International Journal of Korean History (Vol.18 No.1, Feb. 2013) 121
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu) and Japanese Rule of Korea
Lee Hyoung-sik (Yi Hyŏngsik)*
Introduction
The Imperial Diet of Japan was a constitutional institution designed to provide support for the Emperor’s lawmaking power. It exerted a significance influence on Japanese rule of Korea, as it deliberated matters related to the budget of the Japanese Governor-General’s Office in Korea and the laws proposed by it. Once Imperial Japan gained control over Korea as a colony, its rulers came to have not much interest in specific details about how to rule it as before, unless there was a serious problem in the colonial rule, as European countries did concerning their colonies. Under such circumstances, the Japanese who continued to have a detailed interest in the country’s colonial rule over Korea and exerted much influence on the country’s colonial policy were the officials (including ex-officials) of the Governor-General’s Office or government-run financial institutions, capitalists who invested in the colony, and landlords. It appears that the members of the House of Representatives were mostly interested in obtaining egoistic goals related to Korea. In contrast, Korean affairs experts (“Chōsentsu” in Japanese)1 in the House of Peers exerted
** Research Professor, Asian Cultural Studies Research Institute, Gachon University 122 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
considerable influence over their country’s rule of Korea by making sober-minded criticisms about the activities carried out by the Governor- General’s Office, in addition to providing support for it. Imperial Japan did not give the people of its colonies substantial rights to take part in political affairs. Civilians’ opinions were little reflected in the way Japan ruled its colonies. Thus, appeals, petitions, and negotiation made through unofficial channels came to have particular significance. Yoshiro Sakatani (阪谷芳郎) was a person who exerted particularly enormous influence on the country’s rule of Korea among Japanese experts on Korean affairs. He was deeply involved in n Koseikai (Fairness Society) of the House of Peers, and carried out brisk activities as a senior member of Koseikai. Sakatani was an elder in Japanese financial circles, including the Ministry of Finance. He had never worked in Korea and had little personal stake in Korea, but the relationship with his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa (渋沢栄 一) made him involved in Korean affairs early. As a bureaucrat at the Ministry of Finance, he was involved in the construction of the Seoul-Pusan [Busan] Railroad and the establishment of Daiichi Ginko Bank, and continued to have interest in the rule of Korea following Korea’s independence movement, in 1919. He served as Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a lobbying organization for Japanese in Korea from 1927 until 1941, and it made him involved in the rule of Korea deeply. However, no research has been carried out in earnest about Satakani with a focus on Japanese rule of Korea.2 This paper attempted to shed light on the correlation between the House of Peers of Imperial Japan and Japan’s rule of Korea with a focus on Yoshiro Sakatani, who was a leading Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers. He was even called “the chairman of one hundred associations.” He really headed many associations, including the Peace Association, the Central Korea Association, the Japanese Rice Traders Association, and the Pacific Problem Investigation Association. This paper checked to see his activities as a member of the House of Peers, his relationship with Korea, his influence and his philosophy on Korea, and Japan’s rule of Lee Hyoung-sik 123
Korea. Relevant materials used for the study include stenographic records of the Imperial Diet of Japan and Sakatani yoshiro kankei bunsho (Yoshiro Sakatani-related Documents) kept at the National Diet Library of Japan.
A Korean Affairs Expert in the House of Peers
Japanese-designated Korean peers were not given a seat in the House of Peers of Japan under the Decree for the House of Peers. During the colonial period (1910~1945), the following Koreans were appointed as Chōkusen councilors: Pak Yŏnghyo [Pak Yeongho] (December 1932~September 1939), Yun Tŏkyŏng [Deokyeong] (December 1939~ October 1940), and Yi Chinho [Jinho] (October 1943~May 1947). There were many Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers who had served as bureaucrats at the Japanese Residency-General’s Office in Korea, the Governor-General’s Office, Japanese government-run banks and businesses, or who had invested in Korea. Table 1 lists the names of the members the House of Peers who were associated with Korean affairs. These names are from Gikaiseido nanajunen shi kizokuin sangin gin meikan [The 70-year History of the Parliamentary System, the List of the Members of the House of Peers]. It does not list all Japanese who held important positions in businesses operated by Japan in Korea or owned land in Korea,3 but it includes most of those who were directly involved in the rule of Korea, i.e. ex- bureaucrats of either the Japanese Residency-General’s Office in Korea or the Governor-General’s Office and chiefs of financial institutions in Korea. Hence, it helps one have a glimpse of the list of Korean affairs experts in the House of Peers. Of the 46 people listed in Table 1, those who belonged to Kenkyūkai (mostly counts, viscounts, and Chōkusen councilors) stood at 14; those who belonged to Koseikai (mostly barons) stood at 8; Dowaikai4 9; Doseikai (affiliated with Kenseikai and Minseito Party) 3; Friendship Club (affiliated with Seiyukai) 4; Sawakai 124 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
“Korean Affairs Experts” in the House of Peers
Name Faction Term Position “Duke” Isaburo July1908 ~ Superintendent of political
Member Yamagata September 1927 affairs August 1918 ~ Michimasa July 1925 President, Kyŏngsŏng Ilbo Kenkyūkai Soejima August 1936 ~ (Gyeongseong Ilbo) “Count” May 1947 Member July 1911 ~ Hideo July 1918 Superintendent of political Kenkyūkai Kodama February 1919 ~ affairs February 1946 Kazumasa June 1917 ~ Koseikai President, Doyo Takushoku Usagawa November 1927 Cho A son of Yuzaburo Kuratomi, September 1941 Kuratomi Koseikai an official at President, Chosen ~ May 1947 (倉富釣) Ginko (the Bank of Korea) Yoshiro January 1917 ~ Chairman of the Central Korea Koseikai Sakatani November 1941 Association An official at the Japanese Yoshinori August 1915 ~ Koseikai Residency-General’s Office in “Baron” Satake April 1924 Korea Member Koichiro July 1915 ~ Commander, Japanese Military Koseikai Tachibana February 1929 Police in Korea Toshimaru March 1914 ~ Koseikai Director, Korean Railroad Fukuhara July 1939 Mitsunojo March 1916 ~ An official at the Consular Koseikai Funakoshi July 1932 Office in Pusan Superintendent in charge of Masayuki December 1933 ~ Koseikai monopoly, the Governor- Matsuda May 1947 General’s Office Atsui August 1923 ~ Dowakai Police Chief Superintendent Akaike September 1945 Kentaro May 1917 ~ Kenkyūkai Minister of Finance Chōkusen Arai October 1926 (Imperially Chuichi April 1930 ~ Superintendent of political Dowakai Nominated) Ariyoshi June 1946 affairs Councilors Mitsutoyo July 1934 ~ President, Chōsen Shokusan Kenkyūkai Aruga March 1946 Ginko Bank Eizo October 1916 ~ Dowakai President, Doyo Takushoku Ishizuka April 1934
Lee Hyoung-sik 125
Name Faction Term Position Kiyonori September 1936 ~ Superintendent of political Kenkyūkai Imaida May 1940 affairs Katsuo July 1934 ~ Dowakai Minister of Interior Usami December 1942 Ryusaku April 1936 ~ Superintendent of political Kenkyūkai Endo February 1946 affairs Heizaburo Friendship April 1928 ~ President, Korea Forest Okawa Club December 1936 Railroad Rokuichiro May 1942 ~ Superintendent of political
Ono March 1946 affairs Shintaro December 1926 ~ Kenkyūkai President, Kyŏngsŏng Electric Obashi May 1944 Kishichiro Friendship March 1914 ~ Vice Minister of Interior Oka Club May 1946 Keizaburo January 1938 ~ President, Chōsen Ginko (the Kenkykai Kato December 1939 Bank of Korea) Jushiro August 1911 ~ Minister of Agriculture, Sawakai Kiuchi January 1925 Commerce, and Industry Chōkusen An official at the Japanese (Imperially Tetsuyoshi February 1913 ~ Dowakai Residency-General’s Office in Nominated) Kurachi December 1944 Councilors Korea Zenzaburo December 1932 ~ Chief, Educational Affairs Doseikai Shibata August 1943 Bureau Kazue March 1914 ~ President, Chōsen Ginko (the Kenkyūkai Shoda August 1946 Bank of Korea) Michiyoshi October 1916 ~ Doseikai President, Doyo Takushoku Sugawara February 1938 Deizaburo December 1933 ~ Chief, Educational Affairs Kenkyūkai Sekiya April 1946 Bureau Ichiro August 1911 ~ Dowakai Advisor to Kyŏngsŏng Ilbo Tokutomi February 1946 Koreshige December 1907 ~ Financial advisor to the Korean Dowakai Nio April 1932 government An official at the Japanese Eiichi December 1922 ~ Kenkyūkai Residency-General’s Office in Baba December 1937 Korea Director, Kŭmgangsan Koi September 1900 ~ Sawakai (Geumgangsan) Electric Huruichi January 1924 Railroad
126 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Name Faction Term Position Kyohei June 1924 ~ Large shareholder, Chōsen Kenkyūkai Makoshi April 1933 Textile Shigeru July 1934 ~ Police Chief Superintendent Matsui September 1945 Shizujiro December 1930 ~ Dowakai President, Keijo University Matsuura February 1938 Tsurukichi April 1931 ~ Kenkyūkai Police Chief Superintendent Maruyama February 1946 Chōkusen Rendaro Friendship December 1912 ~ Superintendent of political (Imperially Mizuno Club January 1946 affairs Nominated) Hoshio December 1933 ~ Dowakai President, Dentsu Inc. Councilors Mitsunaga February 1945 Shunji July 1934 ~ Kenkyūkai President, Doyo Takushoku Miyao April 1937 Tanetaro August 1905 ~ Financial advisor to the Independent Megata October 1923 Korean government Kurahei October 1916 ~ Superintendent of political Doseikai Yuasa November 1929 affairs Toro January 1924 ~ Chief of the appellate court Watanabe May 1939 Councilors Deputy Governor of North Shigaji October 1925 ~ Selected Kenkyūkai Ch’ungch’ŏng (Chungcheong) Sasaki September 1932 from Those Province who Paid a Owner of a large farm (Taki High Kumeijiro Friendship September 1939 ~ Farm) in North Chŏlla (Jeolla) Amount of Taki Club March 1942 Tax Province
* The foregoing is based on: The Diet of Japan, Gikaiseido nanajunen shi kiizokuin sangin gin meikan [The 70-year History of the Parliamentary System, the List of the Members of the House of Peers] (The Printing Bureau of the Ministry of Finance of Japan, 1960).
(Yamagata Faction) 2; and independent 4. By the end of 1921, the number of those who belonged to each faction were: Kenkyūkai 139 people; Sawakai 43; Friendship Club 41; Koseikai 63; Doseikai 27; and Independent 25. Koseikai occupied a dominant position. Those holding titles of nobility were 11, while there are 33 Chōkusen councilors. The number of councilors selected from those who paid a high amount of tax stood at 2. The large number of Chōkusen councilors was due to the Lee Hyoung-sik 127 nomination of ex-superintendents or vice superintendents in charge of political affairs to the House of Peers. As Hideo Kodama (児玉秀雄), who was emerging as a next generation leader of the larges faction, Kenkyūkai, and Sakatani, who was an influential figure in Koseikai, were included, the Korean affairs experts’ were a force to be reckoned with in the House of Peers. Korean affairs experts were widely distributed in factions in the House of Peers and exerted enormous influence on Japan’s policies formulated concerning the rule of Korea. They deliberated the budget of the Governor-General’s Office and Korea-related bill. They expressed diverse views on the government’s policy related to the rule of Korea and activities carried out by the Governor-General’s Office. Let’s check briefly what the House of Peers did about Japan’s colonial rule of Korea. Following the outbreak of Korea’s independence movements in March and ensuing months in 1919, the House of Peers launched the Special Committee for Korean Issues and held a total of eight debate sessions at the committee. Between the end of September and the beginning of October 1919, Baron Toshimaru Fukuhara (福原俊丸) headed a team of the committee members who paid a visit to Manchuria and Korea for on- spot inspections. The committee members submitted a report on the result of the on-spot inspection to Koseikai on November 19, 1919. The report included a proposal on the following to the Governor-General’s Office: 1) maintaining solid strength of the police, 2) watching movements of Koreans overseas, 3) favorable treatment of pro-Japan Koreans, 4) having Japanese officials learn Korean, 5) efforts to make western missionaries in Korea have a pro-Japan attitude, 6) concretization of administrative guidelines (no discrimination against Koreans and amendment to the rules related to graves and census registration), and 7) explaining the purpose of innovation of systems and disseminating the administrative guidelines.5 In June 1924, the Kiyoura Cabinet, comprised of members of the House of Peers, collapsed due to the factions supporting political parties and voices were raised against politicians not directly elected by people, including the members of the House of Peers. They asked for innovation of the House of Peers. In an effort to calm down such criticisms, the 128 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
House of Peers prepared proposals intended for its innovation. Amid such movement, Koseikai proposed that Koreans with titles of nobility be accepted as members of the House of Peers through amendment of the relevant decree in July 1924.6 In the ensuing period, the issue of having Korean aristocrats take part in the House of Peers was discussed at the Imperial Diet in linkage with the planned amendment to the Decree for the House of Peers. Amendment to the Decree for the House of Peers was discussed at the 50th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan in March 1925. A review was made of a proposal for election of the Governor-Generals in Korea and Taiwan as members of the House of Peers with the aim of having them speak for the colonies. At the plenary session of the 50st session of the Imperial Diet, Junkuro Nakamura (中村純九郎), a member of the House of Peers (an ex-official at the Japanese Governor-General’s Office in Taiwan belonging to Friendship Club) asked, “Does the government intend to accept Korean aristocrats as members of the House of Peers? Or does the government intend to appoint the Japanese Governor-General as a member of the House of Peers to represent the interest of Korea? If the government does not have such an intention concerning Korean aristocrats, how will we explain it to Koreans? Isn’t it Imperial Japan’s general view that Koreans should be merged as part of our country?”7 In answer, Interior Minister Rejiro Wakatsuki (若槻礼次 郎) said, “It is premature to accept selected ones of Korean and Taiwanese with titles of nobility and those representing the Shinto and Buddhism,”8 thus avoiding to disclose the government’s official position. In any case, there were many Korean affairs experts who were directly or indirectly involved in Japan’s rule of Korea in the House of Peers, and they exerted influence on relevant important matters.
Yoshiro Sakatani and Japan’s Rule of Korea
Yoshiro Sakatani was born in 1863, in Okayama Prefecture, as the fourth son of Roro Sakatani (阪谷朗廬), a Chinese classics scholar. Lee Hyoung-sik 129
Yoshiro graduated from the University of Tokyo in 1884, and became a Finance Ministry official. He climbed up the bureaucratic ladder by assuming positions like Director General of the Budget Bureau and Vice Minister of Finance. In January 1906, he became Finance Minister of the first Saionji Kinmochi (西園寺公望) Cabinet. (The ministers of the first Saionji Kinmochi Cabinet included Interior Minister, Hara Takashi (原敬), and Army Minister, Masatake Terauchi (寺内正毅)—who served as the first Governor-General in Korea)—Navy Minister, Makoto Saito (齋藤 実)—who served as the third and sixth Governor General in Korea, and Minister of Correspondence, Isaburo Yamagata (山縣伊三郎)—who served as the first Superintendent of political affairs of the Governor- General’s Office.). In 1886, Yoshiro Sakatani married Kotoko (琴子), the second daughter of Eiichi Shibusawa. He was involved in the construction of the Seoul-Pusan Railroad, operation of Daiichi Ginko Bank in Korea, and financial affairs of the Korean government. Let’s check some details about the Shibusawa family. Eiichi Shibusawa’s first daughter Utako married Nobushige Hozumi (穂積陳重), a professor of law at the University of Tokyo. Their first son Shigeto (穂 積重遠), a professor of law at the University of Tokyo, married the third daughter of Kentaro Kodama (児玉源太郎), four-star general in the army. Their third son, Shinrokuro (穂積真六郎), served as Superintendent of
< Pedigree Chart of the Shibusawa Family > 130 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
increased production of the Governor-General’s Office during the pre-war period and then as Chairman of Yoho Kyokai in the post-war period. Thus, Shinrokuro is Sakatani’s nephew-in-law and Hideo Kodama (Kentaro’s first son who served as Superintendent of political affairs of the Governor General’s Office) is distantly related to Sakatani. Third daughter Fumi married Jiro Otaka (尾高次郎), President of Tōyo Life Insurance. Tomo- o (尾高朝雄), a son between Fumi Shibusawa and Jiro Otaka, Tomo-o served as a professor at Keijo (Kyŏngsŏng) Imperial University in Seoul. The fourth daughter, Teruko married Hira Saburo Okawa (President, Fuji Paper), who had also served as President of Amnok Paper and the Korean Railroad and as a director at Korea Land Reform, and was an auditor at Korea Electricity. The Shibusawa family owned Chōsen Kogyo Company9 (owning about 10,000 ha of land), a business specializing in agricultural management. The foregoing shows that the family exerted enormous influence on Japan’s rule of Korea based on a wide range of network of family members in business and academic circles related to Korea.
Major Complaints or Appeals Submitted
Those who Submitted a Date Contents Actions taken Complaint or Appeal Pak Sachin, Min July 20, An appeal concerning Sŏkhyŏn, Watanabe 1924 a situation in Korea Teiichiro, Yaozo Omura An appeal concerning February Lin Xiantang and three the Taiwanese 26, 1925 others Parliament March 2, Kantaro Fujii Irrigation in Korea 1925 July 12, Teiichiro Watanabe, Features of railroad
1926 Yaozo Omura sin Korea August 2, Soichiro Asano, Construction of Delivered to Governor- 1926 Tsuyoshi Seki Inch’ǒn Harbor General Makoto Saitō Delivered to the Ministry of February Treatment of Koreans Cho Pyŏngsang Foreign Affairs and the 1, 1931 in Kando Ministry of Colonial Affairs Lee Hyoung-sik 131
Those who Submitted a Date Contents Actions taken Complaint or Appeal Expression of Hidejiro Yoshida and three Delivered to the February opposition to others at the Incheon Governor- General’s 12, 1931 relocation of the Chamber of Commerce Office exchange to Seoul Relocation of South March 11, Tojiro Kutimoto, Midori Delivered to the House of Ch’ungch’ŏng 1931 Narimatsu, Wŏn Jinsan, Peers. Provincial Office Delivered to the Ministry Provision of relief November of Foreign Affairs and the supplies to Koreans 7, 1931 Ministry of Colonial in Manchuria Affairs Turning the position January 58 people including Pak of the Governor- Delivered to the Minister 15, 1932 Yŏnghyo General into a of Colonial Affairs permanent position Yi Kyuwan, Min Taesik, Rihei Kumamoto (in Kunsan and others), Eicho Mitsui (Senior managing Control over Delivered to the Ministry July 25, director of Funi Kogyo), movement of of Colonial Affairs and 1932 Choji Mitsumoto (Director, Korean-produced interpellation at the House Korean Rice Association), rice of Peers Mitsuo Funakoshi (Director, the Korean Agricultural Association) Delivered to Prime Selection as a Minister Makoto Saitō, March 12, Han Sangryong member of the House Governor General Ugaki, 1933 of Peers Vice Minister of Colonial Affairs Horikiri Delivered to the Ministry December Eikichi Taga, Kantaro Municipal ordinance of Colonial Affairs and 22, 1933 Iijima on tenant farming the Cabinet January 9, Rihei Kumamoto, Eicho Municipal ordinance
1934 Mitsui, Kyosuke Ikari on tenant farming Chairman of the Association January for Promotion of Municipal Enactment of 16~17, Ordinance for Tenant municipal ordinance 1934 Farming, the Taisho Friendly for Tenant Farming Society, Kokumin Kyokai
132 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Those who Submitted a Date Contents Actions taken Complaint or Appeal Opposition to January Yi Hwan, Kim Chunyo, establishment of the
26, 1934 Kim Talyong Showa Irrigation Association in Korea - Delivered to the Prime Minister and the Vice Han Sangryong, Chang February Opposition to grain Minister of Colonial Hŏnsik, Eicho Mitsui, 8, 1934 control Affairs. Husajiro Matsui - Questions at the House of Peers The Taegu Korean Rice Salvation; President Kata, Korean Chamber of March 5, Opposition to grain Commerce; President, 1934 control Pusan Chamber of Commerce; Inch’ǒn Chamber of Commerce March 7, Korean members of nobility Opposition to grain
1934 (telegram) control Opposition to the bill February Taiwan Rice Protection for voluntary control 23, 1935 Association of grains Song Sangsŏk (pastor and Enactment of the law executive member of a September prohibiting minors’ Submitted to the House of society established to urge 1, 1936 smoking and Peers. ban on minors’ smoking and drinking drinking) Lifting the February, suspension of Delivered to the Ministry Chin Hakmun 1937 publication of Tonga of Colonial Affairs. Ilbo The Governor-General’s January, Suppression on Office delivered it to the Song Chinu 1940 Tonga llbo Ministry of Colonial Affairs.
* The foregoing is based on Sakatani Yoshiro nikki [Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary]. The part for 1928 through 1930 is missing
Yoshiro Sakatani collided with Minister of Correspondence, Isaburo Yamagata, concerning the issue of railroad nationalization, and the two resigned in January 1908. In November 1907, Yoshiro Sakatani received Lee Hyoung-sik 133 the title of baron in recognition of his conspicuous role in securing the funds the country needed for the war against Russia. Given his past records, he deserved to be selected as a Chōkusen councilor, but did not become one. It is said that this was because Sakatani got on Taro Katsura’s nerves when he did not accept Katsura’s arbitration in the conflict over the issue of railroad nationalization.10 Later, he served as the Mayor of Tokyo and was designated as a baron member of the House of Peers in 1917. He served until 1941. At that time, Chōkusen councilors at the House of Peers rarely spoke during parliamentary sessions, and they were called “silent” members. Despite such a practice, Sakatani volunteered to speak and made interpellations to the government as a first-term councilor, making other councilors raise their eyebrows.11 In December 1918, Sakatani was inaugurated as an executive member of Saiwai Club, which was opposed to Kenkyūkai, the largest faction in the House of Peers. In June 1919, he played a leading role in the establishment of Koseikai as a new faction against Kenkyūkai and Sawakai (a pro-Yamagata faction) through reorganization of factions inside the House of Peers. He became a leading member of Koseikai. In the ensuing period, Sakatani took a path against Kenkyūkai, Sawakai, and Seiyukai, taking a stance friendly to Kenseikai and the Minseito Party. As a supporter for healthy finance, Sakatani was opposed to Seiyukai’s positive policies and remained friendly to the Minseito Party led by Reijiro Wakatsuki and Osachi Hamaguchi (浜口雄幸), who had been his followers during his tenure in the Ministry of Finance. Following Korea’s independence movement in March 1919, Sakatani carried out activities in cooperation with the Peace Society to prevent the spread of anti-Japanese sentiment in Europe and North America started by American missionaries. At the time of the inauguration of Makoto Saitō (斎藤実), his colleague during his days in the Saionji Cabinet, as the Governor-General in Korea, he sent a long letter of opinion to Saito about his opinion on the rule of Korea, showing that he had a deep interest in Korean affairs. In the letter, Sakatani said that the most important thing that Saitō should keep in mind was to win Koreans’ mind and that it was 134 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
necessary to bring drastic innovation to Japan’s rule of the colony. His proposals included: 1) granting the freedom of expression and assembly to Koreans, 2) revision of the law to simplify the wedding ceremony of both Japanese and Koreans, 3) abolition of discrimination against Koreans in terms of laws and systems, 4) designation of a Korean as the Vice Governor-General, 5) revision of the school education system in a way that could satisfy Koreans, 6) simplification of ordinary administrative procedures through revision of the law and local administration system, 7) transfer of the special account of the Governor- General’s Office to a general account, if possible, 8) transfer of matters in Korea similar to those of Japan, including those related to postal service, telecommunications, voyage route/signals and the like, to the jurisdiction of each ministry of the Japanese government, and 9) merger of the Bank of Korea with the Bank of Japan.12 This shows that Sakatani consented with Takashi Hara’s position for adoption of an assimilation policy toward Korea, as he thought that the special account of the Governor- General’s Office in Korea should be abolished and matters related to postal service, banking, and telecommunications in Korea should be transferred to each ministry, although he was opposed to Seiyukai led by Takashi Hara.13 Sakatani shared a view held by Takashi Hara concerning a need to reduce the rights of the Governor-General in Korea through the transfer of the Governor-General’s administrative rights to each ministry of the Japanese government. As a proponent for healthy finance, Sakatani made a proposal to Naval Minister, Keisuke Okada (岡田啓介), that Korea and Taiwan should be made to bear part of Japan’s defense expenses in December 1932.14 Following the outbreak of the Great Kantō Earthquake in September 1923, during which many Koreans in Japan were massacred by Japanese for no reason, Sakatani took part in a meeting held on September 24 to discuss how to calm down the situation, with the following people attending: Tanetaro Megata (目賀田種太郎)—ex-financial advisor to the Korean government, Motosada Zumoto (頭本元貞)—ex-President of the Seoul Press, and Mitsuie Abe (阿部充家)—ex-President of Kyŏngsŏng Lee Hyoung-sik 135
Ilbo. Megata recommended to Prime Minister, Gonbe-e Yamamoto (山本 権兵衛), that the government should disclose the truth about the massacre of Koreans to the public immediately and take subsequent measures. Later, Sakatani took a part in the Korean Affairs Experts Association, established to discuss measures concerning Korea-related problems that occurred during the great earthquake and issues about the rule of Korea at the suggestion made by Mekata. In January 1926, the Central Korean Society was established in Tokyo by those who had been involved in the rule of Korea in response to the crisis situation in the rule of Korea following the massacre of Koreans following the Great Kanto Earthquake and pending issues, such as the plan for an increase in rice production and the 12-year railroad plan. At first Sakatani took part in the society as a senior advisor and then took the place of Chairman Isaburo Yamagata who died in September 1927. While serving as Chairman until 1941, Sakatani involved himself deeply in the rule of Korea. The foregoing Table 2 is about the people and their complaints or appeals submitted to Sakatani as stated in his diary. It shows that Koreans, Taiwanese, and Japanese in Korea submitted complaints and appeals related to major issues that happened in Korea and Taiwan in the 1920s and 1930s, such as the plans for an increase in rice production, construction of railroads, grain control, relocation of the Inch’ŏn (Incheon) Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans in Manchuria, the Municipal Ordinance concerning tenant farming in Korea, the suspension of the publication of Tonga Ilbo, and the establishment of the Taiwanese Parliament,. Such complaints and appeals were addressed to the Chairman of the Central Korea Association rather than personally to Sakatani. While playing the role of a channel for handling such complaints and appeals, Sakatani exerted enormous influence on Korean society and Japan’s rule of Korea. Let us check to see the relationship between Sakatani and Japan’s rule of Korea in detail with a focus on the issue of relocation of the Provincial office of South Ch’ungch’ŏng Province and Koreans’ participation in political affairs out of the 136 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
complaints and appeals contained in his diary.
Yoshiro Sakatani and Japan’s Rule of Korea
Relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office
At the 59th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan, the members were engaged in a heated discussion about the budget required for relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office from Kongju (Gongju) to Taejŏn (Daejeon). The request for the relevant budget from the Governor- General’s Office was cancelled by the Minseito Party, which was the majority party in the House of Representatives. Thereon, the House of Peers voted to revive it. With the withdrawal of further action by the House of Representatives, the budget was finally revived. Concerning this, Chi Sugŏl (Ji Sugeol) 15 and Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子) 16 have accomplished a nice work of research. However, the studies carried out by the two scholars left something to be desired, as they failed to consider the political topography concerning the House of Peers. This paper intends to check what discussions were made at the House of Peers based on Okamoto’s research, with a focus on the position taken by Korean affairs experts at the House of Peers and what impact they made on the said subject. In 1931, the House of Representatives killed the said budget requested by the Governor-General’s Office and approved by the Cabinet. The action for cancellation of the budget was taken by the ruling Minseito Party as orchestrated by Kojo Makiyama (牧山耕蔵), Naval Vice Minister in charge of political affairs. At that time, ex-Superintendent of political affairs, Kurahei Yuasa (湯淺 倉 平), said to Governor-General Saitō Makoto: “There are not many people well versed about the situation in Korea and many people appear to follow Makiyama’s opposition to the budget. The situation is not favorable to us.”17 This refers to a situation in which the ruling Minseito Party interfered with the rule of Korea on the Lee Hyoung-sik 137 basis of its right for budget deliberation in connection with its plan to have Superintendent of political affairs, Hideo Kodama, resign after appointment made by the Seiyukai Cabinet. It shows a clear example of conflict between party-based politics and the Governor-General. A Korean affairs expert and part of the leadership of the Minseito Party in the House of Representative, Makiyama tried to interfere with the business of the Governor-General’s Office, asking Saitō Makoto to replace Superintendent of Internal Affairs, Kiyosaburo Ikuda (生田清三 郎), who had controlled personnel affairs during the tenure of Governor- General Hanzo Yamanashi (山梨半造). Makiyama also sent a letter to Chōsen Shimbun Vice President, Shirosuke Gondo (権藤四郎介), saying, “Don’t give many useful pieces of advice to Kodama. We will wait until he makes a decisive mistake.” This shows that he was looking for a chance to replace Hideo Kodama.18 When the Governor-General’s Office submitted its request for the budget for relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office (359,000 wŏn) to the 59th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan, locals in Kongju waged a large-scale campaign against the relocation plan. The Minseito Party at the House of Representatives killed the budge request, saying that it might stimulate the Koreans’ sense of nationalism and start a riot and that it was not an essential budget item at a time when belt- tightening was required. Concerning such a situation, Governor-General Saitō Makoto said to Hideo Kodama, “The current situation at the Diet is quite outrageous. It appears as if the country’s party-based politics is put to an end.”19 Judging that the situation was becoming serious, Hideo Kodama made a counterattack, mobilizing his Kenkyūkai, which was the largest faction in the House of Peers, and Friendship Club, which was aligned with Seiyukai. To his counterattack, Koseikai took another offensive. Ex- Governor-General in Taiwan, Takeji Kawamura (川村竹治), who was affiliated with the Friendship Club, said as follows at the Budget Committee of the House of Peers: “As regards the governor-general’s request, which he prepared after checking public opinion, the central 138 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
government should comply with it, unless there is a serious problem. Only that way the country’s colonial rule may be carried out smoothly.”20 Thus, he supported the position of the Governor-General’s Office, saying that the killing of the budget thus requested would lessen the authority of the governor-general. He also blamed Minister of Colonial Affairs, Genji Matsuda (松田源治), saying: “As regards the request from the Governor- General’s Office, the government approved it, but the Minseito Party killed it. You, Mr. Matsuda, are an executive member of the Minseito Party and responsible for liaison between your party and the government, but you did nothing against such a measure taken by your party. Why?”21
Concerning the question, Sakatani, who belonged to Koseikai, said: As the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, I am in contact with influential people in Korea. I would not tell you whether it is good or bad to delete the request for the budget to relocate the provincial office. It may have to be deleted after all. It is the legitimate right of the country’s Diet, guaranteed under the Constitution, to delete a budget item, but it is an important matter in connection with a need for the assimilation of Korea as part of Japan. It may stimulate Korean’s sense of nationalism.22
The foregoing shows that he was neither for the deletion of the budget request nor against it. He was stressing the importance for assimilation of Korea as part of Japan, while expressing his concern over the impact the deletion might have on Koreans, but did not say that he was definitely against the deletion. As the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, Sakatani must have received many telegrams, letters or personal visits from those for relocation of the provincial office and those against it, and thus he judged that he had better stay equivocal, not to cause interruption to the business of his association. The relevant subcommittee of the Budget Committee of the House of Peers finished the heated discussion and voted on March 9, 1931. Seven voted against killing the budget request and four votes for it. Thus, it was decided that the budget request should be accepted. Lee Hyoung-sik 139
Position of the Imperial Diet of Japan Concerning Relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office
Those against the Those for the Relocation Remarks Relocation For cut of the The House of Seiyukai Minseito Party amount of the Representatives budget request The Budget For revival of Takeji Kawamura Masatane Inada Committee of the the budget (Friendship Club) (Koseikai) House of Peers request Hirotomo Akimoto Masatane Inada The Subcomitte-6, (Kenkyūkai); Yoshiaki (Koseikai); Shigemoto For revival of the Budget Hatta (Kenkyūkai); Ooi (Koseikai); the budget Committee, the Takeji Kawamura Michiyoshi Sugawara request House of Peers (Friendship Club) (Doseikai) Minister of Colonial Superintendent of Affairs Genji Matsuda; The government political affairs Hideo Wataru Taketomi (official representatives Kodama in charge of colonial affairs)
* The foregoing is based on stenographic records of the Imperial Diet of Japan
Right before the vote on the matter at the plenary session, on March 13, 1931, Sakatani expressed his opposition to the budget allocation and said: “Matters concerning Korea should be discussed and decided by Koreans. It is regrettable that no representative of Koreans is included as a member of either the House of Representatives or the House of Peers. Members of the Diet and other Japanese politicians need to pay attention to what Koreans feel, giving heed to what I said. It will be a rash action to cut 150,000 yen out of the budget, and it is not right to revive the budget request. . . I am against revival of the budge request. It a matter involving a sum of 150,000 yen, but the moral is that we need to be very careful about.”23 Sakatani said that it was regrettable that Koreans were not represented in the Imperial Diet of Japan and that Japanese needed to pay attention to what Koreans felt. He blamed the Governor-General’s Office for causing confusion by brining the matter to the Diet without listening to the 140 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Korean’s opinions on the matter sufficiently and expressed his opposition to revival of the budget request. At the plenary session of the House of Peers, held on March 14, 1931, the revival of the budget request was adopted, with 166 votes for the revival and 73 votes against it. It was a result of the positive support for the revival by Kenkyūkai, a majority faction in the House of Peers, and pro-Seiyukai Friendship Club in the House of Peers, despite the opposition of Koseikai and pro-Minseito Party, Doseikai, in the House of Peers. The Governor-General’s Office did its best to block the interference of the Cabinet and the Minseito Party in the Governor- General’s rule of Korea, through a coalition with members of the House of Peers, which was a faction of non-elected Diet members. Thus, the mainstream (Kenkyūkai and Friendship Club)of the House of Peers said a definite “No” to the Minseito Party’s attempt to use the Diet’s budget deliberation right to replace Superintendent of political affairs, Hideo Kodama. However, this offended the Minseito Party even further, and Governor-General Saitō Makoto and Hideo Kodama eventually resigned as a result.24 As noted in the foregoing, the issue of the relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office led to a complicated situation, with deep involvement of political big shots, such as Kojo Makiyama (the House of Representatives), Yoshiro Sakatani (the House of Peers), and Hideo Kodama (the House of Peers). To reiterate the situation, the budget request submitted by the Minseito Party-led Cabinet was killed by the House of Representatives, where Kojo Makiyama, a leader of the Minseito Party exerted a dominant influence. Thus, Kenkyūkai, to which Hideo Kodama belonged, engaged in a fierce confrontation with Koseikai, led by Yoshiro Sakatani, in the House of Peers concerning how to handle the said budget. As a result of the final vote on the matter, Kenkyūkai and Friendship Club, which were majority factions, won and the budget request was revived. In the process, the Korean affairs experts served as a counter for complaints and appeals made by those in Korea and conflict of interest in the colony expanded to the political scene in the home Lee Hyoung-sik 141 country. The Korean affairs experts in the Imperial Diet could not make one voice and it led to confrontation between the two Houses of the Diet and between factions in the House of Peers concerning Korean affairs.
Koreans’ Right to Take Part in Political Affairs
Yoshiro Sakatani was also deeply interested in matters related to Koreans’ right to take part in political affairs. He met Min Wŏnsik (Wonsik), a Korean who came to Tokyo to ask to grant political right to Koreans, in November 1919. In February the following year, Sakatani said that he was meeting so-called influential Koreans and asked questions about the government’s basic guidelines related to the rule of the colony at a budget session of the House of Peers. In answer, Prime Minister Takashi Hara said: “We are planning to adopt a system similar to the home country in Korea gradually, including local autonomy, and allow Koreans to dispatch their representatives to the Imperial Diet, a few years later.”25 After Min Wŏnsik was killed by a Korean student, Yang Kŭnhwan (Geunhwan), in February 1921, Sakatani referred to Min Wŏnsik and Lin Xiantang (an activist asking for the establishment of a Taiwanese Parliament), saying that they were nice people and expressed appropriate opinions at the 44th session of the Budget Committee, the House of Peers. Then, he asked about the Japanese government’s position on the political rights of Koreans and Taiwanese. In response, Prime Minister Takashi Hara said that a system similar to that of Japan would be gradually adopted in these colonies and that the government would allow them to dispatch their representatives to the Imperial Diet. In the ensuing period, Sakatani asked new Cabinet members about the government’s guidelines on the rule of the colonies and Koreans’ rights for participation in political affairs at the House of Peers. Sakatani also contacted Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong and discussed Koreans’ rights for participation in political affairs in detail. On November 24, 1926, he had a meeting with Ch’oe Rin for two hours and the two discussed the future of Korea. Then, Ch’oe Rin appears again in 142 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Sakatani’s diary in an entry dated December 20, 1931. To Vice-Minister of Colonial Affairs, Zenjiro Horikiri, who came to visit him, Sakatani referred to Ch’oe Rin’s message and talked about Governor-General Kazushige Ugaki’s view on granting Koreans political rights. According to Satakani’s diary, in the following January, Ch’oe Rin said that he would wait until Sakatani’s recovery from illness when talking about political matters related to Korea.26 It shows that Ch’oe Rin relied on Sakatani very heavily about Koreans’ right for participation in political affairs. In March 1933, Han Sangryong conveyed his hope of being selected as a Chōkusen councilor in the House of Peers to Sakatani, implying that Governor-General Kazushige Ugaki agreed to it. In May the same year, Sakatani contacted many sources concerning the selection of Han Sangryong as a candidate for a seat in the House of Peers, sending a letter to such an effect to the Prime Minister. In 1934, in a message delivered to Sakatani through Min Sŏkhyŏn, Ch’oe Rin said that Koreans wished to join the Japanese military as volunteers, and added that some Ch’ŏndogyo (Cheondogyo) followers started speaking for the Great Orientalism due to their discontent about the discreet wait-and-see attitude taken by their religion for the past five years.27 Ch’oe Rin spoke up for the Great Orientalism from the end of 1933, and announced: “Peoples in East Asia should march forward, adopting Japan as their leading power. For Koreans, in particular, assimilation and coexistence with Japan is the only way for their rejuvenation.”28 In April 1934, Ch’oe Rin became an official at the Privy Council (an advisory institution to the Governor-General’s Office in Korea) through the good offices of Masahiro Yasuoka, Chŏnnam (Jeonnam) Governor, Sugijo Yajima, and Police Chief Superintendent, Kiyoshi Ikeda, and paid a visit to political circles in Japan in June of the same year. In August of that year, Ch’oe Rin organized Sijunghoe, a pro- Japan political organization, with the help of Kim Sayŏn (Sayeon), Pak Yŏngch’ŏl (Yeongcheol) and Pak Hŭido (Huido) and Ch’ŏndogyo followers, including Chŏng Kwangjo (Jeong Gwangjo), and the support of the Governor-General’s Office. He carried out efforts for Koreans’ Lee Hyoung-sik 143 political rights, while checking the atmosphere of the central political circles of Japan through Min Sŏkhyŏn, who was a Ch’ŏndogyo follower and personal acquaintance of Sakatani. In February 1935, Sakatani said to Min Sŏkhyŏn: “Concerning the issue of Koreans’ political rights, I intend to check the merits and demerits of Ch’oe Rin’s view, once he settles on his view. As the political system of Japan, including the central parliament and local council, has lost its creditworthiness. It needs to be reformed. Korea should not follow its footstep.”29 In December 1937, Sakatani discussed Koreans’ political rights with Superintendent of political affairs, Rokuichiro Ono (大野緑一郎) and proposed a way to select Chōkusen councilors in the House of Representatives. In connection with adoption of the special system for Korean volunteers in the Japanese Army in 1938, Sakatani started carrying out activities for Koreans’ political rights in earnest. In his interpellation toward the Minister of Colonial Affairs at the plenary session of the House of Peers in February 1938, Sakatani tried to create an atmosphere favorable to the political rights granted to the Koreans who cooperated with Japan’s mobilization of war supplies. In October 1938, Senior Managing Director Teijaburo, Sekiya (関屋貞三郎) of the Central Korea Association, suggested that a few Koreans and Taiwanese be appointed as Chōkusen councilors of the House of Peers each year as part of a measure for innovation of the Decree for the House of Peers. In 1939, Tsukasa Nakajima, an official of the Central Korea Association, paid a visit to Kyŏngsŏng (now Seoul) and Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong told him that the best way was to reduce the number of members first and gradually increase it again concerning Koreans’ participation in politics. In July 1939, Ch’oe Rin said that inclusion of five to ten Koreans in the House of Peers would meet the expectation sufficiently. A month later, Sakatani paid a visit to the Governor-General’s Office and asked Superintendent of political affairs, Rokuichiro Ono, to discuss the following in detail with Governor-General Jiro Minami: giving special consideration to Koreans rather than Taiwanese on the issue of political rights; enactment of the election law about election of provincial 144 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
representatives; granting Korean members of the nobility the same authority as their counterparts in Japan in the House of Peers; setting the number of Korean Chōkusen councilors at two or three.30 A few days later, Sakatani exchanged opinions on the details of political rights to be granted to Koreans, such as the number of those to be selected as parliamentarians (ten to thirteen) and the timing and the method, with Superintendent in charge of colonial affairs, Sinrokuro Hozumi, and asked him to deliver his views to Governor-General Jiro Minami. As noted in the foregoing, Yoshiro Sakatani kept in touch with pro- Japan Koreans, such as Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong and discussed the issue of political rights granted to Koreans in public. Following the adoption of the system for enlisting Koreans in the Japanese military in 1944, the said issue came to be discussed in earnest as a part of the attempt for improvement of the treatment of Koreans and Taiwanese in political affairs. However, the discussion met stiff resistance from the Japanese government, particularly the Ministry of Interior. The plan for granting political rights to Koreans was materialized, albeit in a limited way, amid efforts made by Korean affairs experts, including Sakatani, and the Japanese Army.31
Conclusion
This paper checked to see the relationship between Yoshiro Sakatani, a leading Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers of the Imperial Diet of Japan, and Japan’s rule of Korea. There were many Korean affairs experts in the House of Peers, who had been directly or indirectly involved in the rule of Korea, including ex-bureaucrats in the Governor-General’s Office and chiefs of financial institutions in Korea, those in financial circles, such as the Bank of Korea or Doyo Takushoku, and businessmen who invested in Korea. They (particularly those who belonged to the Budget Committee or special committees related to Korea-related laws of the House of Peers) criticized or supported the policies of the Governor- Lee Hyoung-sik 145
General’s Office, while deliberating on the Governor-General’s Office’s budget and laws enacted by it. Koreans attempted to engage in lobbying activities, such as complaints or appeals, through an informal network of these Korean affairs experts. Sakatani had not maintained direct relationships with Korea, but came to be involved in Korean affairs due to his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa, who made lots of investments in Korea. As a proponent of the policy for gradual assimilation between Korea and Japan, Sakatani held a view that matters concerning finance, banking, telecommunications, and postal service, which were under the control of the Governor-General’s Office, should be transferred to the relevant ministries of the home government. His view was quite similar to that of Interior Minister Takashi Hara, who intended to restrict the Governor-General’s administrative rights and reinforce the government’s control over the Governor-General’s Office. Upon Sakatani’s inauguration as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a lobbyist organization for Japanese in Korea, both Koreans and Japanese in Korea, asked him to settle the following problems for them: a plan for an increase of rice production, construction of railroads, rice/grain control, relocation of the Inch’ŏn Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans in Manchuria, the municipal ordinance on tenant farming, and suspension of publication of Tonga Ilbo. Sakatani tried to stabilize the rule of Korea by accommodating such complaints and appeals by mitigating the confrontation between colonists and the people in the colony, where the public opinion was little heeded due to the lack of political rights granted to Koreans. In addition, he spoke up for the interest of Japanese in Korea or Japanese investing in Korea in such matters as a plan for an increase in rice production, the construction of railroads, and the control of rice/grains produced in Korea in Japanese political circles. This paper selected subjects, such as political rights granted to Koreans and relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office, as concrete cases in its attempt to shed light on the relationship between Satatani and Japan’s rule of Korea. Sakatani asked Cabinet members to settle the issue concerning 146 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Koreans’ political rights, while making interpellation on the rule of Korea at sessions of the Imperial Diet of Japan. He also discussed the said subject in public and consulted it with the Governor-General’s Office, while contacting pro-Japan Koreans, such as Ch’oe Rin, Pak Yŏngch’ŏl, and Han Sangryong, through informal channels. When the budget request for relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office submitted by the Cabinet led by the Minseito Party was killed by the House of Representatives, where Kojo Makiyama, a leader of the Minseito Party exerted a dominant influence, the mainstream (Kenkyūkai and Friendship Club) of the House of Peers insisted that the budget request should be revived. On the matter, Sakatani, who led Koseikai, said that the budget request should be deleted not to annoy the relevant Korean locals, but the mainstream of the House of Peers won the ballot and thus the budget request was revived. On the matter, the Korean affairs experts served as a channel for complaints or appeals submitted from Korea. Conflicts in the colony led to confusion in political circles in the home country due to personal interests of the Korean affairs experts in the Imperial Diet. The issue of relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office became a symbolic event in which a political issue in the colony extended to the political circles of Japan through the activation of the informal lobbying channel of Koreans and Japanese in Korea. Sakatani came to be deeply involved in the rule of Korea and affairs concerning Korea by making efforts to settle the complaints and appeals that he received as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association by exerting his influence on the Imperial Diet of Japan and the Cabinet.
Notes :
1 The term “Chōsentsu,” along with Shinatsu (Chinese affairs experts), was widely used by the mass media at that time. In this paper, the term Chōsentsu or Korean affairs experts refers to Japanese who were directly or indirectly Lee Hyoung-sik 147
involved in the colonial rule of Korea or those with expert knowledge on Korea, including bureaucrats of the Governor-General’s Office, officials of the government-run banks or businesses, scholars, journalists, business people, and landowners. As for the case of France, the people of its colonies were given the right to take part in politics. Parliamentarians, bureaucrats, capitalists, and landowners from colonies established the Colonial Party. They spoke for the rights of the people of the colonies and carried out lobbying activities toward the French Parliament or government. Concerning colonial parties and colony-related lobbies, see C. M. Andrew and A. S. Kanya- Forstner, “The French ‘Colonial Party’: Its Composition, Aims and Influence, 1885-1914,” The Historical Journal 14-1 (1971). See also, Stuart Michael Persell, The French Colonial Lobby, 1889-1938 (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1983). 2 Studies that focused on Sakatani as a financial adviser for Chinese financial affairs include: Ichio Kawamura (河村一夫), “Chūgoku heisei kaikaku o megutte no Ssakatani Yoshiro·Liang Shiyi kaidan ni tsuite” [On the Yoshiro Sakatani-Liang Shiyi Meeting about a Need for Reform of the Chinese Currency System], Seijikeizaishigaku 157 (June 1979); Keirei (奚伶), “Okura kanryo Sakatani Yoshiro no 1908, 1918 nen no Chūgoku homon” [Financial Ministry Official Yoshiro Sakatani’s Visits to China in 1908 and 1918], Senriyama bungaku ronshu 84 (September 2010); Lee Hyŏngsik, “Senzenki ni okeru chuo Chōsen kyokai no kiseki” [Activities Carried out by the Central Korea Society in the Pre-war Period], Chōsen gakuho 204 (July 2007); Lee Hyŏngsik, “Minami Jiro sotoku jidai ni okeru chuo Chōsen kyokai” [The Central Korea Society During the Governorship of Jiro Minami], Nihon rekishi 720 (May 2009). 3 Many Japanese who invested or owned land in Korea also invested or owned land elsewhere. Thus, those who invested or owned land in Korea were not all Korean affairs experts. 4 Sawakai was succeeded by Chōkusen councilors, a majority of whom were ex-bureaucrats. They held anti-Seiyukai or anti-Kenkyūkai attitudes and carried out activities as a detached force of the Minseito Party at the House of Peers, along with Doseikai. 5 Kenichi Kondo (近藤釼一), “Banzai sojo jiken: San·ichi undo” [A Large Number of Koreans Shouting “Long Live the Country!” Across the Country in March 1919] 2, Chosŏn Saryo P’yŏnch’anhoe (1964), 33-34. 148 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
6 Maeil sinbo, July 11, 1924. 7 Stenographic record No. 22 Concerning the 50th session of the House of Peers, March 10, 1925, http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/050/0060/ ain.html. 8 Maeil sinbo, March 12, 1925. 9 Major stakeholders of Chōsen Kogyo Company included Shibusawa Dozoku Gaisha, Toyo Life Insurance, Odaka Gomei, Jinju Life Insurance, Wada Shokusan, Daiichi Life Insurance, and Fusataro Hazama, Okuragumi. Concerning the form of major stakeholders in Korea, read: Asada Kyoji (浅田 喬二), Zoho Nihon teikokushugi to kyu shokuminchi jinushisei [Japanese Imperialism and the Olden-day Landlord-based Colonial Land System], (Tokyo: Ryukei Shosha, 1989); and Ha Chiyŏn, Ilche ha singminji chijuje yŏn’gu [A Study of Landlord-based Colonial Land System] (Seoul: Hyean, 2010). 10 Reijiro Wakatsuki (若槻礼次郎), Kofuankaikoroku: Meiji, Taisho, Showa seikai hishi wakatsuki reijiro jiden [Kofuan Kaikoroku (Memoir): Secret History Concerning the Meiji, Taishō, and Shōwa Periods] (Tokyo: Yomiuri Shimbunsha, 1950), 121-122. 11 The Late Baron Sakatani Memorial Program Association (故阪谷子爵記念事業 会), Sakatani Yoshiro den [The Biography of Yoshiro Sakatani] (1951), 462- 465. 12 Yoshiro Sakatani, Letter to Saitō Makoto, August 14, 1919, Saitō Makoto kankei bunsho [Saitō Makoto Related Documents] (Tokyo: National Diet Library of Japan), 812-15. 13 Concerning Takashi Hara’s view on an assimilation policy toward Korea, see: Haruyama Meitetsu (春山明哲), Kindai Nihon to Taiwan: Musha jiken· shokuminchi tochi seisaku no kenkyu [Modern Japan and Taiwan: A Study of Musha Jiken and the Country’s Colonial Policy] (Tokyo: Fujiwara Shōten, 2008). 14 “Sakatani Yoshiro nikki” [Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary], December 27, 1932, National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan. 15 Chi Sugŏl, “Ilche ha Kongju chiyŏk yuji chiptan ŭi toch’ŏng ijŏn pandae undong” [The Opposition of Local Leaders in Kongju to Relocation of the Provincial Office During the Colonial Period (November 1930 ~ October 1932)], Yŏksa wa hyŏnsil 20 (1996). 16 Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子), “Sotoku seiji to seito seiji － Nidai seito no Lee Hyoung-sik 149
sotoku jinji to sotokufukansei·yosan” [Governor-General led Politics and Party-based Politics – The Way the Two Leading Political Parties Handled the Selection of the Governor-General and the System of the Governor-General and Budget], Chōsenshi kenkyūkai rombunshu 38 (January 2000). 17 Kurahei Yuasa, Leter to Saitō Makoto, February 5, 1931, Saitō Makoto kankei bunsho [Saitō Makoto Related Documents], National Diet Library of Japan, Tokyo, 1592-15. 18 “Shirosuke Gondo’s letter dated July 23, 1929 addressed to Matsuie Abe” in Kodama Kodama kankei bunsho (Tokyo: Shōyūgu Gakubu, 2010), 114. 19 Saitō Makoto, “Letter to Hideo Kodama,” February 8, 1931, Kensei shiryoshitsu shushu bunsho [Documents Collected by the Office of Constitutional Government-related Materials], 90-10-9, National Diet Library of Japan, Tokyo. 20 Stenographic records No.8 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the 59th session of the House of Peers dated February 27, 1931, http:// teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html. 21 Stenographic records No. 10 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the 59th session of the House of Peers dated March 1, 1931, http://teikokugikai- i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html. 22 Stenographic records No. 12 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the 59th session of the House of Peers dated March 3, 1931, http://teikokugikai- i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html. 23 Stenographic records No. 32 concerning the 59th session of the House of Peers dated March 13, 1931, http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizok uin/059/0060/main.html. 24 Makiko Okamoto, op. cited. 25 Stenographic records No. 2 concerning the meeting of the Budge Committee meeting of the 42th session of the House of Peers dated February 20, 1920,http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/042/0080/main.html. 26 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated January 11, 1932, National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan. 27 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated February 17, 1934, National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan. 28 Kim Miyŏng, “Ch’ŏndogyo sinp’a ŭi minjok chonggyo hoebok undong kwa panghyang chŏnhwan nolli” [Ch’ŏndo Religion Followers’ Campaign to Resume Its Position as Korean Nation’s Leading Religion and Logics Adopted 150 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
by Them for Conversion of Direction], Han’guk kŭnhyŏndae yŏn’gu 54 (September 2010); Chŏng Yongsŏ, “1930-nyŏndae Ch’ŏndogyo seryŏk ŭi chŏngch’i undongnon kwa Sijunghoe ch’amyŏ” [Ch’ŏndogyoFaction’s Political Movement and Their Participation in Pro-Japan Association Sijunghoe in the 1930s] Han’guk minjok undongsa yŏn’gu 68 (September 2011). 29 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated February 18, 1935, National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan. 30 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated August 21, 1939, National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan. 31 Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子). “Ajia·Taiheiyo senso makki ni okeru Chōsenjin·Taiwanjin sanseiken mondai” [The Issue of Political Rights for Koreans and Taiwanese Toward the End of the Pacific War], Nihonshi kenkyū 401 (January 1996).
†
Submission Date: 2012. 12. 27. Completion Date of Review: 2013. 1. 7. Accepted: 2013. 1. 19. Lee Hyoung-sik 151
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu) and Japanese Rule of Korea
Lee Hyoung-sik
This paper checks to see the relationship between Yoshiro Sakatani, a leading Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers, and Japan’s rule of Korea. There were many Korean affairs experts in the House of Peers, who had been directly or indirectly involved in the rule of Korea, including ex-bureaucrats in the Governor- General’s Office, chiefs of financial institutions in Korea, those in financial circles, such as the Bank of Korea or Doyo Takushoku, and businessmen who invested in Korea. They criticized or supported the policies of the Governor-General’s Office, while deliberating on the Governor-General’s Office’s budget and laws enacted by it. Koreans attempted to engage in lobbying activities, such as complaints or appeals, through an informal network of these Korean affairs experts. Sakatani had not maintained direct relationships with Korea, but came to be involved in Korean affairs due to his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa, who made lots of investments in Korea. As a proponent of the policy for gradual assimilation between Korea and Japan, Sakatani held a view that matters concerning finance, banking, telecommunications, and postal service, which were under the control of the Governor-General’s Office, should be transferred to the relevant ministries of the home government. His view was quite similar to that of Interior Minister Takashi Hara, who intended to restrict the Governor-General’s administrative rights and reinforce the government’s control over the Governor-General’s Office. Upon Sakatani’s inauguration as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a lobbyist organization for Japanese in Korea, consisting of both Koreans and 152 Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Japanese, in Korea asked him to settle the following problems for them: a plan for an increase of rice production, construction of railroads, rice/grain control, relocation of the Inch’ŏn Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans in Manchuria, the municipal ordinance on the tenant farming, and suspension of publication of Tonga Ilbo. Sakatani tried to stabilize the rule of Korea by accommodating such complaints and appeals by mitigating the confrontation between colonists and the people in the colony, where the public opinion was little heeded due to the lack of political rights granted to Koreans. In addition, he spoke up for the interest of Japanese in Korea or Japanese investing in Korea in such matters as a plan for an increase in rice production, the construction of railroads, and the control of rice/grains produced in Korea in Japanese political circles.
Keywords : Yoshiro Sakatani, the House of Peers, Korean affairs experts, relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office, Koreans’ right to take part in political affairs
Lee Hyoung-sik 153
<국문초록>
일본제국의회 귀족원 ‘조선통’ 사카타니 요시로 (阪谷芳郎)와 조선통치
이형식 (가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 연구교수)
본 논문에서는 귀족원의 대표적인 ‘조선통’인 사카타니 요시로와 조선통치와의 관계를 살펴보았다. 제국의회 귀족원에는 전직총독부관료나 조선은행, 동양척식주 식회사와 같은 금융계 인사 등 조선통치에 직접적인 관련을 맺거나, 조선에 자본 을 투자하면서 조선통치에 대한 지식을 축적한 많은 ‘조선통’들이 존재했다. 이들 은 귀족원예산위원회와 조선관련법률 특별위원회를 중심으로 조선총독부 예산과 조선관련법률을 심의하면서 총독부의 조선통치정책을 비판하거나 옹호하면서 총 독부를 견제하거나 후원하였다. 조선사회는 이러한 '‘조선통’이라는 비공식적 네트 워크(informal network)를 통해서 진정, 청원, 교섭과 같은 식민지 로비(colonial lobby)를 시도하였다. 이 가운데 사카타니는 조선과 직접적인 관계를 맺고 있지 많았지만, 장인인 시 부사와 에이이치가 조선에 많은 투자를 하고 있어서 조선문제에 관여하게 되었다. 사카타니는 점진적인 내지연장주의자로 조선총독부의 재정, 은행, 전신, 우편을 내각이 일원적으로 관리할 것을 주장하였다. 조선총독의 행정권을 제한하고 총독 에 대한 내각의 통제를 강화하려는 하라 다카시의 통치방침과 매우 유사한 조선 통치관을 보유하고 있었다. 재조일본인과 조선인이 재조일본인의 로비단체인 중 앙조선협회 회장에 취임한 사카타니에게 산미증식계획, 철도부설, 미곡통제, 인천 증권거래소 이전문제, 재만조선인 구제문제, 조선소작령, 동아일보 정간문제 등 조선의 각종 현안의 해결을 청원, 진정하였다. 사카타니는 조선사회의 진정, 청원, 로비를 적극적으로 수용하여 참정권이 시행되지 않아 민의의 반영이 극도로 제한 된 조선통치에서 식민지권력과 조선사회의 대립을 완화시켜 조선통치를 안정시키 려 했다. 뿐만 아니라 산미증식계획, 철도부설, 조선미통제와 같이 재조일본인, 조 선에 투자한 일본 자본의 이해를 일본정계에서 대변하였다.