enough. Manchester Council's decision to spend proponent of this type of material and employed large amounts of money on a building 'when most terracotta and other 'permanent' materials extensively of its architectural effect would be lost because ruined in his buildings. He recognized that 'owing to the by soot and made nearly invisible by smoke' was also spread of our large cities and the deleterious gases queried.64 However, Waterhouse's design was suc- which our chimneys are permitted to emit, the power cessful and although the exterior was blackened by of resistance to atmospheric disintegration, even in the late 1890s the stonework has not fared too the best of stone most carefully selected, seems to be badly.65 year by year getting less' and felt that with the use of In terms of architectural style, the John Rylands terracotta 'restoration as it has hitherto been under- stood and practised may be looked upon as a thing of Library is unusual. Basil Champneys trained when 70 neo-Gothic architecture was fashionable but under- the past.' took commissions in diverse styles.66 Mrs Rylands Despite the conscious attempts to counter the appreciated Champneys' Gothic Mansfield College effects of Manchester's urban air pollution on build- Library, Oxford (1888)67 and wanted her building in ing exteriors through use of resistant materials, they a similar style. By the time that the John Rylands blackened. Furthermore, although Manchester's Library was constructed, Gothic was considered old- stone buildings received a coating of soot, local fashioned and generally reserved for ecclesiastical and buildings faced with hard artificial or polished mate- educational architecture. Some Victorian critics quer- rials did not weather well either. Dirt collected in ied whether the style was well adapted to the object some places but not others so that unless cleaned of the building and the John Rylands Library came to regularly presented a half-washed appearance.71 be one of the last examples of Gothic architecture in Towards the end of the century, there was wide 68 Manchester. recognition that the problem of stone decay would Champneys' Gothic design responded to the ultimately require comprehensive smoke abatement. cramped urban location of the Library. He perceived Nationally, the pressed for that the narrow site and crowded surroundings would cleaner coal combustion to permit built structures 'to yield an unusual perspective view similar to that stand uncorroded and undefiled.'72 In Manchester, presented by Continental buildings located in mid-Victorian justices of the peace expressed their cramped streets. In consequence, he designed the 'anxious consideration' that Manchester's mayor main facade to be viewed in 'very rapid perspective' improve 'the blackened, sooty state' of local buildings and the sides of the building to be seen foreshortened through enforcement of local legislation and it was down the narrow side streets. External stone carving increasingly recognized that 'the atmosphere of the was concentrated on the main facade and the fronts city ... is antagonistic to architectural work of the

183 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

best kind.' The Manchester Society of Architects provided permanent decorative colour and cleanable urged diat the smoke nuisance act be enforced locally surfaces.76 so diat 'we might have architecture undisfigured.'73 The supply of fresh air, free from dust, smuts, Manchester's City Council adopted a pioneering smoke and odour became important in the design approach towards air pollution and consistendy of prestigious public buildings. Ventilation schemes aimed for improved legislative control of the prob- needed to provide not only pleasant conditions for lem. Its members recognized drat coal smoke was the occupants, but also atmospheric conditions suit- detrimental not only to health but to vegetation and able for die contents. This required a departure from buildings and drat it resulted in excessive cost in the ventilation schemes of Georgian urban public cleaning of buildings and interiors.7'' buildings, which had concentrated primarily on provision of unfiltered fresh air. Architects pioneered combined heating and ventilation systems for a range Responding to internal air pollution of urban building types including hospitals and 77 Damage to die contents of urban buildings by coal- prisons from the early . The earliest attempts smoke penetration was evident from the mid-1600s were frequendy unsuccessful and remained ill suited and became increasingly problematic. In 1710 an to the preservation of interiors. Elimination of odour overseas visitor observed diat the books held in proved impracticable. Furthermore, die use of coal Westminster Abbey library, an 'ugly and smoke- furnaces to induce internal air movement aggravated blackened' apartment, were so blackened that 'one die situation by releasing additional air pollutants. hardly dares touch diem for smoke and dust; indeed, Victorian ventilation schemes influenced building whenever I look at books in London, I get my cuffs as design to an unprecedented degree. They aimed to black as coal.' draw in filtered air at die lowest point of a structure, The of Manchester Cathedral was so smoky warm it and circulate it diroughout die rooms and by 1816 diat its stained-glass windows could only be then exhale die 'vitiated' air at die highest point. To 'viewed widi a good telescope from die inside, on a achieve diis, architects worked with technical advisers clear day.' This situation remained acute. By 1901 it to provide structural space for air channels in die was observed diat 'die mist of die exterior atmo- walls, floors and roof voids. The experimental nature sphere finds its way into the building, and hangs of these designs frequendy led to difficulties between beneath the roof, lending an air of mystery to the the architect and technicians, exacerbated by an whole place, and giving rise to most beautiful effects ignorance of each other's profession. when the sunlight streams dirough die clerestory In Manchester, die local architect Thomas 75 windows'. Worthington successfully undertook ventilation and Within the heavily polluted environment of Vic- warming schemes in several civic and public utility torian towns, the presence of polluted air inside buildings. Manchester Town Hall's scheme was buildings produced increasingly visible amounts of designed by the engineer G. N. Haden in collabora- damage to the contents. This was compounded by tion widi Waterhouse. It included 'fresh' air drawn the fact diat many Godiic buildings incorporated dirough ornamental stone air inlets placed externally extensive areas of highly ornate decoration. In Man- below die windows and admitted behind die hot chester, Alfred Waterhouse and the City Council water pipes and 'coils' of rooms. Fresh air also attempted with 'extreme anxiety' to find the most discharged under die coils in die stairwells and durable method of wall decoration for the new Town circulated through hollow shafts widiin die spiral Hall. He recognized die futility of excessive expense staircases in order to provide fresh air to the corridors. 'considering how soon die painted decorations of At die John Rylands Library a number of schemes ceilings especially become soiled in a great English were tried and abandoned. Basil Champneys fought City' and reserved the most ornate decorations for hard to maintain his authority in diis respect and, in specific areas of die building. The public corridors 1890, expressed his desire to appoint die engineering and circulation areas were lined with terracotta firm undertaking the heating, ventilation and sanitary instead of . Combined with tiled dados, works. In 1895, no fewer than three distinct schemes mosaic-paved floors and stone vaulted ceilings, diis were being proposed by different individuals, includ-

184 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library ing Kemp, the clerk of the works and Mr Crittall, the coke screens sprayed widi water.80 The filtered air engineer, and with constant comment from Mrs was dien drawn over hot water pipes, passed into the Rylands and her adviser, William Linnell. Champ- vestibule dirough a floor grating and circulated via neys advocated the inclusion of air filtration from the floor and wall ducting and vents to the Library rooms. outset. This was initially rejected by Mrs Rylands, as The air filtration and ventilation with no open unnecessary since she felt it was impossible to exclude windows provoked great interest amongst contem- foul air. Consequendy, the first ventilating scheme poraries. Champneys concluded diat he had 'done all aimed to draw in unfiltered air at street level through that he was permitted to do by way of purifying die one hundred small 'fresh air inlets'. air' and felt confident of his scheme's ability to Champneys continued to press his client to adopt withhold external air pollution and diat 'the system air filtration techniques. Following the acquisition of would answer'. It was perceived diat 'widi electric a valuable manuscript collection for the Library in lighting and purified air, cleaning of the glass from the 1892, he suggested to Mrs Rylands that 'It will be inside would be required only at very long inter- 81 very desirable to keep the air in the interior of the vals.' building as clear and free from smoke and chemical The pavement-level inlets subsequendy proved matter (both of which are held in the air of Man- problematic in terms of admitting pollution. The chester) as may be possible.'78 At this stage the ground system also provided non-uniform heating and insuf- floor of the Library had been built with numerous air ficient ventilation. During die first year of operation, inlets. Champneys suggested fitting layered cotton opening windows were installed in many of die air filters into the inlets, installing sealed smaller rooms in response to die presence of damp windows and generating air movement by electric and mildew in parts of die Library, which posed a fans. The situation remained unresolved and, three serious direat to die books. At this point die Librarian years later, he urged Mrs Rylands to adopt 'some reported diat 'die atmospheric conditions of die filtration of die air at each inlet' by jute or hessian rooms have been gready improved following die screens. Water sprays, considered unnecessary as late opening of die windows' and it was felt diat die as 1895, were subsequendy included within the air problem would not recur as long as weekly ventila- filtration system in order to catch the sulphur and tion of die building was undertaken.82 By 1907, a odier chemicals, which the jute and hessian screens 'blackness' had begun to appear at the top of die were unable to trap. vaulting compartments of the main library roof. A The Library design also attempted to render die number of causes were suggested, including die main library room free from contact with the external drying of water from die concrete used in die roof, air. Screen doors placed at the two external entrances ineffective air filtration, die admission of unfiltered air prevented the air in the entrance hall, corridors and through the newly inserted window casements, or staircase from being 'fouled by the opening of die simply accumulated dust. At diis point the problem outer doors'. Internal swing doors between these was not considered serious and it was felt that stone cleaning would resolve the matter widiout causing public circulation areas and the main library aimed 83 to 'preserve die valuable books from injury'. The further damage. control of internal air movement was rendered more difficult by Mrs Rylands desire for a large and impressive entrance hall and principal staircase, Preserving the contents which resulted in die public circulation areas being The preservation of objects contained widiin build- constructed in the form of a large, vaulted and 'airy' ings located in a polluted urban environment was space. Champneys suggested that air could be pro- important. At die Houses of Parliament, in 1850, vided for die main library direct from purifying attempts were made to preserve books in die House chambers situated in the basement, but this scheme 79 of Commons Library from damage by covering the was not adopted. tops and edges of die bookshelves widi leadier, and The ventilation scheme continued to evolve and by cupboarding the bookshelves below table level. die final system, in operation by 1900, employed The design of die Rylands Library also had to electric fans to draw in air at pavement level through contend with diis problem. Champneys' original

185 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

design provided accommodation for 100,000 internally generated pollutants. Again ths was not a volumes. From 1892, Mn Rylands began to acquire uniquely nineteenth-century problem. Smoke and extremely valuable manuscript collections, so emissions fiom domestic coal fires had damaged the Champneys had to revise his design to provide fbmishngs of medieval and early modem dwellings satisfactory accommodation for this type of material. and attempts were made to design stoves and fire- He incorporated four special collection rooms, which places which would reduce indoor smoke. At the housed their contents in sealed bookcases lining the Rylands Library the employment of coal fires for walls [4]. Within the main library, volumes were heating was banned because of concern about damage housed in tall bookcases fitted into the reading that would be caused by the smoke.85 recesses. The Architect visited the Bodleian Library From the early Victorian period a piped supply of in 1893 and the British Museum in 1897 before gas was established in most Enghsh towns and gas finalizing his bookcase design. He adopted the British dlumination adopted comprehensively within con- Museum's preference for metal-framed doon, which temporary buildings. Ths introduced a new source of fitted better and were less likely to warp, and plate- indoor air pollution.86Sir Playfair identified the glass fronts, which resisted scratching. Champneys harmful elements as ammonia and hydrogen sulphide, also admired the British Museum's policy of employ- but suggested that gas scrubbing would render gas ing various arrangements for 'arresting dust' and innocuous to painting and gdding. particularly their use of 'thick piled velvet' as an In 1842, Sir Michael Faraday argued that the efficient seal. He specified 'velvet dust excluding sulphur contained in gas damaged leather bindings Wets' in all the bookcases at the Rylands Library. in the library of the Athenaeum Club, London. Both The rolls of velvet were rendered 'elastic' by the Mrs Rylands and Champneys perceived that the insertion of wool. Fellow professional architects and damaging effects of emissions fiom burning gas librarians expressed considerable interest in Champ- were 'the most htal thmg' in a library. The architect neys' innovative dust-excluding device^.'^ also suggested that gas burning 'took all the moisture One final hurdle for Victorian building designers out of the air and forced the backs of the books off in was the prevention of damage to interiors from an extraordinary way.'" Electric lighting was chosen

Fig 4. The Bible Room of the John Rylands L~brarywith carefully designed bookcases (drawing by Philip Judge) Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

to illuminate the Library as a cleaner and safer influenced by external pressures and, in this respect, a alternative to gas. concern for environment is not a uniquely Victorian This choice of electric lighting was innovative, so preoccupation. However, the transformation that schemes had to rely on electricity generated on site. occurred in the urban environment during this Manchester Royal Infirmary was lit by electricity period confronted architects with a multitude of from an early date, but the new Town Hall did not novel environmental pressures that provoked inno- convert from gas to electric lighting until the 1890s. vative design responses. These pressures included The installation of electricity at the Rylands Library denial of light, overcrowding, awkward sites, noise, took many years to complete and was delayed by the accessibility and visibility of the building and pollu- lack of suitable precedents and the inexperience of tion. Practical considerations had to be combined contemporary electrical contractors. Champneys vis- with the stylistic demands of clients. External eleva- ited a number of London libraries to study their tions had to be functional yet striking, durable yet electric installations. Electricity was generated on colourful. Internal space had to be light, airy and site by gas engines, chosen in preference to steam pollutant-free, and provide satisfactory working con- engines and situated outside the main building 'to do ditions. Architects also assimilated new technologies no mischief and reduce the fire risk. A high chimney into their designs, including electric light and ventila- carried ofFthe fumes 'as the gas accumulated will give 88 tion schemes that we now take for granted. off a considerable quantity of free hydrogen.' The Victorian architects were not complacent about John Rylands Library generated its own electricity designing buildings within degraded urban environ- until 1950. ments. The best were conversant with the issues The use of electric lighting at the John Rylands involved and responded accordingly. This response Library effected an unforeseen alteration in the was not reserved for important buildings. Innovative appearance of the interior. Guests at the Library's design strategies were assimilated into a range of opening ceremony described how 'the exquisite urban building types. This was achieved most suc- work of the interior of the building was seen to cessfully where the client was sympathetic to the great advantage under the brilliant installation of the issues involved. electric light.' Others were not so positive and The design of the John Rylands Library was complained: 'the appearance under electric light is strongly influenced by environmental pressures. At 89 neither so true nor so interesting as by daylight.' this site Basil Champneys struggled to balance the practical and aesthetic considerations of designing a Conclusion library in late Victorian Manchester with the desires of a difficult benefactress. It is evident that he took on Aesthetic responses to Champneys' building were board the broader implications of designing a build- largely positive. Architectural writers, such as those ing within one of Victorian England's most envir- of 77K Builder, thought the building bold and original onmentally degraded cities and that he was prepared and often considered it one of the most remarkable to persist in his demands for the inclusion of elements libraries of its age. Champneys had the rare honour to designed specifically to counter the surrounding speak about the building at a general meeting of the urban environment. Royal Institute of British Architects and he was The success of his design in overcoming environ- awarded the Royal Medal in 1912. Non- mental was a little patchy. Some elements, including architectural praise was also forthcoming and the the ventilation and air filtration scheme, caused prob- first Librarian praised the building. On the negative lems almost immediately and were not entirely side, some regarded it as an expensive white elephant successful. The external and internal stones were and worried about its narrow frontage in Manches- discoloured by air pollution and cleaned in 1969, ter's 'slumdom'. The high quality of the workman- but otherwise appear to have worn well. External ship has meant that it has endured and twentieth- corrosion appears to have been negligible and century comment has also been favourable. It is seen although darkened, the stone has not been exten- as one of the finest examples of the neo-Gothic style. sively patched or replaced. Areas of internal stone that Designers of urban buildings had traditionally been were not cleaned in 1969 remain intensely blackened.

187 Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

In terms of access to light, although the Spinningfield and Culture: Studies of Social Policy and Cultural Production in side has been cleared of buildings, and Manchester's Victorian Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1985; J. Seed, 'Commerce and the liberal arts: the political economy of art in atmospheric pollution has been significantly reduced, Manchester, 1775-1860', in J. Wolff & J. Seed (eds.), The the Library interior remains very dark and the green Culture of Capital: Art, Power and the Nineteenth Century Middle 1 glazing and small electric light fittings are not helpful. Class, Manchester University Press, 1988, pp. 45-81. Some design 'failures' may be due to lack of appro- 6 Specifically its 'office chambers' and commercial warehouses; S. Muthesius, The High Victorian Movement in Architecture 1850- priate technical knowledge during the construction 1870, Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1972, pp. 188-96; R. Dixon period. In other respects, as in the choice of external & S Muthesius, , Thames Sc Hudson, 1978, stone colour, it seems that Champneys was very pp. 10, 15, 120-40, 142-81. optimistic. However, despite all this, Basil Champ- 7 "The architecture of our large provincial towns. II: Manches- ter', The Builder, vol. bcri, no. 2805, November 1896, pp. 369- neys' achievements are impressive. He balanced aes- 79; Thomson, op. cit., p. 349; P. de Figueiredo & I. Beesley, thetic, environmental and practical considerations to Victorian Manchester and , Rybum Publishing, 1988, p. 2. produce a durable but pleasing building that would 8 Thomas Worthington, 'Address of the President', Manchester provide a suitable environment for its users and secure Society of Architects, 1865-1875 Reports, 1875, MLSL, 720.6.Ml; see also A. Pass, 'Thomas Worthington: practical accommodation for its contents. idealist', Architectural Review, no. 155, 1974, pp. 268-74; J. Medland Taylor, 'Address of the President', Manchester Society Catherine Bowler of Architects 1875-82 Annual Report, 1881, MLSL, 720.6.M.1. Norfolk County Council The concerns of the Manchester group (reformed in 1865 as me Manchester Society of Architects) echoed those expressed Peter Brimblecombe nationally by the RIBA (founded 1834) and the Architectural University of East Anglia Association (founded 1847), Muthesius, op. cit,, p. 160; Dbcon & Muthesius, op. at, pp. 10-14. 9 A. Waterhouse, 'Description of the new Town Hall at Man- chester', Transactions of the R.I.B.A., 1876-7, 19 February 1877, Notes pp. 117-36; The Builder, 1896, op. cit., p. 370. We would like to acknowledge DG XII of the European Com- 10 For which many later architectural historians expressed their for supporting this work under the ARCHEO programme: preference. See, for example, D. Sharp's comment that at the contract number 'ENV 4-CT95-0O92'. Watts Warehouse, 'the rear elevation blushing unseen into a 1 For detailed discussion of Manchester's Victorian development, satanic is a fine piece of functional brickwork much to be see A. Kidd, Manchester, Keele University Pros, 1996, pp. 21- preferred to the front', D. Sharp (ed), Manchester, Studio Vista, 32, 103-5, W. H. Sherdif£ Manchester: A Short History of its 1969, p. 23. Development, Manchester Town Hall, 1983, pp. 21-39; 11 A. J. Pass, "Thomas Worthington', in J. H. G. Archer {ed.),Art W. Farrar & J. BrownbiH, A History of , vol. 2, The and Architecture in Victorian Manchester, Manchester University Victoria County History of the Counties of England. Lancashire, Press, pp. 81—101; Figueiredo & Beesley, op. cit., plates 54, 55; Archibald Constable, 1908, pp. 360-408; N. J. Frangupolo, A. Waterhouse, 'The Manchester Assize Courts: description of Rich Inheritance: A Guide to the , Manchester design undeT motto "Pro Rege, Lege et Grege"', The Building Education Committee, 1962, pp. 39-45; J. Men, 'What News, 6 May 1859, pp. 425—7; towers formed an integral part of chemistry has meant to industry in Manchester', in W. H. Ruskin's vision of Venetian Gothic expressed in The Stones of Brindley (ed.), The Soul of Manchester, Manchester University Venice, vol. 1, 1851, Muthesius, op. at-, pp. 33—6; for a Press, 1929, pp. 193-200. discussion of me importance of towers in civic building 2 Richard Holden, a visitor from on 14 May 1808 design, see C. Cunningham, Victorian and Edwardian Town quoted in W. H. Thomson, History of Manchester to 1852, John Halls, Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1981, pp. 166-74. Such Sherratt & Son, 1967, p. 271; the Panorama of Manchester and devices were not unique to Manchester. In London, the Raihvay Companion, 1834, quoted in S. D. Simon, A Century of Central Tower of Charles Barry's Houses of Parliament func- Government in Manchester 1838—1938, George Allen & Unwin, tioned as both a ventilation shaft, chimney and ornamental 1938, p. 36; Alexis de Tocqueville visited Manchester during addition to the original design, M. H. (ed.), The Houses of July 1835 and E>r Cams during 1844, quoted in Thomson, op. Parliament, Press, 1976, p. 103. cit, pp. 333, 357. 12 H. Guppy, The John Rylands Library Manchester. 1899-1924- A 3 Medical Officer of Health Annual Report, City of Manchester Record of its History etc., Manchester University Press, 1924, Proceedings of the Council from November 1880 to November 1881, p. 11; S. Fearnley, 'Trio', Lancashire Life, February 1976, p. 33; Henry Blacklock & Co., 1882, p. 238; Medical Officer of H. Guppy, 'How commerce has assisted culture through the Health Annual Report, City of Manchester: Proceedings of the John Rylands Library', in Brindley, op. at., pp. 113—25. Councilfrom November 1882 to November 1883, Henry Blacklock 13 See the reports of the Town Hall Sub-Committee in City of & Co., 1884, p. 230; Manchester Local Studies Library [hence- Manchester: Proceedings of the Council from November 1863 to forth MLSL], 352 042 M22. November 1864, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1865, MLSL, 4 G. M. Trevelyan, Illustrated English Social History, vol. 4, Long- 352 042 M22. man, 1952, p. 118. 14 World, 29 October 1907, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909',John 5 See, for example, A. J. Kidd & K. W. Robert! (eds.), City, Class Rylands Library Archive [henceforth JRLA], shelf 69, vol. 1.

188 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

15 As defined by the Prescription Act (1832); M. Grant, Urban and almost masculine in appearance'. She vetted all Champ- Planning Law, Sweet & Maxwell, 1982, pp. 325-7; B. Nicholas, neys' design decisions, sometimes acted without consulting him An Introduction to Roman Law, Clarendon Press, 1962, p. 143. and complained about his behaviour. On 10 October 1895, she 16 A. W. Milk, 'Presidential address', Manchester Society of Archi- wrote to her confidant William Luinell that she felt Basil tects, 1865-75 Reports, 1870, MLSL, 720.6.M1. Champneys should be 'made to understand' that 'he must take a more personal supervision of the work' and, on 15 17 Modem Society, 1892, 'Guppy correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78, October 1895, that Champneys was guilty of 'conduct most box 5. extraordinary and somewhat belong in courtesy', 'Guppy 18 Woiid, op. at. It was also suggested that this type of site was correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5. For his part it is perhaps the most fitting location for John Rylands who had evident that he found her frequent interventions very awkward, been an eminent local businessman. Maddison, op. at., p. 239. 19 'The John Rylands Memorial Library Manchester', The Builder, 34 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, post-November 27 January 1900, pp. 78-81. 1889, 'Building correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2. 20 Mr Beaumont, a local land agent and surveyor in the employ of 35 Samuel G. Green of Streatham, employed by Mrs Rylands to Mrs Rylands, put forward the suggestion, 'Deeds and papers find books for her collection, wrote to her in August 1895. He relating to the John Rylands Library, 1889-1901', JRLA, said: 'I do not at all wonder that Mr. Linnell and Mr. Connolly Rylands Family Papers, ORF/3/3/1-16. were at first unfavourably impressed by the roundel glass such 21 The Builder, 1900, op. at., p. 78; B. Champneys, 'The John would be of almost every one at first; it is only Rylands Library, Manchester', Journal of the R.I.B.A., 3rd series, afterwards when the effect is seen in the superior clearness and 22 January 1900, pp. 101—14; Basil Champneys to Mrs Rylands whiteness of the light, that the full reason for the plan is in late 1889, 'Building correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2; apprehended. I hope that Mr. Champneys will like it', 'Plans and elevations of the Library', JRLA, shelf 75, see also 'Gordon Duffy glazing', JRLA, shelf 78, box 2; 'Bookish J. Maddison, 'Basil Champneys and the John Rylands Library', Theonc', The John Rylands Library, Manchester: A Critical in Archer (ed.), op. cit., pp. 230—49. Study, 1905, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1. 22 Observer, 20 November 1909, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1. 36 World, op. at.; Oxford Times, 1 October 1911, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1. 23 The Builder, 1900, op. cit., p. 80; Maddison, op. at, p. 241; J. Sherwood & N. Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Oxford- 37 'Sir Christopher Wren's Report on the Abbey in 1713, to shire, Penguin, 1974, pp. 234-5; for illustrations of Mansfield Atterbury', 'Westminster Abbey: fabrick orders 1699—1716', m College and library interior see A. F. Kerstmg & J. Ashdown, 77K Wren Society, vol. 11, , 1934, The Buildings of Oxford, Batsford, 1980, pp. 174-5, A. F. pp. 15-20, 27-34. Kerstmg, Portrait of Oxford, Batsford, 1956, p. 77. 38 J. V. Elsden & J. A. Howe, The Stones of London, 24 W. A. Royle, 'Presidential address', Manchester Society of Archi- Press, 1923, pp. 35-6. tects 1882-89 Annual Report, 1888, MLSL, 720.6.M1. 39 Report of the Commissioners appointed to visit the Quarries and to 25 Basil Champneys wnBng to Mrs Rylands, 6 November 1893, inquire into the Qualities of the Stone to be used in Building the New 'Mrs Rylands and the John Rylands Library from library Houses of Parliament, Parliamentary Paper, (574), xxx, 1839; sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1. Report of the Committee on the Decay of the Stone of the New , Parliamentary Paper (537), xxxv, 1861. 26 T. L. Worthington, Historical Account of the Cathedral Church at Manchester, Manchester, 1884, p. 46. 40 C. Stewart, The Architecture of Manchester: An Index of the 27 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November Principal Buildings and their Architects 1800-1900, Manchester 1873 to November 1874, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1875, J. H. G. Libraries Committee, 1956, p. 22. Refacing of buildings can Archer,'A classic of its age', in Archer (ed.), op. at., pp. 127—61. also indicate changes in architectural taste. 28 S. Wilkinson, Manchester's Warehouses: Their History and Archi- 41 Local Manchester brick was also extensively used for building tecture, Neil Richardson, 1981, p. 11. facades until the 1870s and favoured by local architects includ- ing Thomas Worthington, Archer (ed.), op. cit, p. 5. 29 H. R. Hitchcock, 'Victorian monuments of commerce', Archi- tectural Review, vol. 105, 1949, pp. 61—74; Figueiredo & 42 N. Pevsner, Lancashire. I- The Industrial and Commercial South, Beesley, op. cit, plate 27. Penguin, 1969, pp. 57-9; H. B. Rodgers, "The face of central Manchester', Manchester Geographer, vol. 9, 1988, p. 38. 30 Designed by H. S. Fairhurst in 1901, see Sharp, op. at., pp. 30-1. 43 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November 31 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, late 1890, 'Building 1867 to November 1868, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1869. correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2; 'Specification of works required to be done m erecting a Building at Manchester 44 Waterhouse, op. cit,, p. 122, W. E. A. Axon, An Architectural in accordance with the Drawings prepared by and under the and General Description of the Town Hall, Manchester, Abel Hey- superintendence of Mr. Basil Champneys Architect', October wood & Son, 1878, p. 6. 1890, JRLA, shelf 81; World, op. cit. 45 Manchester Guardian, 23 January 1900, 'Newspaper cuttings 32 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1; Champneys, op. cit., 1866 to November 1867, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1868; ibid., p. 114. 1867-8, 1873-t, 1874-5; Sharp, op. cit., p. 22; Waterhouse, 46 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, November 1889, op. at., pp. 119, 123; The Builder, 1896, op. cit., p. 370. 'Budding correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2; meeting 33 Mrs Rylands proved an astute but strong-minded client, between Champneys and Mrs Rylands, Jury 1890, 'Guppy described by the Manchester Courier, 7 October 1899, as 'tall correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5; Champneys writing to

189 Catherine Bowler and Peter Bnmblecombe

Mrs Rylands, 15 September 1890, 'Mrs. Rylands and the John 61 C. H. Reilly, Some Manchester Streets and their Buildings, Liver- R viands Library from library sources', JRJ-A, thelf 78, box 1. pool University Press, 1924, p. 13. 47 Manchester Guardian, op. cit.; Annual Reports to the Governors, 62 Waterhouse, 1877, op. at., p. 135; Axon, op. at., pp. 2—3; 1900-19, JRJLA, shelf 80. Post-completion strategies for com- Archer, 'A classic in its age', in Archer (ed.), op. at,, pp. 150—1. batting stone decay included 'induration' of the external stone, 63 See Dixon & Muthesius, op. at., p. 168. replacement of the original stone with another 'more durable' stone and cleaning of stone facades. 64 T. C. Horsfall, "The government of Manchester', Trans. Man- chester Statistical Society 1896/7, 1895, pp. 1-28. 48 See, for example, the report of the special Council sub- committee formed to investigate injury to vegetation in Phillips 65 The Builder, 1896, op. at., p. 371; Stewart, 'Index', op. cit., by nearby industrial works, Borough of Manchester, [copy] p. 371. Proceedings of the Council November 1872 to November 1873, 66 He began independent practice in 1867; see Building News, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1874, 29 August 1873, p. 374; ibid., vol. 58, part 7, 1890, p. 221; D. Ware, A Short Dictionary of 1877-8, for cleaning of city clocks, ibid., 1883-4, 6 February British Architect, George Allen & Unwin, 1967, p. 62; N. Ray, 1884; also G. H. Bailey, "The atmosphere of Manchester', Cambndge Architecture: A Concise Guide, University Studies from the Physical Chemical Laboratories of Owens College, Press, 1994, pp. 90-2; L Stokes, 'The 1912: Physics and Physical Chemistry, vol. 1, 1893, pp. 236-7. presentation to Mr. Basil Champneys etc.', Journal of the 49 T. Perkins, The Cathedral Church of Manchester. A Short History R.I.B.A., 3rd series, vol. 19, pp. 585-92. ami Description etc., George & Sons, 1901, pp 5, 13; Farrar 67 Mrs Rylands requested drawings of Mansfield College Library & Brownbill, 1911, op. at., pp. 189, 224, 228. from Champneys in June 1889, 'Mrs Rylands and the John 50 The Builder, 1896, op. at., p. 369; Dixon & Muthesius suggest Rylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1; that Manchester was the city where the new Gothic style was Maddison, op. cit, pp. 230-7, 247, KenOng, Portrait, op. at., most successfully applied, op cit., pp. 22, 165. p 77; A. F. Kerstuig & J. Ashdown, The Buildings of Oxford, Batsford, 1980, pp 174-5; J Sherwood & N. Pevsner, The 51 Designed by Benjamin Woodward (1815—61) and Thomas Buildings of England: Oxfordshire, Penguin, 1974, pp. 234—5. Deane (1792-1872), Muthesius, op. at., pp. 165-6. 68 British Colonial Printer and Stationer, 4 January 1900, 'Newspaper 52 For illustrations of Worthington's buildings, see C. Stewart, cuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1; Maddison, op. cit, 'The battlefield: a pictorial review of Victorian Manchester', p. 248; Champneys outlined the reasons for his continued foumal of the R.I.B.A., May 1960, pp. 236-41; Figueiredo & employment of Gothic architecture in Stokes, op. cit., pp. 589— Becslcy, op at,, plates 47, 54, 55; for illustrations of Water- 90 house's buildings, see Hitchcock, op cit., pp. 61, 73; Muthe- sius, op. cit, pp. 182—3. 69 Champneys, op. cit., pp 113-14; Sharp, op. at,, p. 29; Maddison, op. at, pp. 246-7. 53 Waterhouse, op. cit.,p 122, The Builder, 1896, op. at., pp. 371, 374. 70 A. Waterhouse, 'Restoration', The British Architect and Northern Engineer, vol. 10, 1878, pp. 97-8. His use of blood red brick 54 World, op. at.; Champneys, op. at., pp. Ill, 114. and terracotta in the Manchester Prudential Assurance Building 55 The Builder, 1900, op. at., p 81. earned him the nickname 'Slaughterhouse', see also Dixon & Mumesius, op at., p. 16; Rodgers, op. cit., p. 37. 56 Pugins' work included Contrasts (1836) and The True Pnnciples of Pointed or Christian Architecture (1841). Ruskin's work 71 In 1924 Reilly perceived that 'Stone in Manchester.. . receives included The Seven Lamps of Anhitecture (1849), The Stones of its soot in a quiet, unruffled way' and blackened in an even Venice (1851—3) and Lectures on Architecture and Painting (1854), manner unlike terracotta-faced buildings, C. H. Reilly, Some Muthesius, op. at., pp. 1-38. The mid-Victonan period Manchester Streets and their Buildings, University Press, c.l 855—75 was dominated by the Gothic Revival architects, 1924, pp. 20, 37, 59. Dixon & Muthesius, op. at., p. 12. 72 Halsey Ricardo perceived diat 'self-denial, co-operanon and 57 See, for example, K. Clarke, The Gothic Revival: An Essay in the public spirit' were the necessary components for die successful History of Taste, Constable & Co., 1928, pp. 141-51; the implementation of smoke abatement, Halsey Ricardo, 'Of antiquary William R. Hamilton wrote a series of letters to colour in the architecture of cities', in Art and Life and the Lord Elgin throughout early 1836 in which he attacked the Building and Decoration of Cities, etc., Rivington Percival & Co, Gothic style, 'W. E. H.', 'Mr. Barry's design for the new 1897, p. 247. Houses of Parliament', London and Westminster Review, 1836, 73 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November vols. 3 and 25, pp. 409-428. 1867 to November 1868, op. at.; Farrar & Brownbill, 1911, op. 58 3rd edn. Parl. Deb. xcvii, 138-39. at., p. 228; J. Medland Taylor, op. at, 59 They included (1802-6), Royal Manches- 74 Lyon Playfair estimated that the pecuniary annual loss to ter Institution (1824-35), Old Town Hall (1825), Theatre Manchester from its smoke generated by die 'excess of washing' Royal (1845), Bank of England (1845) and the Manchester and the cost of renewed painting and whitewashing of buildings and Salford Bank (1836); see S. Macdonald, "The Royal was more than £60,000. This figure was double die amount of Manchester Institution', in Archer (ed.), op. cit., pp. 28—45; Manchester's poor rates, Dr Lyon Playfair, Health of Towns Sharp, op. cit., p. 18; P. Atkins, Guide Across Mancheste: A Tour Commission: Report on the State of Large Towns in Lancashire, of the etc.. The Civic Trust for the North West, HMSO, 1845, MLSL, 614.094272 He4; see also Borough of 1976, pp. 46, 81-2; C. Stewart, Vie Stones of Manchester, Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council, 1843ft MLSL, Edward Arnold, 1956, pp. 16-19, 28-9, 32-3, 44-5; Stewart, 352 042 M22. 'Batdefield', op. cit., pp. 91-3. 75 J. Aston, A Picture of Manchester, Manchester, 1816, p. 43; 60 Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 11; Dixon & Muthesius, op. cit,, p. 130. Perkins, op. at., p. 24.

190 Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

76 Discussions between the architect and Manchester Council sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1; Champneys, op. at., p. 113; about the best means of internal decoration are contained in see also the discussion of Champneys' ventilation scheme in Town Hall Sub-Committee minutes, which are recorded in J. M. Brydon & F. J. Burgoyne, 'Public libraries', The Builder, Borough ofManchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Counal, op. cit., 25 February 1899, pp. 190-2. for 1872-3, 1873-t, 1875-6 and 1877-8; see also Waterhouse, 1877, op. cit., pp. 123-4, 136; J. Trueherz, 'Ford Madox 82 H. Guppy the Librarian to Mrs Rylands on 11 December 1900, Brown and ', in Archer (ed.), op. at., 'Guppy correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5; 'The first pp. 162-201; Archer, 'A classic in its age', in Archer (ed.), op. annual report to the Governors', Annual Reports to the Governors cit., pp. 143-5. 1900-19, JRLA, shelf 80. 77 Dixon & Muthesius, op. cit., p. 16; see also Waterhouse, 1859, 83 World, op. at. op. cit., pp. 425—6 for a description of the ventilating and 84 'Mrs. Rylands and the John Rylands Library from library warming system adopted at the Manchester Assize Courts. sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1; 'The John Rylands Library 78 'Specification of works required to be done in erecting a Deansgate, Manchester specifications and bills of quantities for Building at Manchester in accordance with Drawings prepared bookcases', JRLA, shelf 81; Champneys, op. at., p. 108; by and under the superintendance of Mr. Basil Champneys Guppy, op. cit., p. 92. Architect', October 1890, JRLA, shelf 81; Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, 30 September 1892, 'Mrs Rylands and 85 Conclusions drawn by Mrs Rylands and Basil Champneys the John Rylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78, during a meeting of 30 September 1892, 'Mrs. Rylands and box 1. the John Rylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1. 79 Basil Champneys, 'Notes on the scheme for ventilation and purifying air', 13 March 1895, JRLA, shelf 84, box 4. 86 It was noted, for example, that clergymen often had headaches on Mondays following Sundays spent in badly ventilated, gas- 80 There were two inlets at pavement level in the side streets using illuminated churches, Ernest Jacob, Notes on the Ventilation and electric fans in the south and east basements, and three inlets in Warming etc., 1894 quoted in J. S. Curl, Victorian Architecture: Its the east and west turrets and in the engine room roof, JRLA, Practical Aspects, David & Charles, 1973, pp 66, 92. ibid, Guppy, op. cit., pp. 100—1. The filtration of air through coke screens had also been adopted at the contemporary Mid- 87 The Builder, 1900, op. cit., p. 80. lands (1898), The Midland Hotel, Manchester', The British Builder, 1924, pp. 144-8. 88 William Linnell to Basil Champneys, 25 July 1890,'Buildmg correspondence 1890s', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2. 81 William Linnell writing to Basil Champneys, 6 January 1895, 'Mrs. Rylands and the John Rylands Library from library 89 Guppy, op. cit, p. 23; World, op. at.

191