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Sociology of Sport Journal, 2020, 37, 207-219 https://doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2020-0019 © 2020 Human Kinetics, Inc. ARTICLE

My Ambitionz az a Qualitative Ridah1: A 2PAC Analysis of the Black Male Baller in Amerikkka2

C. Keith Harrison Rhema Fuller Whitney Griffin University of Central Florida The University of Memphis Cerritos College

Scott Bukstein Danielle McArdle Steven Barnhart University of Central Florida Seton Hall University University of Central Florida

The purpose of this paper is to contextualize and analyze the lyrics of by using the research methodological approach of concatenation to merge hip-hop and sport so that the qualitative data from these songs might serve as a cultural map to constructs of identity, race, social class, and black masculinity in the context of sport and the black male athlete experience in America. Applying critical race theory and White’s framework of black masculinity and the politics of racial performance, a connection is made with themes of the artists’ (rapper) social commentary and the athlete (baller). The themes from Tupac Shakur’s lyrics are follows: (a) Trapped, (b) Against the World, (c) The Streetz R Death, and (d) Ambitionz. Synergy with the rapper and baller are articulated, as well as implications for scholars and practitioners that work with high school, collegiate, and professional black male athletes, along with other men of color.

Julius Erving (McLeod, 2009, p. 216). bled into basketball fashion trends and wove into militant black pride in the late 60s, “The most dangerous weapon, an educated Black man” as many athletes sported Afro hairstyles popularized by musical —Tupac Shakur, 1991 artists such as Jimi Hendrix and Sly Stone. Both Hendrix and Stone reciprocated the exchange and adopted headbands, multicolored The links between music and sport in African American wristbands, and decorated knee-high socks into their images. The communities date back to the post-World War I Negro Leagues first endorsement between a musical group and an athletic company and the Jazz Age (Haddock, Ross, & Jackson, 1996). Both move- was solidified in the 1980s with Run D.M.C.’s song and music ments exploded out of resistance toward the myth of white video, “My Adidas,” a deal that would influence future endorse- superiority in the music and sport industries. McLeod (2009) cites ments between brands and hip-hop musicians. As black culture and several compelling examples that illustrate how black performers music continued to evolve, rap artists uniformed themselves with are allowed freedom in bodily and creative expression through the oversized basketball and hockey jerseys in their music videos cross-pollination of music and sports, more so than other media, for (McLeod, 2009). Football Super Bowl halftime shows have hosted fi example, lm. The Harlem Globetrotters were an all-black basket- black jazz performers from Lionel Hampton and Ella Fitzgerald to ball team engaged in the African American cultural renaissance of hip-hop artists like Missy Elliot, Nelly, P. Diddy, and Nicki Minaj. fi the 1930s. Their performance style exempli ed the fusion of team Despite significant attention given to hip-hop culture and rap collaboration, solo improvisations, and clowning routines that are within the disciplines of English, history, psychology, sociology, unique to jazz, rather than the orderly and strict discipline of all- and religion (see, e.g., Durham, 2014; Kitwana, 2005; Rose, 2008; white symphonies and sport teams that were used to justify their Smith & Jackson, 2012; Watkins, 2005), the sport sociology and superiority. Jazz musician Miles Davis openly discussed how sport management communities have been virtually silent about boxer Sugar Ray Robinson’s discipline influenced him to over- the intersection of sport and hip-hop (for notable exceptions, see, come his heroin addiction in 1954. Shortly thereafter, he recorded e.g., Harrison, Moore, & Evans, 2006; Marston, 2017; Martin, his renowned “Jack Johnson Sessions,” a tributary to the 1997; Sudre, Joncheray, & Lech, 2019). This is a striking omission, very first black heavyweight boxing champion. for lyrics and language in popular culture can serve as a way to As the cultural renaissance transformed into brazen empow- critique race, gender, class, and sexual orientation, (Morrell & erment, the “‘in your face’ style” of the Black Power Movement Duncan-Andrade, 2002) and also the American educational system was fueled by black funk artists like Dr. Funkenstein, (a.k.a. with its complicated performances of blackness in the historical George Clinton) and the new slam dunk move epitomized by present. In this paper, we focus on the late Tupac Shakur (hereafter 2PAC) and in specific lyrics from his music archive so as to map Harrison, Bukstein, and Barnhart are with the University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA. Fuller is with The University of Memphis, Memphis, TN, constructs of identity, race, social class, and black masculinity in USA. Griffin is with the Journal of Higher Education Athletics & Innovation, the context of sport and the black male athlete experience in Cerritos College, Norwalk, CA, USA. McArdle is with the Seton Hall University, America. Raised in Los Angeles, CA, Shakur (1971–1996) was South Orange, NJ, USA. Address author correspondence to C. Keith Harrison at a prominent hip-hop artist in the 1990s. With lyrics that addressed [email protected]. contemporary social issues, Shakur achieved massive commercial 207 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC 208 Harrison et al. and critical success as a musical artist. His life came to an early 2003). Second, scholars have focused on “the code of the street” in end when he was shot and killed on the Las Vegas Strip after terms of identities of the “gangstas” and “thugs” (Kubrin, 2005) attending a Bruce Seldon–Mike Tyson boxing match at the MGM and have empirically tested the violent content of rap music in hip- Grand Hotel. hop culture (Johnson, Jackson, & Gatto, 1995). These two areas are It is commonly accepted that Shakur’s lyrics function as predicated on or grounded as deficit studies, that is, those that find a written and spoken narrative account of his human experience, negative associations and problems embedded within the form of as well as that of other black males in American society. As expression itself. This body of work collectively suggests that hip- Stanford (2011) once remarked: “Outside of his most incendiary hop music negatively influences academic aspirations among black critics, Tupac Shakur is generally perceived as a socially conscious youth, promotes illicit drug use, is misogynistic toward women, artist whose political credibility is located in his lyrical critiques of and so forth (Armstrong, 2001). racism and his mother’s membership in the Black Panther Party” Other narratives exist that do not center on deficit perspectives. (p. 3). Iwamoto (2003) similarly asserted that 2PAC was “regarded Critical theorist and black feminist scholar bell hooks wrote as a sensitive and progressive person who was more knowledge- poetically about male creative expression specific to rap where able than most people gave him credit for” (p. 44), largely because men “require[d] wide-open spaces, symbolic frontiers where the of the “thug” persona popularized in media accounts of his life and body could do its thing, expand, grow, and move, surrounded by music at the height of his popularity. In addition, McCann (2013) a watching crowd” (Hooks, 1992, p. 377). For example, researchers notes that 2PAC’s discography reveals how “Black affect is both have examined the coping mechanisms and expression of agency malleable and relative autonomous within the circuitries of music by urban youth in relation to identity and cultural perspectives. capital, White supremacy, and Black radicalism” (p. 408). Spencer, Fegley, Harpalani, and Seaton’s(2004) work on the Dyson (2001) further locates 2PAC’s place in hip-hop history in intersection of black masculinity and adolescent male coping his book Holler if You Hear Me: “Tupac’s genius can be understood behaviors is instructive when examining identity and emotional only by tracing the contours of contemporary rap and placing him health: within its rapidly expanding boundaries” (p. 108). Dyson’s analysis of hip-hop culture reveals several themes, but one of the more Masculine norms tend to discourage the display of vulnera- important aspects of his assessment is the intersection between the bility; consequently, many adolescent males adopt a presenta- fi athlete and the artist—specifically the black male athlete and black tion of self that may seem con dent and stable when in fact, male artist. The temptations that often come with celebrity and the internally, this may manifest itself as hypermasculinity: the challenges of managing success thus form a major theme of this exhibition of stereotypic gendered displays of power and paper; 2PAC’s lyrics highlight one racialized performance of the life consequent suppression of signs of vulnerability. This exag- of the “baller”—the complicated performance of black masculinity gerated presentation of masculinity can lead to conflict in rendered visible if indeed marketable within popular and political school, neighborhood, and family settings, but it can also culture—with threads that connect the athlete and artist within the serve as a coping response to deal with environmental stressors broader scope of sport and music. such as lack of economic opportunities and fear of victimiza- Clearly, 2PAC (or, rather, 2PAC’s music and legacy) reside in tion. (p. 234) a contested space in the landscape of both American popular Although hypermasculine behaviors can combat racism, they can culture in general and hip-hop music in particular. In what follows also degrade the self-esteem of young men of color. Iwamoto below, we draw from Rehn and Skold’s(2005) work in challenging (2003) likewise highlights the dangers of biased and specious the binary of hip-hop and rap lyrics as simply positive or negative, portrayals of hypermasculinity in cultural media that limit mascu- and instead attend to how the performance of black masculinity line ideals as reflected in larger social values. He argues that (see Alexander, 2006)—indeed, the performance of capitalism— poverty and neglect shield black children from absorbing non- embedded within 2PAC’s work can serve as insight into how the hegemonic experiences: “black youth are often deprived of and “baller life” comes to be made and remade in ways both productive under-exposed to cultural influences that differ from those of and provocative. the mass media, which often negatively or one-dimensionally More specifically, through applying critical race theory (CRT; depict black men as villains, murders, gang members, boxers e.g., Bell, 1992; Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas, 1995; (Latinos), and martial artists (Asians)” (p. 45). The interrelation- Delgado, 1990) alongside White’s(2011) framework of black ship of hypermasculinity in sport to music cultures is prevalent in masculinity and the politics of racial performance, we endeavor their mental approach: “both encourage a ‘no pain no gain’ to make a connection with themes of the artists’ (rapper) social approach to practice and a stoic concentration on performance commentary and the athlete (baller). The themes from 2PAC . . . . Like athletes, musicians must perform whether they are having Shakur’s lyrics that we discuss are as follows: (a) Trapped, a good day or bad day” (McLeod, 2009, p. 204). (b) Against the World, (c) The Streetz R Death, and Specific to 2PAC, Edwards (2002) analyzed 2PAC’s 72 poems (d) Ambitionz. We also articulate the synergy between rapper in his collection, The Rose That Grew From Concrete (1991), and baller, as well as implications for scholars and practitioners which served as an important period in his plight as an aspiring who work with high school, collegiate, and/or professional black rap artist. Edwards (2002) noted that this body of work provides a male athletes, and other men of color. different perspective on the capacity of 2PAC’s talents as a writer and artist: “The poems and the lyrics of Tupac’s raps—as repre- Rap, Race, and Hip-Hop sented in 2calypse Now—respectively represent idealizations of the separate, different worlds that Tupac inhabited and mastered; the The existing scholarly literature on hip-hop has typically focused world of school and the world of the hood” (p. 62). on the following areas, with race often at the center of the analysis. Taken collectively, White (2011) asserts that although many First, scholars have interrogated the musical content as having critical studies of hip-hop have shed light its problematic side, a great beat but scrutinize the artists’ lyrical focus (see Sullivan, “scholarly studies have failed to fully investigate all the ways in

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC My Ambitionz az a Qualitative Ridah 209 which hardcore styles of in particular have recast ideas The CRT scholars have resisted the color blind practices and about masculinity and the performance of the body” (p. 2). It is with social conditions that aid racism in athletics (Hylton, 2010). In a respect to this performance of masculinity and the physical body critique of sport as a color-blind institution, Griffin(2012)em- that we are especially concerned in this paper. Research in the area ployed CRT to argue that even though black males athletes have of hip-hop has drawn connections between the shared popular been able to receive financial compensation for their talent while representations of athletes and musical artists, especially in African they choose to embody the hip-hop personae, further reflection on American communities with the term “baller” capturing this inter- their struggle reveals that “they do not have equal representation in section of identity, culture, and performance (Lewis, 2010). positions of power beyond the basketball court, control of how the Each year, the highly visible recruiting process plucks athletes Black male image is marketed, ability to embody their identities as from the high school talent pool. These major university recruits are they see fit, or structural access to generate organizational change” known in popular culture as “ballers” (Boyd, 2003). A diverse (pp. 175–176). word, it can be used as a noun, adjective, or verb, and resonates The CRT can contribute to our understanding of racism and with both black and white male youth (Comeaux & Harrison, social relationships rather than assuming that poor academic 2004). It is a term so commonplace today that HBO features a series performance is an inherent deficit in some black athletes them- called Ballers that stars former wrestling superstar and Hollywood selves (Benson, 2000). The exclusion of black athletes becomes icon Dwayne Johnson as a former professional football player more complex when the intersectionality of race and sexuality turned financial planner. Its image signifies achievement and offers insight into the understanding of oppression (Anderson & success in revenue-generating sports like football and basketball. McCormack, 2010). Through CRT, it is clear that race and racism Existing baller identity research reorients the way black male must precipitate scholarship and activism in sport and higher performance is circulated in sport literature. The Baller Identity education literature. Measurement Scale was adopted to promote career engagement and disband the lack of understanding about career possibilities in athletics (Harrison, Tranyowicz, Bukstein, McPherson-Botts, & Methods Lawrence, 2014). These authors also sought to educate college athletes in how to capitalize their football experience into career Design currency through transferrable skills off the field. Concatenated exploration, a rarely used methodology in the social sciences, was employed in the current study (Stebbins, 2006). Critical Race Theory Similar to links in a chain, concatenation couples independent or interconnected cases for the purposes of yielding new or novel The politics of racial performance for black male artists and thoughts, ideas, or theories (Stebbins, 1992, 2006). In the case of athletes are grounded in the presence of racist attitudes implicit this study, the merging of hip-hop and education, hip-hop and in dominant sport culture. Originally developed in legal studies sport, the black male rapper and the black male athlete, and 2PAC’s (Bell, 1992; Crenshaw et al., 1995; Delgado, 1990), CRT has lyrics and athlete activism are all interconnected dyads that been applied in education to expose detrimental power dynamics launched novel results and implications. Concatenation was in institutional, individual, overt, and tacit levels (Ladson- adopted an appropriate methodology for three primary reasons. Billings & Tate, 1995; Tate, 1997). Its five major tenets are First, each song by 2PAC could be considered an independent case, meant to catalyze social change: (a) giving voice to marginalized and each case could be considered interconnected as they were groups as a means of critiquing the perpetuation of racial stereo- crafted by the same musical artist. Next, concatenation has its types in normalized dialogue (counter-storytelling), (b) the real- outcome as the generation of thoughts and concepts that are greater istic view that racism is endemic and indelible in American than the sum of the individual cases (Stebbins, 2006). Accordingly, sociocultural structure (permanence of racism), (c) access to it was believed that the individual songs by 2PAC could be high-quality education as exclusive to white students (whiteness concatenated to reveal themes that reverberate beyond hip-hop as property), (d) concession of basic rights to black Americans and into other domains such as sport. Finally, concatenation was that is rooted in the self-interests of whites (interest convergence), adopted in order to introduce this rare, yet insightful, methodology and (e) color blindness in the midst of incremental change to the sociology of sport discipline. (critique of liberalism) (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004). CRT has been well documented in its application to uncovering the inten- Data tional and intensive isolation and silencing of black athletes in education (Beamon, 2014; Bimper, Harrison, & Clark, 2012; The data that were used in this study consisted of lyrics from Lawrence, 2005; Simiyu, 2012; Singer, 2005b). The current study 12 songs by 2PAC. Though Shakur has an extensive catalog of builds on the establishment that racism is deeply infused in the music, these songs were selected because the lyrics focus on the black male baller experience. representations of lived experience of black men in America with Sport sociology research has provided fertile grounds for respect to their social realities. Specifically, the current study researchers to challenge destructive power dynamics between analyzed the following songs: Trapped, Young Brothas,3 Dear black athletes in both institutions of higher education and individ- Mama, Temptations, Rebel of the Underground, Young Black ual relations within predominantly white campuses. For example, Male, Lord Knows, The Streetz R Deathrow, Words of Wisdom, Singer (2016) drew from CRT to expose how racism impacted the Me Against the World, Life Goes On, and Ambitionz az a Ridah. holistic development of black male football athletes at a historically 2PAC’s awareness with the parallels and intersection of black male white institution. His data analysis revealed that some students ballers is captured in part through his song lyrics and music videos. were aware that they were being “trained to acquiesce to the Specifically, black men as public representations of success dominant social order where the cultural orientations of elite through sport and developing cognitive and noncognitive skills Whites are the norm” (p. 1087). as athletes mirror the challenges and realities of the black male

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC 210 Harrison et al. artists. Both identities fit under the tag “baller” as cultural tags of 2PAC. Similarly, the answer to the when question, that is, when the “making it” in America (see Figure 1). songs were recorded, produced, and distributed, was from 1991 to 1996. Moreover, certain questions, such as why 2PAC recorded the Analysis songs that he did and to whom he was speaking to, were not explicitly answered in the songs and required the use of secondary Stebbins (2006) outlines the steps researchers must undertake when data. A Google search was employed to locate relevant data engaging in concatenation. After one identifies the cases to concat- (e.g., books, interviews, etc.) that could potentially answer the enate, the researcher analyzes the data while being cognizant that why and whom questions. Perhaps answering both the why and “retaining the open-endedness of inquiry as it evolves through whom questions, Shakur stated that his lyrics were meant to shed the concatenation process is a central consideration” (Stebbins, light on what happens in the real world, particularly to young black 2006, p. 492). When engaging in concatenation exploration, “the males. Furthermore, he cited a goal of discussing how people could researcher wants to learn who is doing (thinking, feeling) what to better the world (Mills, 2007). (with, for, about) whom,andwhen and where,” and thus should ask To answer the what question (i.e., what are the central themes questions accordingly of the data (Stebbins, 2006, p. 490). The in Shakur’s music, particularly those related to black males), the researcher should also ask a why question, as it assists in interpreta- researcher read each line of lyrics to determine what common tion of the cases (Stebbins, 2006). Collectively, the previously messages were being conveyed. This process is referred to as line- mentioned questions are referred to as the “six Ws” in the concate- by-line coding (Glaser, 1978). In addition, the investigator used the nation exploration process (Stebbins, 2006). The data generated process of open coding to identify potential themes by extracting from asking the six Ws becomes the basis for forming “concepts and examples from the lyrics (Agar, 1996; Bernard, 1994). This their interrelationship in propositions” (Stebbins, 2006,p.490). procedure is often referred to as identifying raw themes. The To begin the concatenation process with 2PAC’s songs, one raw data themes are quotes that capture a sentiment provided by member of the research team listened to each song in its entirety the participant (singer; Marshall & Rossman, 1999). The third step while reading the printed lyrics in order to get an overview of the involved a memoing technique, which is utilized to record com- song. Next, the researcher listened to the song again and began to monalities among codes or raw data themes (Ryan & Bernard, answer the six Ws. For example, the researcher noted that the 2000). Of the three types of memos that Ryan and Bernard define, answer to the first W, who is doing the thinking or feeling, was code notes was the type the researcher utilized, as it affords the

Figure 1 — The black male baller (Harrison, 1999).

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC My Ambitionz az a Qualitative Ridah 211 researcher the ability to “summarize his or her ideas about what is Hennessey got me queasy”) and drugs (“I smoke a blunt to the going on in the text” (p. 783). take the pain out”) and promiscuity (“while she hot and horny, go up From the code notes, 19 first-level codes were produced. inside her”) also emanated from Shakur’s lyrics as outcomes of Examples of these first-level codes included “escape through adverse childhood experiences. In this manner, 2PAC penned lyrics vices” and “police brutality.” The researcher then proceeded to related to how adverse experiences can leave individuals trapped. reduce the first-level codes into six second-level categories that began to explain the observed phenomena and the relationship Against the World among the first-level codes. For example, “separated parents” and “divorced parents” were aggregated into a joint second-level code. The second theme that emanated from Shakur’s lyrics related to Finally, the researcher clustered the codes to begin, identifying inequities and injustices within society. Within this theme, 2PAC aggregate dimensions or themes that were significant. Against the provided specific examples of inequities in society and discussed World was coded 57 times—within that song, police brutality how black individuals should respond to such issues. Police (coded 22 times), institutional racism (coded 18 times), mass brutality, institutional racism, mass incarceration, and historical incarceration (coded six times), and historical figures and events figures and events were all referenced by the artist as specific (coded 11 times) emerged as common. The Streetz R Death was examples of inequities and injustices within society. For example, coded 19 times. At this point, it was believed that data saturation in discussing mistreatment at the hands of law enforcement, 2PAC was achieved (Gioia, Corley, & Hamilton, 2013). expressed that “if one more cop harasses me, I might go pyscho” Following the previously mentioned procedures, the data and (Trapped). Elsewhere, he maintained that America was “killing us the coding structure were reviewed by another member of research one by one” in an effort to “eliminate the problem” (Words of team. Any instances of disagreement were discussed until a Wisdom). With respect to institutional racism, 2PAC stated that he consensus was reached. This peer review process served to “couldn’t find a trace of equality” within society (Trapped), decrease the subjectivity and bias that is present when data are particularly as black people were “kept out” and “made to feel analyzed by a single researcher, thereby increasing the credibility inferior” (Words of Wisdom). Shakur also called politicians “hy- of the study (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Four major themes were pocrites” (Me Against The World) as he believed they encouraged established, applied, and counted via the use of MAXQDA soft- people to “say no to drugs,” yet “kept it running through our ware (VERBI Software, Berlin, Germany) after the researchers community” (Words of Wisdom). achieved intercoder agreement. Mass incarceration of black people was also referenced by 2PAC as an inequity within society. Shakur bemoaned that “too many brothers daily heading for the big pen” andthatwhentheyare Results released, they “come out worse off than when they went in” Analysis of the data resulted in four themes that directly addressed (Trapped). This mass incarceration, according to the artist, was “part of some big plan to keep a brotha in” prison (The Streetz R the what question of the concatenation process: what are the central fi themes in Shakur’s music, particularly related to black males. Deathrow). Shakur also referenced the role of historical gures and Congruent with the titles of the songs that were analyzed, these events when discussing inequities and injustices within society. In Words of Wisdom, 2PAC reasoned that Abraham Lincoln signed the themes were labeled: (a) Trapped, (b) Against the World, (c) The “ ” Streetz R Death, and (d) Ambitionz. Emancipation Proclamation as a means to save the nation and that people have been lied to. He questioned if black people should pledge allegiance to a flag that neglects them and believed that controversial Trapped figures such as Malcolm X were decisively left out of school The first theme identified in the analysis was labeled trapped textbooks: “No Malcolm X in my history text. Why is that? ‘Cause (coded 62 times) because it spoke to the impact of adverse he tried to educate and liberate all Blacks” (Words of Wisdom). childhood experiences on the behavioral, cognitive, emotional, Beyond identifying inequities and injustices within society, and physical well-being of black males. 2PAC’s lyrics revealed 2PAC discussed how he and other black individuals should how disruption to the nuclear family unit (i.e., two parents) can respond when faced with such issues. Specifically, 2PAC urged result in adverse childhood experiences. Such disruptions included black males to overcome struggles that they encounter in society divorced, separated, or single parents (coded four times), incarcer- (coded 23 times). Lyrics such as “I couldn’t let my adversaries ated parents (coded one time), parental neglect (coded three times), worry me” (Lord Knows)reflect the notion that black males, and familial substance abuse (coded one time). The result of such including athletes, must “rise above” (Ambitionz az a Ridah) those disruptions, as evidence in his lyrics, are feelings of hopelessness who would seek to keep subjugate them. This point is one of the and doubt (coded 34 times), escape through vices (coded 18 times), dominant refrains in Shakur’s song Me Against the World as he and lack of impulse control (coded one time). stresses: “The message I stress: to make it stop, study your lessons/ For example, in lyrics in the song The Streetz R Deathrow, Don’t settle for less, even the genius asks his questions/Be grateful 2PAC lamented how he did not benefit from a traditional, nuclear for blessings.” Furthermore, Shakur highlighted the assassination family unit (“every other had a pops and a mother”). Such a of Martin Luther King, Jr., as a specific example of the struggle that childhood, according to 2PAC, “screwed” him and resulted in his black males must overcome in his song Words of Wisdom. In doing questioning if he was “somebody they despised.” As a result, he says so, he opined that the struggle would not conclude until the black he shunned intervention from his mother (“quit tryin’ to save my male prevails: “Thought they had us beaten when they took out soul, I wanna roll with my homies”). Though he realized he was a King, But the battle ain’t over till the Black man sings.” “tickin’ timebomb,” he still engaged in a lifestyle marked by The words Against the World were used to identify this theme, aggression (“packin’ a 380 . . . punks drop from all the buckshots as the examples of coded lyrics highlight struggles against injustice the fools got”) and materialism (“fiendin’ for a Mercedes”). Simi- and inequality. Though 2PAC highlighted injustice and inequality larly, consumption of alcohol (“another sip of that drink, this in his lyrics, he did not advocate a response of passivity. Instead, as

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC 212 Harrison et al. noted in the “Discussion” section, 2PAC argued that black males Billings & Tate, 1995). Thus, this unique study recruited a natu- must actively overcome oppression. One way to overcome such ralistic and interpretive qualitative research design to translate oppression was by “studying your lessons” and “asking questions.” 2PAC’s lyrical content as a prism to view the nonbinary realities In fact, this “Against the World” section actually mirrors 2PAC’s of the black male athlete community. It is this unique methodo- Against the World song. In the first few verses, 2PAC details the logical approach that decodes his autobiography of past childhood oppression in society and concludes the song with how to over- trauma, present isolation in the streets, and future messages of come the oppression. Similarly, this “Against the World” section agency to black male athletes who would forge activist identities in details the oppression as noted by 2PAC in the beginning and ends the synergy of hip-hop, sport, and education. with his comments on overcoming the oppression. Trapped The Streetz R Death Adverse childhood experiences leak into the behavioral, The third theme, The Streetz R Death (coded19times),relatedto cognitive, emotional, and physical well-being of black males. Al- 2PAC’s discussion of a life lived in the “streetz.” According to though feelings of hopelessness and doubt are encoded in 2PAC’s 2PAC, his attraction to the “streetz” was due to the affirmation he lyrics and recorded in scholarly research (Adler & Adler, 1985; received from those within it. This was expressed in his song Dear Griffin, 2016; Steele & Aronson, 1995), the hypermasculine black Mama, in which he stated that though “they sold drugs,” he “hung male rarely gives voice to these affects when establishing his around with the thugs” because they “showed a young brother identity. 2PAC asks, “Is there another route? For a crooked love.” Beyond the affirmation he received in and from the outlaw, veteran, a villain, a young thug, who one day shall fall.” “streetz,” 2PAC also spoke on the violence commonly associated Even he was not immune to the internalization of self-sabotage: with a “gangbangin’” lifestyle. An analysis of his lyrics revealed “Of the myriad forces Tupac had to confront, few were as urgent a degree of tension for the artist as he lamented losing friends to as his own demons, especially the chronic absence of self-worth street violence, yet also glorified such violence. On numerous that spurred a lot of his self-defeating behavior” (Dyson, 2001, occasions, Shakur’s lyrics mourned the loss of his “homies” to p. 241). These demons can be contextualized in the restrictiveness the “gangbangin’” lifestyle. For example, on Lord Knows, he of the education system in order to preserve academic disparities lamented that he “done lost too many homies to this (expletive) faced by student-athletes of color and the psychosocial realities game.” Likewise, on another song, he questioned “how many of rejection, isolation, and mistrust (Bimper et al., 2012; ” brothers fell victim to the streets (Life Goes On). Yet despite Melendez, 2008; Tate, 1997). Black male athletes can exhibit these tragedies, 2PAC also demonstrated instances in which he self-defeating behavior when they internalize the pernicious fi “ glori ed such violence. For example, he expressed that suckers stereotypes of the dumb jock (Edwards, 1984; Harrison, Sailes, ’ ’ ” scatter but it don tmatter,Im a cool shot (The Streetz R Rotich, & Bimper, 2011). If they are successful jocks, they are Deathrow). Elsewhere, he discussed his desire for vengeance trapped into constant recognition in classes from the celebrity “ against them brothas that played me and all the cowards that was status thrown onto them at predominantly white institutions. Yet, ” downwithit (Ambitionz az a Ridah). faculty have historically been more likely to offer study skills to white college athletes than black college athletes (Comeaux & Ambitionz Harrison, 2007) and single out athletes in front of the class that The final theme, Ambitionz, related to how money, or the lack characterize them as poor students (Baucom & Lantz, 2001; Parsons, 2013). thereof, served as motivation. This theme was coded 14 times. When fl reflecting on his life and upbringing, 2PAC commented on how his Such con icting and biased actions trap teacher and learner in socioeconomic status drove him to pursue monetary success by any an internecine relationship, especially when faculty believe they means necessary. 2PAC expressed that he had “been poor all [his] have adopted a color-blind ideology. The notion of color blindness life, but [he] don’t know quite why” (The Streetz R Deathrow). is a critique of liberalism in the CRT framework because it is nearly To combat the poverty he experienced, 2PAC expressed in Dear impossible to examine the subconscious treatment of black college Mama that he started selling drugs to generate income. Despite being athletes as other while justifying white students as normal. The use illegal and stigmatized, Shakur did not feel guilty because the money of CRT begins with an understanding that whiteness has been he earned allowed him to help his mother, who was “poor” and on positioned as the superlative status in America and throughout “welfare,” to pay the household bills: global culture. The insights within CRT demand the repositioning of whiteness as the global barometer in order to change the I needed money of my own so I started slangin’/Ain’t guilty structural and cultural conditions that maintain the subordination cause, even though I sell rocks, it feels good putting money in of black stakeholders (Simiyu, 2012; Singer, 2005b). The illusion your mailbox/Love paying rent when the rent’s due. that individual faculty members and the law are impartial to color is echoed in 2PAC’s lines: “Trapped in my own community . . . . Why “ ’ ” In other songs, the artist discussed dreamin of riches and his did ya lie to me? I couldn’t find a trace of equality.” When faculty “ desire to accumulate money stating that he was on a meal ticket are not motivated by malice and adopt a color-blind ideology, they ” “ mission, want[ing] a mill[ion]. In particular, he stated that he was fed still fail to acknowledge the persistence of racism in the construc- ” “ ” up andthatchildrenneedtobetaught they can be all they can be tion of black athlete identity in college. The polarized treatment of “ ” and that thereismuchmoretolifethanpoverty (Words of Wisdom). black male college athletes as prized performers (Wiggins, 1988, 1991) and faulty scholars creates a contradictory climate for black Discussion athletes at predominantly white institutions (Bimper et al., 2012). This contradiction is not novel for black students at predominantly Critical race theory propels scholars into articulating critiques of white institutions (Steele & Aronson, 1995) and leaves no trace of current paradigms as well as methods for social change (Ladson- equality.

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Against the World (Beamon, 2014; Lawrence, 2005) as he gives voice to marginalized groups: “The power is in the people and the politics we address.” The 2PAC suggested in his musical oeuvre that he was up against Momentum has catalyzed black male athletes to find their voice in the contradicting messages of human equality and mass incarcera- the politics of racial performance despite the pain and outrage of tion of black people. His positionality as a hip-hop icon allowed facing racism and discrimination in sport (Brooks & Althouse, him to openly express himself and challenge the repressing silence 1993; Lawrence, 2005). This message coupled with athlete activ- of black men in America (McLeod, 2009). One method of open ism is especially relevant, as black players experience perceived expression was in his physicality and the tattoos on his body that powerlessness to effect change (Melendez, 2008). When black allowed his “unfolding, meandering identity” to become visible in male athletes are inspired to find their voice like the hip-hop artists his existential self-expression (Dyson, 2001, p. 232). Furthermore, they listen to have, they can fight against the inequity and injustices Dyson calls 2PAC “the zeitgeist in sagging jeans” (p. 107) for of the world as a tenable unit. articulating his generation’s pain and confusion while setting fashion trends. A parallel can be drawn between 2PAC’s spirit of the time and one of TIME magazine’s 2017 most influential The Streetz R Death people of the year, Colin Kaepernick. While 2PAC questioned if fl If the streets are death, the schools are where independence goes to black people should pledge allegiance to a ag that neglects them, die. The hegemonic system of American schooling is a miseducation former National Football League (NFL) player and political pro- of black male athletes out of their exploration and experimentation testor Kaepernick unfolded his identity as a peaceful protestor as full-time learners (Woodson, 1933). Limits are indoctrinated into when he silently knelt during the national anthem in front of their lifestyle as they are churned into revenue generators for millions of American eyes on network television. 2PAC used fl multibillion dollar self-regulating organizations (i.e., National Col- tattoos and fashion to in uence the culture, and Kaepernick legiate Athletic Association, NFL, NBA). 2PAC criticized the used his physical body to position himself into the posture of a “ fl school system as a suppressor of opportunity with his lines, They kneel to engage in peaceful, re ective protest (Walton-Fisette, act as if asking questions is a crime” and “Through this suppression/ 2018; see also Chaplin & Montez de Oca, 2019). While 2PAC They punish the people that’s askin’ questions.” In college, the bemoaned, the mass incarceration of black citizens expressed that “ ” National Collegiate Athletic Association pervades the hourly sched- if one more cop harasses me, I might go pyscho, Kaepernick used ule of athletes and independent time is ruthlessly squandered. Scarce his positionality as a sport icon to give other athletes a rational room is left for time and energy to devote to engaging in activities platform to challenge police brutality toward the black community. that foster community and interpersonal skills (e.g., clubs, organiza- He created a Know Your Rights Campaign to teach black youth tions outside of athletics, black fraternities); compassion (e.g., com- self-empowerment, to raise awareness on higher education, and to munity service volunteering); careers (e.g., internships, majors that instruct them how to properly interact with law enforcement in require laboratory hours in addition to class time); exposure to various scenarios to avoid the prison pipeline. ’ fl different cultures and approaches to education (e.g., study abroad Kaepernick s protest sparked a con agration as more black programs); and cognitive growth (e.g., study groups) (Bimper et al., athletes used their platform to protest police brutality toward black 2012). Structural barriers are placed on their financial compensa- people. Four NBA starters wore “I Can’t Breathe” shirts in refer- ’ tions, even though their image and likeness provides fodder for ence to Eric Garner s last words before a policeman choked him to billions of commercial dollars for the National Collegiate Athletic death. St. Louis Rams NFL players positioned their bodies to “ ’ ” Association and its membership institutions. After winning the walk out in the Hands Up, Don t Shoot pose representative of the March Madness tournament, one black male college athlete told iconic posture of protest that branched from the Ferguson, MO reporters that he sometimes went to bed starving because he could shootings. Several Seattle Seahawk NFL players linked arms in not afford enough food on his athletic stipend (Ganim, 2014). unison during the national anthem, as well. Even the famously Stripped of their time, energy, and image, what is left? apolitical Michael Jordon resonated with Kaepernick’s protest and “ “ The 2PAC recorded the of such indoctrination: I said, I have decided to speak out in the hope that we can come am what you made me, the hate and evil that you gave me.” Black together as Americans, and through peaceful dialogue and educa- ” male athletes are bombarded through popular culture by messages tion, achieve constructive change (Wagner, 2016). Brandon Mar- from stakeholders that they have higher value as jersey numbers shall pledged his money to several charities, took a knee in fi fl than as well-fed learners in an intellectually stimulating and nan- solidarity with Kaepernick, and fanned the ame of black athlete cially stable environment—they consistently see coaches hired and protest: fired for lucrative opportunities and for falling short of university I feel like this is our only platform to be heard. A lot of time expectations (Simiyu, 2012). The normalization of continuously fl people want us to just shut up and entertain them. Shut up and con icting messages parallels the permanence of racism in the CRT play football. But we have voices as well. We’re actually framework in existing sport literature (Beamon, 2014; Singer, educated individuals that went to college. When we have an 2005b). Institutions historically use black athletes as cheap labor opinion and speak it, a lot of people bash us. (Zirin, 2016) to entertain wealthy alumni (Rhoden, 2006; Simiyu, 2012). The racist hierarchical structures that allow these processes to remain in These physical “performance[s] as social justice activism” parallel place facilitate racism as a normal part of black athletes’ lives 2PAC’s most dangerous weapon: an educated black man (Myers & (Beamon, 2014). It is their value as athletic commodities that lend Alexander, 2010, p. 164). the interest-convergence principle of CRT (Donnor, 2005). The Despite being bashed, a new wave of black athlete storytelling showcasing of black athletic prowess masks their utilitarian value to is emerging from the voiceless. 2PAC participated in and encour- athletic departments’ interests as “casualties of war scarified in the aged this wave of transformation in the way black people share flexing athletic arms race of intercollegiate sport” (Bimper et al., their perspective as a means to challenge the accepted discourse 2012, p. 122). As is, black student-athlete educational development about racism. He embraces the counter-storytelling tenet of CRT concedes to athletic profitability.

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Ambitionz educational inequity with its founding pillars. His investment into the black community actively combats whiteness as property Poverty manifests a unique demon to the black community. by increasing the social capital of blackness. The CRT framework Children are more likely to experience poor health and nutrition reveals how both men’s ambitions to resist the structural inequal- outcomes, residential insecurity, limited access to upward social ities that favor whiteness and hinder black youth in education are mobility, and exposure to crime and gang activity when they grow juxtaposed through lyrical content and athlete activism. up in poverty (Cooper, 2012; Orfield, 2009). In other words, “too ” At times, the artist perpetuated negative stereotypes about black many of our children have learned how to hate (Lapchick, 1995, men, and other times he critiqued them. While 2PAC referenced p. 87). 2PAC commented on the Dickensian struggle of the aggression, materialism, and promiscuity, he also defied stereotypes younger generation: “What’s the use? Unless we’re shootin’ no ” of a black male. He allowed himself to present multiple identities to one notices the youth. The lack of economic opportunity struc- his audience and gave voice to both tragedy and triumph. Although tures is an environmental stressor that viciously propagates he wrote of feeling trapped, he punctured the blanketed role of the unhealthy coping mechanisms, for example, hypermasculinity. hypermasculine black images with a peek behind the curtain in his In all of his wisdom, 2PAC saw the real hope for change beyond “ ” fi iconic line: even thugs cry. It is this multidimensionality that his own lifetime and recognized the signi cance of educating affords him a complex identity and the ability to become exponen- future generations: “The message I stress: to make it stop, study ’ tially more relatable to black male athletes who permeate multiple your lessons/Don t settle for less, even the genius asks his ques- economic identities: tions.” Three decades after 2PAC’s message to future generations, one black male athlete in particular has refused to “settle for less” Occupants of two worlds—the world of the streets and the and has entered new territory as an agent of change to evolve world of wealth—these athletes can speak from a perch of educational paradigms for black youth. Early in 2018, LeBron power and influence, while holding the kind of “keep it real” James partnered with a school system in his hometown in Ohio to pedigree that makes them relevant to the core black commu- open the I Promise elementary school. This new model explicitly nity. (Rhoden, 2006,p.8) addresses 2PAC’s criticism of American education and how “fed up” he was with financial denial of black children based on race and As both artist and athlete occupy two worlds, the following section social class. James’s school destroys the intergenerational mone- extrapolates how to wield the power and influence of both domains tary barriers that keep poor, at-risk black youth out of school with from the perch of educational interventions. its founding pillars: free tuition, free uniforms, free breakfast, lunch, and snacks, free transportation within 2 miles, a free bicycle and helmet, access to a food pantry for the student’s family, and Implications for Power Brokers guaranteed tuition for all graduates to the local university of Akron. and Stakeholders James’s school creates the ideal learning conditions for two gen- erations, as parents of students will receive access to job placement The plan for liberation is bidirectional; scholars and practitioners services and general educational diploma assistance. These acts of who work with black male athletes each have roles to play. It service seek to nurture academic potential and create institutional cannot be stressed enough that stakeholders have the power to opportunities for black youths rather than exploit athletic talent enrich human capacity for learning. We know that many ballers are (Edwards, 2000; Sack & Staurowsky, 1998). influenced by rap artists. As primary educational stakeholders, how James’s school promises to mend the inequities that 2PAC do we set black male athletes up for success and “prevent the vocalized: “It’s wrong to keep someone from learning some- academic falls from grace that severely limit their opportunities thing.” Perhaps in this environment, more black men will have a after collegiate and professional sport careers?” (Bimper et al., positive experience in school where they can “acquire the confi- 2012, p. 108). The answer can be found in CRT with its focus on dence and protective communication skills required for achieve- issues of justice, liberation, and the empowerment of people of ment (not just survival) in racist environments where oppressive color in a society based on Eurocentrism (i.e., white supremacy). In stereotypes are allowed to persist” (Harper, 2015, p. 668). In the light of Singer’s(2005a)influential work on addressing racism in I Promise school, it is less likely that black athletes will experi- sport through CRT, we need to reach “beyond the Eurocentric ence isolation, decreased sense of belonging, and race-related worldviews that have permeated the education and training of threats such as having bottles thrown at them, being spat on, and scholars and students in our field” (p. 474). being called a “nigger,” as has been documented in predominantly To that end, the following recommendations are offered as an white learning environments (Coakley, 2009; Lawrence, 2005; interventionist road map through which we might engineer atmo- Melendez, 2008; Parham, 1993). One can further hypothesize that spheres that provide the fundamental elements of an affordable, the dangers of violence from the hypermasculinity coping mech- engaging, and nurturing community. anism would be reduced in such an environment, as Iwamoto “ (2003) previously noted, young men of color often enter into Justice hyper-masculine behaviors to combat the degrading effects of racism on their self-esteem” (p. 45). The I Promise School is a Feature photos of black athlete activists in general student support beacon of hope that disrupts the deficiencies of college prepared- centers that cue students to serve rather than simply score. Perhaps ness situated in the wider sociopolitical inequalities that delineate conscientious environmental cues would remind black athletes of access to quality education for black athletes (Comeaux & the capacity to speak against injustice when they process lyrics Jayakumar, 2007). such as “It’s wrong to keep someone from learning something.- Within a CRT framework, we recognize the almost exclusive 2PAC” superimposed over images of Althea Gibson, Muhammad accessibility to safe and well-equipped schools to whiteness as Ali, Tommie Smith, John Carlos, Harry Edwards, Arthur Ashe, property: “Those that possess, steal from the ones without posses- Wilma Rudolph, Colin Kaepernick, and LeBron James. Exposing sions”. The ambition of James’s school explicitly resists this black youth to ideals that differ from the mass media’s portrayal of

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC My Ambitionz az a Qualitative Ridah 215 balck males as one-dimensional villains, murderers, and gang of the dominant white race [that] have become the norm or standard members can counteract biased and specious portrayals of hyper- upon which other racial and ethnic groups in society are judged and masculinity (Iwamoto, 2003). In addition, this would go above and evaluated” (Singer, 2005a, p. 467). The integration of this type of beyond shallow academic inspiration, or as one black male student- “reality pedagogy” (Emdin, 2016) is currently being used to teach athlete at a predominantly white institution contended about photos math and science in some schools in . of athletes who had simply graduated, the “‘I got out of here so you ’ ” can too wall. Good luck with that 1.5 [grade point average]! Empowerment (Bimper et al., 2012, p. 119). The successful advocacy of previous black athletes is a nondeficit reminder that such human agency is Extensive training and seminars can be forgone for students of possible for all black youth, athlete or not. Incorporating cultural color if teachers provide positive feedback at all grade levels. influences in bidirectional learning cannot be underestimated, since Positive and critical feedback combined with the buffer of assuring “to a larger degree than we suspected, culture determines what we students that they can reach high standards can increase the can and cannot perceive” (Doidge, 2007, p. 300). Empowering academic performance of black students so drastically that it has visuals can cue students to perceive success more readily. been shown to slightly surpass that of their white peers (Cohen, Coaches could allow athletes to discover their proclivities Steele, & Ross, 1999). Faculty who encourage black college toward political activism without fear of repercussions when the athletes to pursue graduate school have a significant influence black community responds to inevitable threats. However, the on these students’ college grade point average (Comeaux, 2008). reality remains that black athletes are subject to fear of being Clearly, teaching faculty how to impart empowering encourage- treated unjustly by the coaching staff: ment has quantitative outcomes. Black male athletes become self-empowered agents of resis- Coach said that we could not get involved . . . I mean, man, it tance through education (Bimper et al., 2012). It is incumbent upon was hard because the Blackness in me wanted to protest with scholars and practitioners alike to catalyze conversations and create everybody else, but ya know, I’m a athlete and we have to safe spaces for educational reform in the college athletic system. represent in a certain way and we have to do what the coach Even modifying the linguistic label of “student-athlete” to says if we wanna play too though. (Beamon, 2014, p. 128) “scholar-athlete” or “scholar-baller” is an effective systemic miti- gating tool (Stone, Harrison, & Mottley, 2012). Changing the Athletes and all men of color should unequivocally never have to language will shift the culture from the bottom-up and employ choose between their racial identity and the wishes of a coach. psycholinguistics to adapt a different perspective that empowers students with the subtle nuances of language choice. This critical Liberation pedagogy strategy is meant to alter the educational aspirations and mind-sets among athletes from various backgrounds regarding Student affairs professionals can create high-leverage strategy their perceptions about the likelihood of matriculation, graduation, interventions for black athletes to speak liberally about topics of and success (Comeaux & Harrison, 2007; Fuller et al., 2016). personal and professional relevance without fear of repercussions from coaches or faculty. Temple University enacted this “counter- culture of modernity” (Gilroy, 2000) when artist Young Jeezy was Limitations brought on to speak to the football team in 2014 about the challenges of managing success as black men, the temptations Though this study fills a gap in hip-hop and race literature by of celebrity, and the importance of social support. In one study, a acknowledging the uniqueness of black male student-athletes’ group of researchers created a dormitory-based academic program experiences, it is still limited by gender and environment. This that sponsored late-night bull sessions for black students in groups study explored how males internalize hypermasculinity and as such of no more than 15 to talk about topics such as relations with did not include how female student-athletes interact with these parents and family, friendships, romance, classroom experiences, coping mechanisms. These experiences may also differ for black and fraternities (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Black students from this athletes at Historically Black Colleges and Universities, where intervention earned one-third of a letter grade higher than black hypermasculinity may manifest in different variations. Finally, our students randomly assigned to academic programs that did not study was strategically limited to the lyrics in 2PAC’s songs. He sponsor late-night talk sessions. This confirms more recent research did not express that his desire for vengeance was grounded in racial on the power of meaningful dialogue to reduce the detrimental oppression based on the lyrics that were examined. Perhaps, effects of stereotype threat (Johns, Schmader, & Martens, 2005). secondary data (e.g., interviews) might shed additional light. For an extensive review of similarly empowering workshops to Such an analysis of secondary data might be an opportunity for develop the holistic black male athlete and other strategic respon- future research. siveness to interest convergence through CRT, see Cooper (2016). Although 2PAC was an innovator in his field, he was still Concatenation within CRT liberates faculty from the constric- rejected by critics of hip-hop who disregarded his extraordinary tion of hegemonic pedagogies. If colleges want to produce scholars creativity and instead chose to impose a reductionist approach: with qualitative methodology skills, faculty must provide more “On such view, hip-hop is but the seductive corporate packaging of synergy between domains to empower critical consumers. The the vicious stereotypes black folk have tried to defeat since our merging of hip-hop with CRT can be utilized as a method of ancestors were uprooted and brought to America in chains” alternative engagement that anchors instruction in lived experi- (Dyson, 2001, p. 110). This myopic thinking is familiar to black ences of black culture for all students. This pedagogy is a spring- athletes on college campuses who encounter stigmatizations that board to stimulate musical intelligence in course curricula into limit their perception on campus as the dichotomous scholar or poetry writing, multimedia class projects, analytical thinking, and athlete (Harrison, 2002). While some studies affirm hip-hop lyrics the solidification of learning with rhyming. Teachers are thus as vehicles for liberation, other researchers have found this genre to liberated from the “folkways, mores, values, attitudes, and beliefs be ephemeral, its lyrics to be detrimental, and its images destructive

SSJ Vol. 37, No. 3, 2020 Unauthenticated | Downloaded 09/26/21 11:20 AM UTC 216 Harrison et al. to black cultural capital (Armstrong, 2001; Dyson, 2001; Johnson 2. Cube, I. (1990). Amerikkka’s most wanted. On Amerikkka’s most et al., 1995). The current study does not refute that some content wanted. Los Angeles, CA: Priority Records. can be misogynistic, stereotypical, and one-dimensional. However, 3. In this paper, we insert Brothas where N****z is as part of the lyrics the researchers chose to critique the songs that were rife with and cultural language. The theme of Young Gunz is another tag that 2PAC complex nuances to go beyond the binary of positive and negative Shakur frequently referenced the identity of young black males regarding approaches to lyrical analysis. Thus, this study neither took a the positive or negative potential of their black masculinity as they navigate positivistic approach nor fashioned an a priori hunt for negativity structural inequalities in America. that would oversimplify the effect that one man had. Rather, a theoretical map emerged to trace CRT as a vehicle for expression in American culture. Future lines of inquiry should continue to combine concate- References nation and CRT for 2PAC and other hip-hop artists to illuminate Adler, P., & Adler, P. (1985). From idealism to pragmatic detachment: The urgent issues in athletics in higher education. Additional research academic performance of college athletes. Sociology of Education, designs could examine factors like race and gender to include the 58(4), 241–250. doi:10.2307/2112226 influence of hip-hop on white college athletes or the analysis of Agar, M.H. (1996). 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