Report for August 1993 Copyright Notice

• . -'

Independent Boord of Inquiry POBox 32293 Broomfontein 2017 Johonnesburg South Africo Phone (011) 403 - 3256/ 7 Fox (011) 403 - 1366

©1993, Members of the public are free to reprint or report information, either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the Independent Boord of Inquiry is acknowledged,

Otherwise, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publisher,

BOARD MEMBERS:

Dr Alex Boraine, Mrs Judy Chalmers, Rev Frank Chikane, Dr Max Coleman, Mr-Brian Currin, Prof John Dugard, Ms Sheena Duncan, Mr Peter Kerchhoff, Mr Norman Manoim, Ms Emma Mashinini, Sr Jude Pieterse, Archbishop Desmond Tutu IBI Report for A IIguSf '93

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I N TI~ OD UCT I ON ...... 1

1. STATE I NsTITUTIONs...... 2

1.1 South Afric.ll1 PoliCl ...... 2

2. HI CHT WI NC ...... 4

2.1 ConservOl tive Party ...... 6

3. A PLA ...... ~ .. ~ ...... 7

4. N ATIONAL PEACE ACCORD ...... 8

4.1 Nnt ionnl Pence-keeping Force ...... 9

5. THE GOLDSTONE COMMlsslO ...... 10

5.1 Attncks o n members of the SAP ...... ]0

5.2 New evidence on the Caprivi Hit-squads ...... 11

5.3 Probe into Milit .. ry Intelligence links to the Cnpe violence ...... 12

6. ATTACKS ON IN Di VIDUALS ...... 13

6.1 Chris l--lnni ...... 14

6.2 W"lter Sisulu ...... 14

7. ATAL ...... 15

7.1 Bhn mb" yi ...... 15

7.2 T.,ble rvlo unlnin ...... \6

8. REEF VIOLE NCE ...... 17

8.1 EnstRnnd ...... 17 Report for A URllst '93 IllI

8.1.1 Thokoza ...... 18

8.1.1.2 Murder of Prince M hlarnbi, Mpati Machitje, Sampo Mofokeng, Mokgele Sebelhe tlnd An.na Khoeli ...... 19

8.1.2 Kat lehong ...... 19

8.1.3 Wadeville ...... 20

8. 1.4 Thembisa ...... 21

8.2 SOwelo ...... 21

8.3 The Vaa l ...... 22

8.3.1 Khetisi Kheswa ...... 22

8.3.2 Boipa tong Mass

8.3.3 Eikenhof Shootings ...... 24

8.4 Train Atlncks ...... 24

9. WESTERN CAPE ...... 24

9.1 The SI Janles Massacre ...... 25

10. EASTERN CArE ...... 26

10.1 Goniwe Inquest ...... 26

10.2 The Ciskei ...... 27

11. CONCLUSION ...... 28

" IBI Report for A USUS! '93

INTRODUOION

The East Rand townships of Thokoza, Katlehong and Vosloorus being declared unrest areas has not led to any significant drop in the violence currently engulfing the three townships but has rather led if> wide scale abuse on the part of the securit¥ forces when detaining township residents across the political spectrum, under Section 3 of the unrest regulations.

An urgent interdict restraining the police from further assaulting any of the detainees named in an application brought by the ANC PWV region has not deterred members of the SADF, ISU or members of the political and violent crime unit based at Vlakplaats, Vosloorus from torturing detainees.

Detainees assaulted by members of the SADF on August 8, claim that their heads were covered in sacks and needles were pushed under their nails and into their necks. Medical evidence has subsequently confirmed that many of the detainees have injuries consistent with their descriptions of assault.

In at least 15 cases, detainees have been kept longer than the 30 days the regulations stipulate and have not received letters of notice from the Minister of Law and Order ordering their further detention.

The assaults are across the board and detainees from both the Inkatha Freedom Party and the ANC have alleged assault. The house of Thokoza Civic Association (TOCA) general secretary, Louis Sibeko, was severely damaged by members of the ISU. Doors were kicked in, the ceiling tampered with and clothes and books scattered all over the place.

The unrest regulations have been used as an excuse for the police particularly the ISU to arrest, detain and torture at will.

The detainees allegations are now the subject of a police investigation under the police reporting officer, for the PWV , Advocate Jan Munnick.

Despite the presence of the ISU, hundreds of Thokoza residents living in Penduka section have been forced to vacate their homes after receiving either a letter, a telephone call or a

1 Report for August '93 IBI personal visit from people allegedly residing at the Mshayazafe hostel. In some cases residents have alleged that they were given seven days to vacate their homes, failing which they would be burnt. In desperation many of the residents who are lucky enough to have alternative accommodation, have burnt their own homes rather than hand them over. Others have approached the local police station and have alleged that they have been told to pay R25 an escort and R250 for police transport if they want to move out of the area. The SAP in the area claim they are not aware of the situation as they have not received any complaints. Perhaps the reason they have not received any "complaints" is related to the protection fees they are charging residents to move. The local town council also claims to have received few complaints, however the town council offices are right next door to the hostel, where the alleged perpetrators of the "forced removals" live. The Board is currently in possession of a list of at least 45 families who have been forced out of their homes. At present there seems to be no solution as the town council cannot evict people if they do not have the necessary reports regarding the house being taken over. Some of the affected homes are bond houses and the banks have been far from sympathetic on the issue.

The forced removals in Penduka have had a spiral affect with youths in Slovo Section of Thokoza, for example evicting so-called Zulu-speaking people from their homes. These illegal evictions need to be urgently addressed and one cannot but suggest that the ISU may be better placed in protecting the effected areas where this takes place, than engaging in acts of torture, assault and damage to property.

1. STATE INSllTVTIONS

1.1 South Ahican Police

Approximately 2 500 members of the Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU), staged a march in Johannesburg, for increased wages and improved working conditions this month.

The demands presented to the Braamfontein Police Headquarters called for a 30% pay increase and an end to racial discrimination in the Police force.

In response to the march, Commissioner of Police, General van der Merwe said thJt, swift and firm action would be taken against any policeman found guilty of violating the

2 181 Report for August "93

professionalism of the SAP. Criminal and departmental proceedings were being considered against the policemen who joined the march. According to van der Merwe;1 special investigations team has already started analysing the video recordings and other evidence gathered during the march. One of the aspects of the investigations would be to establish how many policemen in uniform, during the march were in fa ct members of the SAP.

The Democratic Party, condemned the march, saying that the ANC's involvement with POPCRU, was one of the most cynical strategies yet to emerge from the A le.

This criticism should be seen in light of the fa ct that the ANC "nd Cosatu, supported the right of members of the police force- to- form a lInion to bargain for better el1"lployment conditions and to guard against misuse of the police force.

The Dr concerns about a police force being impartjal, is of paramount ilnportance, as is the right to organise. International police unions have been in existence for a long time, .. case in point would be that a Dutch police union which has existed for almost 100 years. These unions continue to work without compromising their professionalism.

In most townships black policemen, are used as interpreters or part of the contingent ca rrying out raids. Tn the Vaal, black policemen have claimed that sometimes they ha ve to do gardening at the homes of their white superior officers. The Board accepts that there are channels through which such complaints can be dealt with internally, but the fa ct that police investigate charges against themselves, says very little about how imparti all y they could react to internal criticism. The fact that POPCRU has tripled in membership over n period of six months, could be attributable to the failure of intern.. l investigations to address black police officers grievances.

A Weekly Mail article daled Augusl 27, reported Ihal the Minisler of Law and Order, Hernus Kriel h .. d paid out R3,6 million in settlement of civil claims against the police since April 1 this year.

The payments for the preceding 12 months amounted to R14,4 m illion, R4 ,71 6 mill ion more than had been budgeted.

This budget covers all claims against the police such as, accidents involvi ng SA P vehicles, nssauits, murder, attempted murder and other crimes of viol ence by pol ice. Torture is not

3 Report lor August '93 181 specificaUy mentioned in the statutes, thus it is usually booked according to the violent crime it most approximates.

Spokesperson, Craig Kotze, denied that this budget had the effect of giving policemen carte blanche, when attempting to get confessions from suspects. According to him assaults by individual policemen, are not premedHated. In most cases the assaults are likely to be on the spur of the moment. However, this does not explain the consistent allegations of the methods used and instruments employed against victims of assault and torture. This problem Kotze added, is a human problem and not an institutional one.

Peter Stevens, a senior British police officer and now a member of the Commonwealth Observer Mission, contends that local police need communications skills to defuse volatile situations instead of resorting to the gun.

The police force has embarked on a major drive to improve relations with black communities. The problem with this programme, is that it seems to be restricted to the higher echelons of the police force. This is evident in the attitudes displayed by security force personnel on the ground.

According to Stevens, policing by force has proved unsuccessful everywhere it has been tried. Police training has to be based on community policing, not on using force to subdue people. Police need to accept that their primary role is to provide a service to all South Africans alike.

2. RIGHT WING

As the violence continues unabated, General Constand Viljoen, chairman of the Afrikaner Volksfront has been considering the minefield of whether right-wing organisations are being infiltrated by the so-called third force elements. General Viljoen expressed fears that the "time is ripe" for infiltration, whereby the right-wing can be used for dirty trick operations.

These concerns corne at a time when prominent right-wing figures have been exposed as having links with "dirty trick. campaigners" of the past.

4 ml Report lor August '93

The lnkatha Freedom Party also claimed that it has evidence showing that security forces have been using marginaJised right·wing groups as front organisations.

With reference to the storming of the World Trade Centre on the 25 June, Viljoen admitted that he was puzzled by the fact that an AWB member specifically singled out an IFP member for abuse.

Concerns like this and others, that relate to the threat to future stability by the right-wing, are uppermost in the minds of individuals and organisations alike. The nature of the right-wing is such that it needs no organised force to prompt them into committing nets of violence. They rely quite adequately. on - the fact that "white is right". Any threat to future stability need not come in the form of an organised plan. All it needs is a group of people on the lunatic fringe, who are determined to impose their will at all costs. This of course is no new phenomenon within right-wing circles.

Part of the process in determining the might of the right-wing, is to establish the sectors within which it has influence. Some of the Agricultural Unions are centres of this influence. At the opening address of the Free State Agricultural Union, General Constnnd Viljoen said that the marked difference in the viewpoints of South African farmers nnd blacks could lead to clashes. This comment was made in relation to the PAC's land policy, which states that market forces could not operate in the redistribution of land. Thus land would have to be expropriated.

He went on further by referring to an "Israel", for Afrikaners, where they would have self determination and not be rejected in their own country. This "Israel" has to be located in food-producing parts of South Africa. Viljoen criticised the lack of a common plan to ensure this Afrikaner home-land. Division among Afrikaners and the "old Afrikaner habit of so many people so many plans", was according to Viljoen the main obstacle to achieving the "Volkstaat".

Tensions inside the Afrikaner Volksunie have prompted its chief negotiator, advocate Chris de Jager, to resign from the party's negotiating team. This has sparked off speculation that the A VU is fast crumbling. The timeous emergence of the Volksfront, led by the Generals could be seen to be responsible for usurping the support and the profile the A VU tried to harness.

5 Report for A ugust '93 IBI

2.1 Conservative Party

Right-wing organisations are looking to embark on a comprehensive drive, in a bid to stop the government from passing legislation, allowing for the joint control of city councils by black Civic organisations.

The campaign includes resistance in the form of protests, accelerated spending of surplus funds by existing Conservative Party controlled city councils, a boycott of municipal accoun ts by white ratepayers, as well as pressurising NP members of parliament.

The Conservative Party also plans a number of referendums in town and cities throughout the country to test the reaction of white residents to the proposed legislation.

In Jamestown in the Eastern Cape 92% of the ratepayers took part in the referendum and 91.7% rejected the proposed merger. Apart from these forms of protest, the Conservative Party has vowed to physically resist the proposed legislation. According to the CP, violence would have to be used to remove councillors from CP dominated towns.

The demise of conscription was welcomed by the CP, but it went further to state that it was now taking steps to form its own "Volksweermag" (people's army), to protect the terri torial integrity of the Volkstaat. The Conservative Party also called on farmers to join the South African Defence Force commando system, this would ensure that security measures on farms would be upgraded.

One of the ways of dealing with attacks on farms, according to the CP, is for the defence fo rce to launch pre-emptive action on possible attackers. According to Schalk Pienaar CP law and order spokesperson, the ANC and PAC should be banned and the army should be allowed to engage "terrorists" proactively.

The idea of a joint peacekeeping force in South Africa, was also rejected out of hand by the Conservative Party, the Boereweestandsbeweging and the Transvaal and Free State Agricultural Unions. At the same time the SADF has launched a campaign to recruit whites into the commandos. This recruitment drive follows hot on the heels of the call made by General Constand Viljoen, for rural whites to join the commandos. This coincidence can be interpreted as Constand Viljoen still having the power to influence and command certain sectors of the defence force.

6 181 Report for A IIj;llSf '93

3. APLA

A man who claimed to be the commander of the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) on the East Rand, claimed that APLA units were responsible for several attacks on the police. In a telephone call to the Citizen, the man, calling himself "Kabok" sOlid he was well known in the entire Eas..t Rand and to the security forces . He claimed that an Apia unit attacked the home of Randfontei n police offi cer Henry Beukes, he dispelJed the possibility that this attack could have been carried out by Umkhonto we Sizwe. Kabok also claimed responsibility for the attack. on a police patrol in Mabopane, in which two policemen dle

With regard to his status, Kabok, claimed that he had only recently been given authorisation to contact newspapers, by his PWV commander, Carl Zimbiri.

Zimbiri, who is in contact with newspapers quite often, insisted that a confidential code be used to identify him. Kabok, knew nothing of this code, but insisted that his name was enough confirmation of his bona fides. According to Kabok, Apia had several units deployed in the East Rand. At this stage Apia was looking into establishing units in Thembisa. All Apia units would specifically target the security force members, since they are seen as fuelling most of the violence.

As part of the police crack-down on Apia, 22 members of the Pan Africanist Congress were arrested in an early morning raid in Soweto. All 22 were released after they were questioned on the activities of Apia. Two were re-arrested for questioning on alleged criminal activities.

According to police, this raid was a follow-up to a country wide swoop ea rlier this year. However, warrant officer Pieke, refused to comment further on the raids saying it was a police matter.

PAC West Rand spokesperson, Mhlanga Skosana, claimed that those arrested were assaulted and that the phones of PAC members were bugged. Some of those arrested have had tapes of their conversations played back at them during interrogations. The police have claimed that these tapes were confiscated during the raid.

7 Report for August '93 181

.4. NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD

The debate on whether the National Peace Accord should be empowered to punish political leaders spouting war talk or engaging in inflammatory activities, is fast reaching new heights. The urgency of this issue bears directl y on the Accord being able to fulfil one of its main aims, Le. to create peace in South Africa.

National Peace Secretariat chairman, Antonie Cildenhuys, was sharply criticised for apparently supporting the option of "gagging" transgressors of the Accord.

According to Gildenhuys, he was merely expounding on it as one of the suggestions made. Another suggestion was that the Code of Conduct for Political Parties be given legislative sanction, this would make transgression a criminal offence.

Peter Gastrow, DP National Peace Committee member, favoured the "fine-tuning" of the current practice of publicly embarrassing offenders.

Another aim of the Accord is to help in the development and reconstruction of areas ravaged by the violence. A subcommittee, called the socio-economic reconstruction and development (SERD) committee was formed to facilitate this. However, the Accord has again come under scrutiny following revelations that a former National Intelligence Service (NIS) operative landed a lucrative consulting contract under the National Peace Accord through a shady Johannesburg company. called Delta Consulting Services.

Delta Consultancy services is owned by one of the trio of consultants. The trio were hired in April and are paid Rl 500 a day. Executive director of SERD, Warwick Barnes, said he had not known about the NIS connection when he negotiated the contracts. The consultants are involved in setting up a nation-wide programme of capacity building and empowerment of SERD local committees. These men according to Barnes were hired on the recommendation of the Gencor Development Trust.

National Peace Committee chairman, John Hall has undertaken to investigate thoroughly the position of the three consultants and the company with which they are linked.

One concern that springs to mind, is why weren't academics, or GO development organisations involved in the field of development, not approached to be part of SERD.

8 mJ Report for A U!JlIst '93

Unfortunately the ongoing violence has allowed for the peace process to become a lucrative business. Consultants like Thea de Jager, vice -president of the junior Rapportryers has confirmed his links with the National Intelligence Service (NIS), who have tremendous experience, after years of masterminding the state of fear in this country, can now offer their 'skills. for a price. To ensure that the programme is successful. the Peace Committee should ensure that all processes are seen to be honest. The end will not justify the means.

Lawyers for Human Rights has accused the peace structures of ignoring its suggestions on 4 _ ways to curb political violence.

According to LHR National director, Brian Currin the Goldstone Commission and the National Peace Committee had ignored the proposals which provide for the establishment of a national witness protection programme under multi-party control. He said the present system of witness protection was inadequate and was discouraging witnesses in potential political violence cases from coming forward.

4.1 National Peace-keeping Force

The idea of a South African peacekeeping force, is distinct from that of a blue-beret international peacekeeping force.

Negotiators foresee a national Peacekeeping Force with its own uniforms, vehicles and insignia. Despite widespread agreement on the principle, the details are still proving to be problematic. One the debates centred on whether the force should fall under the Transitional Executive Council's- council on defence or under the law and order function. Also at issue was exactly where political control should lie.

The shape of South Africa's proposed peacekeeping force, is beginning to emerge, amid indications that it could get off the ground towards the end of the year.

In terms of the draft, the National Peacekeeping Force (NPF) would consist of all elements, of all military forces and policing agencies which fall under the authority and control of the participants in the Council who wish to contribute to such a force.

9 Report for A ugus/ '93 181

The TEC sub-council will establish a NPF command centre. The sub-council in consultation with the NPF command centre will:

Establish and see to the training of a unit of NPF instructors, including international experts.

Formulate the philosophy doctrine, syllabi and training policy for the NPF.

Establish criteri a for the recruitment, training and selection of NPF members.

Establish the command structure of the NPF and appoint and, if it decides, dismiss the commanders and other senior officers.

Prescribe the jurisdiction of and the circumstances for the deployment of the NPF.

The need for a South African peacekeeping force arose from the following considerations:

The legitimacy crisis confronting the SAP and the SADF in the townships, the levels of mistrust and distrust of the security forces at a political level and therefore the need for a non-partisan force, particularly in the run up to elections.

The fact that such a force would not be provided by the international community.

This force will be a compromise, obviating the need for full multi-party control of the security forces. This is also a form of preparation towards the integration of all armed forces.

5. THE GOLDSTONE COMMISSION

5.1 AtIocks on members of the SAP

SAP senior counsel, Flip Hattingh, told the Goldstone Commission that the ANC was bent on discrediting police to hasten joint control. Hattingh referred to a commitment made in Sebokeng last year, that the police, the ANC and the civics would patrol "to identify the enemy" but thus far nobody from these organisations had come forward.

10 IBI Report for August '93

According to Hattingh, the police were the victims of orchestrated attacks in African National Congress strongholds in the Vaal Triangle.

During his cross-examination of ANC Vaal sub-regional chairperson, Kaizer KJaas, Hattingh demanded that Klaas.. as chair of that region ,should identify the people responsible for attacks on police. Klaas denied knowledge of such orchestration, but conceded that there was a problem between police and residents. He said that night-time raids by the now disbanded "Yankee Squad", had made victims extremely angry. Quoting from a list of at least 100 attacks in a year on policemen in the Vaal, Hattingh said most of the attacks were against black policf'Jn~n . Klaas confirmed that the ANC had investigated the matte.r to find the cause of these attacks, however they were unsuccessful in identifying the exact causes.

Klaas went on to claim that the police had manipulated the self-defence units, so at times they did not do the work they were intended to do. He ci ted examples where armed men had been "planted by the police at barricades in the township. This resulted in a mix up at the barricades.

Klaas went on further to say that the SAP was not adhering to the Peace Accord and so the ANC was not willing to do so either. He admitted that the ANC had refused to co-operate with a police request for assistance to stem violence in the Vaal Triangle.

The hearing continues

5.2 New evidence on ihe Caprivi Hit-squads

New evidence before the Goldstone Commission has re-focused the spotlight on the SADF's training of Inkatha members in the Caprivi Strip, this suggests that it was indeed for hit-squad purposes.

A Kwa-ZuJu police constable, who is presently under a witness protection programme, told the commission that he was trained in the Caprivi in 1986, to kill non-Inkatha members. He also said that other Capri vi trainees, including their commissar had given him an AK-47 rifle to plough through the violence wracked township in Northern Natal. The witness claimed that trainees were promised that they would not be arrested. At one stage he ran into trouble but the Kwa·Zulu Minister of Justice, Reverend Cj Mthethwa,

11 Report for A ugus! '93 ml

had promised to help him. The w itness decided to talk to the Special Investigations Unit, because he feared for his life.

This witness's evidence is in direct opposition to the findings of the commission on SADF training of 200 lnkatha members in the Caprivi in 1986. The commission report could find no evidence of a direct link between township violence and the training and there was apparently no evidence to suggest that the SADF provided the training for the purpose of creating hit squads.

In his evidence the constable said that he was told that he was being trained to protect the South African and KwaZulu Governments, in addition to attacking those people who were not sympathetic to the KwaZulu government.

When he was stationed at the Esikhawini township in Northern Natal, in 1987, he was approached by other Caprivi trainees, who gave him an AK-47 rifle. The three trainees were; Joyful Nyambose, Peter Msane and Daluxolo Mandlanduna Luthuli, Luthuli was identified as being the commissar. These trainees allegedly told the witness that the rifle was to be used for ploughing between Hl and H2 sections of Esikhawini. To the witness ploughing meant he had to kill people. The witness was given instructions to kill one of the targets in the township at about 19hOO at his home. He was then told to keep the rifle until another IFP member from Ulundi, Robert Mkhize came to fetch it. However, the witnesses station commander, Captain Dlamini seized the weapon two weeks later. Another senior police officer, lieutenant Colonel Sipho Mdluli, told the commission that he heard from the SAP in Empangeni that the constable had weapons. This information was passed on to Captain Dlamini, who subsequently confiscated the weapon.

5. 3 probe into Militory Intelligence links 10 the Cape violence

Allegations of Military Intelligence involvement in destabilising the Western Cape informal settlements are to be probed by the Goldstone Commission.

Former Cape attorney-general Niel Rossouw, chairperson of the commission looking into the causes of violence in Crossroads, said the commission was interested in information about a man named Conrad Sandile. The ANC has alleged that he is an MI operative, sent from Natal to Cape Town to export the Natal violence. This will be done by fuelling the divisions between the Western Cape United Squatter Association (WECUSA) and the South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO).

12 lSI Report for A "gust '93

Sandile, testifying before the commission, has denied receiving training from the SADF or having contact with Ml. Sandile, is employed as WECSA's director of housing and development. He gave evidence days afte.r returning from Oskei, where he and WECSA chairman Jeffrey Nongwe met three of the homelands ministers.

Asked by De Lange, why WECUSA was co-operating with the Ciskei governmenl, when it did not recognise its legitimacy and whether WECUSA was offered anything in return for agreeing to provide names of Gskeian squatters in the Cape. He denied having met a former squatter leader and self confessed MI recruH, Prince Gobingca. Gobingca confessed that he was appointed as intelligence officer in 1989. -- This has effectively set the stage for political clashes with civic structures over the right to organise shack dwellers.

The conflict has continued with efforts at uniting the two groupings ending in failure.

The hearing continues.

6_ATIACKS ON INDIVIDUALS

The Board's June /July report, mentioned two attacks on the home of ANC official Sydney Mufamadi. On August 2, the Mufamadi household in Soweto was surrounded by members of the ISU who claimed they had received a report that arms had been delivered to the house. Mufamadi said he was more accustomed to talking to senior police officers in meetings than in attack positions in his garden. Police spokesperson, Colonel Tienie Halgryn, said police had acted on a tip-off. Mufamadi and Ihe A C questioned what they called "selective diligence" and demanded an apology.

A second prominent ANC leader, Dr Allan Boesak, allegedly survived a "most serious assassination attempt" at a public meeting in the Somerset West Town Hall early this month. Boesak's security guards apparently put themselves in the line of fire between him and three armed white men. Boesak the leader of the Western Cape region of the ANC was escorted to the back of the stage and out a side door after he had given his speech. The ANC security head for the Western Cape said the men appeared "very professional", wore side-arms in shoulder holsters and had body armour under their shirts.

13 Report for A ugust '93 IBI

6.1 Chris Hani

Caye Derby-Lewis one of three right wingers accused of assassi nating Chris Hani was granled bail of R30 000 in the Rand Supreme Court early this month. She will be kepI under constant police supervision at a secret venue until her trial on October 4. The court did not make public any details of what is believed to be her virtual house arrest. Judge Chris Plewman said the typed order regarding her bail cond itions will be retained by the Registrar of the Supreme Court in a sealed envelope under lock and key until the trial. Derby-Lewis was further instructed not to communicate with any State witnesses and had to hand over her passport and all other documents which could enable her to leave the country.

The ANC criticised the court's decision saying the amount of R30 000 and the "secret conditions" were outrageous. ''The decision can only help fuel perceptions that the state views black li ves as cheap . Whereas the ANC does not call into question the judicial process in the country, the decision by the Rand Supreme Court in this respect is insensitive to the feelings of Hani's family and the majori ty of the people of the country, black and white.

'The state has full knowledge that Derby-Lewis has international right-wing connections which might assist her to escape justice. The state must take fu ll responsibility for the consequences of her release should she escape the due process of law," the ANC said.

6.2 Walter sisulu

In a sequel to the highway shoot·out between members of the SAP and Ihe body guards of WaIter Sisulu, which led to the death of bodyguard Ismael Moloane on July 18, 1993· three other bodyguards appeared in court on charges of attempted murder and illegal possession of firearms. The case was postponed to September 29.

The ANC, however has laid counter charges of attempted murder against members of the SAP. Despite an agreement that the two parties would co-operate in the investigation into the shooting incident, the ANC has accused the SAP of withholding crucial ballistic information which was vital to the reconstruction of the shooting scene. The police, have however, countered the allegations by saying the ANC was unco-operative and still had not submitted its sworn affidavits on the incident. Brigadier ark Cows, said the ANC had

14 fB I Report for A ugusf '93 only produced "unsigned, watered down" affidavits of half a page each which they had been told were not sufficient. The investigation continues . .. 7. NATAL

The spiral of death and destruction in Natal continues. One of the latest victims being Khulekani Mhlongo, president of the.Upiversity of Zululand Student Representative Council and the African National Congress deputy secretary of the Northern Natal region. Mhlongo was shot once in the head on Sunday August 1. The bullet apparently entered Mhlongo's right temple and exited through his left lemple. He died approximately 20 minutes after he was shot. Police are investigating and have offered a R20 000 award for any information leading to the arrest and conviction of the killers.

Another shock attack on a shack in Claremont left six children ranging from four to 17 orphaned. The killing of Isaac Zuma and his wife Pearl has sent shock waves through the community. The couple's youngest child was with them when they were shot. The family were refugees from the trouble-torn area of Phateni, in Richmond and had moved to the Ndunduma area of Claremont. According to the Reverend Kjell Olsen, of Christians for Truth, the Zuma's were an ordinary couple and not politically active.

7. 1 Bhambayi

The ISU in Natal has been implica ted in an attack in Bhambayi on Thursday August 5, which left seven people dead and two injured . However, allegations of ISU complicity in the attack have been slammed by the SAP in the area and the police have challenged anyone who has any evidence to put it before the Goldstone Commission. The IFP on the other hand, have accused members of the Transkei Defence Force of involvement in the violence in the area. KwaZulu goverrunent minister, Thomas Shabalala, said evidence to this effect would be forwarded to the Goldstone Commission. Shabalala alleged that some of the bodies discovered in Bhambayi on Sunday August 11 could be those of TDF soldiers. Transkei leader, Major-general Bantu Hoiomisa, has challenged the IFP to substantiate its claims in order to bring the perpetrators of the violence to court.

15 Report for August '93 181

The August 11, violence followed the launching of an IFP branch in the area. Since December 1992, over 200 people have died in Bhambayi. The fighting on Sunday brought to a head a long-brewing feud bet\.veen t\.vo ANC factions -one of the factions, the "greens", has now joined Inkatha en masse.

"It is our democratic right to join Inkatha," said James Mthethwa of the decision he and his neighbours took to launch an IFP branch in Bhambayi. The decision has turned the once traditional ANC stronghold into a powder-keg with clearly defined boundaries.

7.2 Tobie Mountain

A crying 12-year-old boy told the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court that while he was looking after his wounded sister, one of the accused a local pastor Jerirniah Qeda Zulu (33) shot him three times. Zulu shot the boy after the boy pleaded with him not to kill him.

Zulu and his co-accused Sibusiso Zulu are charged with slaying six schoolchildren in a baklde ambush at Table Mountain on March 2. For a detailed report on the incident see the Board's March 1993 report

The boy said he saw the accused Qeda Zulu (whom he knew as a neighbour and evangelist at whose home he attended church services and played with his son), with a "hig firearm".

He spoke to him. "I cried and I said: "Uncle forgive me. Do not kill me You have seen me .. .' He said: 'Shut-up: then he shot me."

The boy told how Zulu fired at him three times from about two paces. Two bullets hit him in the back and a third injured his spinal cord. He had looked around for his friends but the only ones there were the dead and injured.

Another 11 year-old victim of the shooting incident identified Jeremiah Zulu and his co accused Sibusiso Zulu (19) as having been among the assailants. He described how one of the gunmen had chased him, shooting at him, as he fled into the bush He did not know how the bullets had missed him. He had first hidden under the bakkie with an injured friend who he later learnt had died.

16 ffi l Report lor A ugtlsf '93

The hearing continues.

8. REEF VIOLENCE .. 8.1 East Rand

Despite overtures of peace on September 2, by all sides of the political spectrum on the East Rand, the carnage continues. Residents no longer rely on the security forces for protection as they are seen as part of the--probJem and very often the very people the community needs protection from. Many youths particularly in Thokoza nnd Katlehong have formed self·defence units or self-protection units in an attempt to protect their communities from the ongoing violence, In some areas members of the SAP living in the affected areas have assisted the SDUs/SPUs in patrolling the streets at night and giving early warning to residents of any impending attack. The police have responded to this by arresting the policemen involved in SDUs despite provisions in the National Peace Accord which allows for the formation of SPU's and calls on all signatories of the Accord to "recognise that a liaison structure should operate between any community based self protection unit and the police so as to facilitate education on citizen's rights, police responsiveness and other aspects of which there is a legitimate and common interest."

The Board does recognise that there are those SDU's/SPU's that have been infillrated by criminal elements and often operate outside the law and we have no problem in these particular structures being bought to book. But we believe that the police should use their discretion and realise that in some areas it would best serve their purpose of stopping the never ending spiral of violence by co-operating with the SDU's/SPU's.

Since July 3, 544 bodies have been found in the East Rand and it would seem that only in death do the warring factions meet. More than 200 victims of the violence have been buried in paupers graves as no-one had identified the bodies. The Board believes th'lt unidentified bodies are buried far to quickly and without an adequate investigation into the possible identity of the deceased. Keeping a body for two weeks in an area which is the epicentre of violence in South Africa is not enough. Families have difficulties in getting to the various mortuaries and we believe if no missing persons report is filed, the SAP do not make any real attempt to identify bodies through fingerprints or dental records. The police however, claim that they have in many cases taken photographs of the deceased and have requested families who do have members missing to contact them.

17 Report for A ugust '93 IBI

8.1. 1 1hoIcoza

As the dail y death toll mounts, there seems no end in sight to the violence in Thokoza. Houses are attacked at random and areas like Thindwa are for the most part deserled. Houses in the area have been burnt and looted. Penduka resembles a ghost town as residents pack whatever belongings they can carry in the transport available and seek refuge deeper inside the township.

The police seem powerless to assist residents who have been forced to flee an area. The Board has received several reports from residents claiming that the poli ce have taken full advantage of the chaos and have offered their "protection" services at a fee .

At least 40 people in the area have been detained and are currently being held at Boksburg prison under regulation 3 of the unrest regulations which are akin to the emergency regulations of the ]980's. Torture and assaults are systematic and cruel. Detainees have complained of electric shock treatment to their genitals as well being suffocated with a rubber inner tube of a tyre. Some of the detainees who are ZlIlll speaking have been told that they will be dropped off in the ANC strong-hold of rhol. Park. Non-Zulu speakers have been told that they will be given an ANC T-shirt and then dumped at the hostel. It is clear that the assaults are across the political divide and that many of the arrests are based on hearsay evidence at best and at worst on informers who in many cases have an axe to grind with one or other person in the community. Some detainees have been forced to sign confessions against thei r will and have in some instances impJicated innocent people in criminal activities just to stop the torture sessions.

When the three month declaration of an unrest area expired on August 27, the detainees at Boksburg were woken up at midnight and in many cases forced to sign forms informing them that the unrest area had been extended for a further three months. In one particular case, a detainee refused to sign the form and a member of the SAP took out a pair of pliers and twisted the detainee's flesh on his back. The policeman stopped after being reprimanded by the head of the Boksburg Prison, Colonel Steynberg.

The ANC PWV region which brought an urgent application before the Rand Supreme Court, was granted a restraining order preventing further assault of the detainees named in the application. The application has also requested the release of many of the detainees as it is believed that the SAP did not apply their minds to many of the arrests and that some of the reasons given to the detainees fo r their arrest were different to the ones

18 fBI Report for August '93 provided to the court. A decision on whether or not the detentions were lawful is yet to be handed down.

Despite the restraining order, detainees not mentioned in the applicati on, as they were not arrested at the time the applicatioij came to court are still being assaulted and tortured and the order has had little effect in protecting them.

8.1.1.2 Murde.- 01 Prince Mhlambi, Mpoti Mochitjo, Sampo Mofokeng, Mokgele Scbcthe and Anna Khoeli -- Two Thokoza youths were found guilty in the Rand Supreme Court on August 17 for the murder of Prince Mhlambi and fOllr others in October last year. Justice J de Villiers found that Paul Mokoena and Sibusiso Mchunu killed the five in a "cruel merciless and cowardly attack". Mokoena who used an AK-47 rifle and fired most of the 27 shots that struck Mhlambi's car was jailed for an effective 25 years. Mchunu received an effective 20 year term.

In an unusual step, Judge de Villiers requested that the Department of Correctional Services ensure that both men serve their fuB terms. De Villiers found that the killings h .. d been planned and premeditated. Their motive was never revealed as they had not been open and honest with the court, he said. The men waited on Mapatane Street in Thokoza knowing that the Mhlambi's car would pass. Mhlambi, a Phola Park activist, Mpati Ma chitje and Sampo Mofokeng were killed instantly. Mokgele Sebethe and Anna Khoeli died later in hospital.

8.1.2 Kotlehong

The widow of East Rand IFP official, Absolom Shozi, has made an impassioned plet! for the people who stole her husbands body from a funeral parlour in Katlehong to return it . Shozi was brutally murdered in KaUehong in late July.

The body was allegedly snatched by three men armed with AK 47's, who threatened to kill the funeral parlour workers unless the coffin containing Shozi's body was handed over. The family have appealed for the return of the body but to date there has been no response.

19 Reporllor A ugust "93 181

A gun battle erupted in Katlehong during the funeral of some the victims of the recent violence. Police claim that they shot three people and wounded three others when they returned fire after coming under attack by gunmen among the mourners. The shooting ,allegedly broke out when the police searched a mini-bus which was part of the funeral procession and found two hand grenades and two pistols. All the occupants of the mini bus were arrested including a priest and were subsequently held under section three of the unrest regulations on August 4. Most of the mini-bus occupants are being held at the Soksburg Prison and despite the expiry of their 30 day detention they have not been charged nor has their detention been extended. Two people who claim they were bystanders during the incident were charged with possession of a hand gun in the Alberton court on September 9, and granted bail of R1 500.

Peace Action monitors on the scene claimed the police llsed unnecessary fire power and continued shooting for at least 30 minutes after they had stopped, searched and arrested the people in the mini-bus.

8.1.3 Wadeville.

The indusmal area of Wadeville just outside Germiston was again targeted for attack this month. In a horror attack on Sunday August 22, at least 12 hostel dwellers employed at the Scaw Metals were gunned down while attending a burial society meeting. This attack comes in the wake of the horrific attack on a taxi outside Wadeville which left six people dead on July 18.

Co-operation between rival trade unions and the police, however has led to the arrest of two Scaw Metals employees in connection with the attack. National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa's (Numsa) organiser Alfred Woodington said the sllspects political affiliations were not known., but that umsa and the Inkatha aligned United Workers Union of South Africa (Uwusa) had co-operated with the police during the investigation. Woodington appealed to anyone who had information on the third assa ilant to contact the police.

A hostel dweller said the shooting started at about 11hOO at a hostel liquor store. He said the shooting seemed to be unprovoked with the gunmen running out of the hostel compound and shooting people at a meeting of the hostel's funeral committee.

20 ffi l Report for A uRI/sf '93

Police said witnesses saw two men armed with AI< 475 running through the hostel, firing shots as they went. At the same time another gunman opened fire on the meeting, which was taking place on the lawn in front of the hostel. The gurunen escaped, possibly through a large hole in the barbed wire.. fence at the hack of the hostel . 8.1.4 Thembiso ill what must rate as one of the most caUous attacks of all time in Thembisa, occurred in early August. Gurunen attacked a mini-bus with AI< 47's and then set the mini-bus alight with the victims inside. The only survivor af this outrage was five year old Mzukisi Mashwabana. He was saved when his mother threw him out of the mini-bus window before she was shot and burnt alive.

According to Mzukisi, he and his parents were on there way to Transkei via Thembisa, He said that on entering the township the roads were barricaded and their mini-bus was stopped and some youths demanded money from the driver. They then opened fire without warning. Mzukisi says they shot his father first and then his mother threw him out of the window. He saw one of the men shoot his mother. He then crawled into the bushes at the side of the road and saw the youths set the "201a Budd" (mini-bus) alighl. His parents along with ten other passengers burnt to death.

The Toaster gang has resurfaced once again in Thembisa to terrorise the community. The Toasters a notorious gang in the township have sought refuge from the community's wrath in the Vuzimuzi Hostel. Early this month members of the Toaster gang, allegedly reinforced by hostel dwellers attacked the residents of Thembisa leaving at least 10 people dead. Residents in the area claim they tried in vain to contact the police while the attack was going on but they failed to respond. The police have accused the ANC of sowing mistrust and suspicion in the minds of the community and say this can only stoke the fires of violence and not assist in quelling the carnage.

8.2 Soweto

Six people- including three young children were killed and shacks burnt when about 40 people attacked the Power Park informal settlement in Orlando, Soweto. In one of the shacks that had been burnt a man and three children aged between three and six years of age, burnt to death.

21 Report for August '93 lSI

According to the police, two men from the nearby Nancefield hostel were arrested shortly after the attack:.

In another incident, a Soweto teacher was killed and his friend seriously wounded in a shoot-out w ith the police. Lunga Mbobo was d riving Ell en Mteshi home when their car was involved in the shoot-out with members of the vehicle theft unit. Mbobo, died instantly from 10 bullet wounds.

According to the police, Mbobo had fired at the police, when they approached his car, it was then that police returned fire. According to the survivor, while they were driving along, they noticed a car flick its lights, Mbobo stopped. The occupants of the car waited for Mbobo to open his window and then fired into the car. He started his car and sped off. While driving off his car collided with another car.

Cases such as this reflect that the SAP, irrespective of the unit, employ brute force at every available opportunity. Both political and criminal violence is dealt with in the same manner. This type of attitude brings into serious disrepute the level and nature of training of police officers.

8.3 1he Vaal

According to residents in the Vaal, since the disbanding of the infamous "Yankee Squad", the area has been calmer and much more relaxed.

8.3.1 Khetisi Kheswo

"Vaal Monster" Khetisi Kheswa, died of natural causes while in police custody, an official post-mortem examination revealed. Based on this the Attorney-General saw no need for an inquest into his death. The state pathologist's findings that Kheswa died of natural causes has since been disputed by an independent pathologist, who found that Kheswa died of maltreatment, which included, suffocation, electrocution, hypothermia and toxic substances.

It was alleged during a bail application of one of Kheswa's close friends that police in the Vanderbijlpark Crime Investigation Unit tortured suspects as a matter of course. Methods included covering the heads of suspects with a car tyre-tube and electrocution. Some suspects were subjected to the so-called "vliegtuig" (aeroplane). The "vliegtuig" is a chilir

22 IllI Report for A IIlfust '9.1

to which SUSpects are tied with electric wires fixed to their bodies which makes them "fly" when the current is switched on. Victor Mthembu, handed in a sworn affidavit as evidence, in which he alleges that he was electrocuted by the police and than made a confession implicating himself and .Kheswa.. in the Boipatong massacre . However, the head of the Vanderbijlpark Crime Investigation Unit, Herman Havenga pleaded ignorant of such torture tactics. However, when Mthernbu's counsel put it to him, that his client had marks to prove that he was electrocuted, Havenga had no answer.

The SAP have not managed to lay the ghOst-of Victor Khetisie Kheswa to rest ~md the Board calls on a full investigation of his mysterious death in detention

8.3.2 Boipatong Mo..acte

The Boipatong Massacre trial continued in the absence of one of the accused, who died earlier this month. Themba Mabote, allegedly tried to escape from a moving police vehicle, when he was allegedly hit by another police vehicle, which was following the first police vehicle. Mabote suffered head and leg injuries. Detective·Sergeant Peens, the man who featured prominently in the controversial death in custody of Kheswa, was according to Brigadier Mostert, a passenger and not the driver of the car, that killed Mabote. However, Brigadier Mostert, could not elaborate on, how Mabote managed to jump through a window without being seen by the two policemen, who were at the back of the vehicle at the time. Neither could he elaborate on why the suspects were not handcuffed, or why proper security arrangements for transport of the suspects were not made. Mostert also refused to divulge the name of the policeman driving the car that killed Mabole.

Two of the accused in the Boipatong massacre, who may not be identified, alleged that police were harassing them and threatening to kill them. The accused tried to lay a charges of assault against the police but were denied entry to the Delmas Police Station. The police allegedly told them to go home and said they would contact the court in connection with the matter. Warrants for their arrests were issued and the trial was postponed, to allow the men to corne to court and explain themselves.

The trial continues

23 Report for A ugusl '93 IBI

8.3.3 6konhol Shootings

One of the accused in the Eikenhof killing was stripped naked, blindfolded and bealen by police. Advocate Knopp, representing Boy Titi Ndweni, told Ihe courl that his client had said he was tortured after his arrest on March 24. According to Knopp, his client was blindfolded, handcuffed and kicked in his private parts until he confessed to the Eikenhof killings.

Major Charles Landman denied these allegations of torture and assault and said that Ndweni, had given his statement voluntarily.

Ndweni, Siphiwe James Bholo and Sipho "Fish" Gavin, pleaded nol guiliy 10 43 "special" offences.

The hearing continues

8.4 Train Altacks

Attacks on train commuters resurfaced in August. At least 23 people have died in train attacks after a lull of several months.

Two men held in connection with a train attack at the Langlaagte Station in Johannesburg have been declared innocent by several witnesses who saw the attack. Five people were killed in the above attack and at least 15 people were injured . Witnesses informed the Sowefan newspaper that the two suspects were ANC members and were singing A C songs in a coach moments before the attack. The renewed train attacks come after Spoornet and the SAP increased security on trains.

The renewed attacks have however led to police reinforcements being drafted in to patrol the trains.

9. WESTERN CAPE

Like the St James Massacre last month, the brutal slaying of American student Amy Biehl in Guguletu has shocked the world. Biehl was dragged from her car by a IOO-strong mob of youths in Guguletu near Cape Town on August 25 and stabbed to dealh. Leader of Ihe

24 IBI Report for A "gllst '93

ANC Western Cape, Dr AJlan Boesak said the killing was "clearly racist", The three passengers whom Biehl was driving home claimed that the youths had chanted "one settler, one bullet" and had stopped the car, pulled Biehl out and hit her in the face with half a brick. When she tried to flee they stabbed her several times in the head. One of Biehl's companions Sigiswa Bevu, t1\ed to help Biehl but was stabbed in the han,d .

Two young Pan Africanist Students Organisation (Paso) members were arrested shortly after the attack and have appeared in the Mitchell's Plain Magistrate's Court. The accused Mzikhona "Easy" Nofomela (22) and Nongenzi Manqina (21), shouted "one settler ,one bullet" as they were led back to the cells after their appearance. The-case waS postponed to September 13, and the accused were remanded to Pollsmoor Prison.

The PAC Western Cape Chairperson, Theo Mabusela condemned the attack and distanced the organisation from it.

9.1 lhe SI James Massacre

A 17-year-old Khayelitsha youth detained in connection with the 5t James' Church massacre in Kenilworth, Cape Town, was denied bail when he appeared briefly in the Wynberg Magistrates Court on August 16, 1993. The youth who was not asked to plea wore leg irons in the dock and there was a heavy police presence around the court complex.

Eleven people died and more than 50 people were injured when four gunmen sprayed the congregation with automatic fire on the night of July 25. The youth has been provisionally charged with 11 murders. Police said the youth was not a member of the Pan Africanist Congress' student wing as was reported by some international news agencies. The youth spoke briefly to his mother. This was the first time his mother had seen him since his arrest on August 5, 1993.

2S Report for August '93 IBI

10. EASTERN CAPE

10.1 Goniwe Inquest

The Colonel who signed the order calling for the "permanent removal" of Cradock activist Mathew Goniwe, has admitted adding to the names of his brother Mbelelo GOn1we and Fort Caiata, to the signal himself,

Colonel Lourens du Plessis, who was on the staff of the Eastern Province Command in 1985, when Goniwe and his colleagues were murdered, made this admission, under cross· examination by counsel for the South African Defence Force, Ou Plessis, testified that he drew up the signal after a discussion with General Joffel van der Westhuizen, who was then a brigadier and head of the Eastern Province Command. According to Du Pl essis, even though Van der Westhuizen did not actually use the words "kill", he knew that this was implied.

Van der Westhuizen told Du Plessis that he had spoken to Brigadier Janse v .. n Rensburg of the State Security Council, who offered to help with the Goniwe "problem".

After days of damning evidence of dirty tricks at the Goniwe inquest, SAOF lawyers began to build an image of key witness Colonel Du Plessis, as a man with a grudge. SADF counsel suggested that Du Plessis was bitter and financially ruined after his retirement in 1992. The court heard that Du Plessis had spent much of hi s ca reer in covert operations. After a failed business in Alice, he lost almost RJO 000. He now receives a monthly pension of Rl 400 from the SADF.

Nevertheless, Du Plessis has made some startling revelations about army involvement in covert operations, which included orders to kill so-

More damning evidence was produced when minutes of a secret meeting between the former head of SADF, General Jannie Geldenhuys and members of the Civil Co·operation Bureau (CCB) were presented as evidence. The minutes confirm that the CCB was .. t all times controlled by the SADF. It subsequently emerged that Geldenhuys h .. d sanctioned the killing of "state enemies" as part of the CCB brief, as well as the use of non·traceable weapons during such operations. According to minutes, the CCB could make representations to Geldenhuys on whom to target via the officer commanding special forces.

26 IBI Report for A ugllst '93

Du Plessis, once again implicated General Joffel van der Westhuizen in devising plans, including Operation Katzen. Operation Katzen was a plan by the SADF drafted by Du Plessis to destabiHse the Gskei by deposing then Ciskei leader Lennox Sebe. This was meant to restore so-called order in the Eastern Cape, which was then viewed as the fulcrum of the revolutionary onslaug11t.

When questioned about the theft of top secret military documents, Du Plessis refused to answer any questions on the grounds that he might incriminate himself. These documents were leaked to Transkeian leader, Major-General Bantu Holomisa. -- Du Plessis, described the enormous resources the SADF had but said it was unlikely that the Special Forces could have carried out the murder of the Cradock activists without the assistance of the local police. Counsel for the police, held that the special forces could have been assisted by the notorious "Hammer Unit" based in the Eastern Cape.

It was also revealed at the inquest that the Port Elizabeth security police were accused of blowing up a car to murder three colleagues and an alleged informer, and then blnming the ANC for the attack. Jt emerged that the onJy person that could have detonated by radio the massive car bomb that killed these policemen, was Major Nieuwoudt. He was also the only person apart from the deceased, in the vicinity of the car.

10.2 The Ciskei

Former Ciskei Foreign Minister, Thamsanqa Linda, now an arch enemy of Brigadier Oup.. Cqozo, revealed that the Ciskei government representatives handed out AK-47' rifle!' to Port Elizabeth security policemen. The instruction given to the security policemen, was to target anti-Bisho elements.

This claim comes hard on the heels of allegations that Cqozo bought large quantities of AK-47 rifles from a right-wing consultancy, Multi Media Services.

Ciskei has trained and armed at least 100 young men to form the core of a secret militia to support the government of Oupa Gqozo. The move coincides with ca ll s from Cqozo's allies in the Concerned South Africans Group (COSAC), for the establishment of their own private armies.

27 Report lor A ugust '93 fBI

11 . CONCLUSION

The epicentre of the violence is once again focused on the East Rand. Like the dark days of emergency rule, youths are being detained and systematically tortured. Recent calls by residents in the area for the ISU to leave are not racist as has been alleged by the SAP but rather a response to a force which has no respect for local residents. A force whose modus operandi is to smash doors open rather than to knock. A force that drives around the township in vehicles mounted with machine guns and at hell leather speeds sending all and sundry scattering in their wake. A force which is characterised by its heavy handedness and total ineptitude in winning the confidence of East Rand residents. Perhaps, the words of a mother of a detainees is most fitting here - "How can I co-operate with someone who tortures my child".

28 ·..

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