DOCSLIB.ORG

The Rise of Conservatism Since World War II Author(S): Dan T

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Rise of Conservatism Since World War II Author(S): Dan T The Rise of Conservatism since World War II Author(s): Dan T. Carter Source: OAH Magazine of History, Vol. 17, No. 2, Conservatism (Jan., 2003), pp. 11-16 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of Organization of American Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25163574 Accessed: 30-10-2016 00:54 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Organization of American Historians, Oxford University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to OAH Magazine of History This content downloaded from 199.73.44.216 on Sun, 30 Oct 2016 00:54:30 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Dan T. Carter The Rise of Conservatism Since World War II In the 1964 presidential election, Republican presidential of that conservative resurgence?centered politically in the nominee Barry Goldwater suffered a decisive defeat at the Republican Party but extending throughout American soci hands of Lyndon Johnson. ety?is one of the most critical developments in the last half of Goldwater, the dream candi the twentieth century. date of his party's conservative The rise of this conservative wing, had offered a "choice not movement had its roots in the an echo" in his campaign and three decades before the the American people seemed Goldwater campaign, drawing to have little doubt about their upon two powerful and interre choice. Goldwater carried only lated impulses. The first was an his home state of Arizona and unambiguous defense of laissez five Deep South states where faire capitalism. Such conserva opposition to the Civil Rights tive ideas ran deep in American movement was at high tide. history, but they had been badly Johnson took the rest with discredited during the 1930s by sixty-one percent of the popu the fact that most Americans at lar vote and his coattails in tributed the Depression to the creased the Democratic excesses of the capitalist system majority by thirty-eight House in general and the rapacious greed members and two new sena of corporate and business inter tors. By all the traditional mea ests specifically. During the 1930s, surements of American most Americans seemed to ac politics, the election of 1964 cept the argument that the fed was a disaster for American eral government had an obligation conservatism. Not only was to protect the American people their choice decisively rebuffed against those whom Franklin by the voters, but the over Roosevelt described as "malefac whelming Democratic victory tors of great wealth" by regulating Senator Barry Goldwater, in his first public appearance since his defeat for gave Johnson the opportunity the presidency, faces journalists and television cameras at Camelback Inn and controlling these financial in to enact his "Great Society" near Phoenix, Arizona, 4 November 1964. His defeat allowed Lyndon B. terests. At the same time, the programs, collectively the most Johnson to enact his Great Society programs. (AP photo) establishment of a limited na far-reaching liberal legislation tional welfare system?symbol since Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. ized most concretely by the Social Security Act of 1935?represented If 1964 was a decisive political defeat for Barry Goldwater, it a new and expanded role for the national state. was only a temporary setback in the steady growth of a conser Despite the popularity of these measures, a vocal and articulate vative movement which would reach new heights in the election minority of Americans maintained their hostility to the national of Ronald Reagan in 1980 and the creation of a Republican government (1). Apart from their complaint that the welfare state majority in both houses ofCongress in 1994. The complex story led to idleness and undermined the work ethic of its recipients, OAH Magazine of History January 2003 11 This content downloaded from 199.73.44.216 on Sun, 30 Oct 2016 00:54:30 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms they argued that the heavy hand of be other magazines and other con government thwarted the wealth-pro servative institutions created, but ducing force of individual entrepre the National Review remained, in neurs with its stifling red tape and many ways, the "Mother Church" of burdensome taxes. this new movement. The second conservative impulse Still, the arguments of intellectu came from the linking of the "welfare als did not create an electoral major state" (and the Democratic Party that ity anymore than either businessmen's created it) with fears of international distaste for government bureaucrats communism. Since the Bolshevik or the angry passions of McCarthyism. Revolution, American conservatives While Republicans won the presi warned of the threat of international dency in 1952 and again in 1956, it communism, but in the aftermath of was not with their longtime conserva World War II, their arguments fell tive standard-bearer, Robert Taft of upon particularly receptive ears. Jo B^^^^^^M^^*'^*'-. .Mm ^^^ B Ohio, but with the soothing and dis seph Stalin's ruthless suppression of tinctly moderate war hero, Dwight democratic governments in eastern Eu Eisenhower. To the despair (and dis rope after World War II and their gust) of the conservative faithful, absorption behind the Iron Curtain, Eisenhower made little effort to chal the Soviet Union's emergence as a lenge the basic contours of the na Eisenhower supporters shout "We Like Ike!" during a campaign nuclear power in 1949, and the victory stop in Baltimore. Eisenhower was a popular president, but tional state created during the of Mao Tse Tung's Communist forces did not appear to significantly challenge the Roosevelt/ Roosevelt and Truman years. While China that same year stunned and Truman legacy. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library) Richard Nixon, the unsuccessful 1960 alarmed Americans. At the same time, Republican nominee, was more stri the disclosure that a number of Americans had spied and passed dent in his anticommunist rhetoric, he also expressed little inter on nuclear and other defense secrets, launched the great Red est in rolling back the changes of the previous three decades. Scare ofthe late 1940s and 1950s. Anticommunism?most dra If the foundation for a conservative resurgence was being laid for matically reflected in the emergence of Senator Joseph the future (even as the national political movement suffered re McCarthy?was undoubtedly inflamed by politics. Although peated political setbacks through the 1950s), conservatives usually there were spies and homegrown subversives operating within the captured the attention ofthe media and academics only in its most United States, the heated political context ofthe Cold War vastly bizarre and extreme forms. There were the dozens of fanatical exaggerated their numbers. By charging that the "liberal" admin anticommunist ideologues, many combining religious enthusiasm istrations of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman sheltered with their hatred ofthe "Red Menace." At the violent fringe could traitors and thus strengthened America's Cold War adversaries, be found Robert Pugh's Minutemen, with their storehouses of conservatives could strike a blow at their political enemies. automatic weapons and their plans for guerilla war once the commu But these arguments were more than simply crude political nists who controlled the United States government had removed tools. In the decade from 1943 to 1953, conservative intellectu the mask of liberalism and shown their true face. And there were the als?led by the Austrian born economist and social philosopher marginally more respectable spokesmen for the new Right and their Frederick Hayek?argued that the flaws of "Rooseveltian" liber organizations: the Rev. Carl Mclntire's Twentieth Century Refor alism went far deeper than the question of spies or internal mation, Dr. Fred Schwarz's Christian Anti-Communism Crusade, subversion. There was, argued Hayek, a philosophical affinity the Rev. Billy James Hargis's Christian Crusade, Edgar Bundy's between any "collectivist" political movement (like the New League of America, Dean Clarence Manion's American Forum, Deal) and the forces of totalitarianism. Communism and German Texas oilman H.L. Hunt's nationwide radio "Life Line" broadcasts National Socialism were simply the mature results of all forms of and, of course, Robert Welch's John Birch Society. The title of three "collectivism." As he argued in his brief but influential 1944 book, of the most influential works of this period give some sense of the The Road to Serfdom, any attempt to control the economic perspective of what we might call "establishment" attitudes: The freedom of individuals inevitably led (as his title suggested) to Radical Rights edited by Daniel Bell; Arnold Forster and Benjamin serfdom and barbarism (2). Hayek's book was one of several works Epstein's Danger on the Right, and Richard Hofstadter's The that would prove to be critical in the thinking of a new generation Paranoid Style in American Politics (4). of conservative intellectuals (3). These groups were, however, the extreme right of a far broader Even more important in creating an intellectual founda movement that was often unnoticed or, in many instances, simply tion for the new conservatism was the creation ofthe National described indiscriminately as "extremist." One critical building Review magazine under the editorial leadership of William F. block for that new conservative movement was laid in the bur Buckley Jr. Founded in 1964 and bankrolled by wealthy busi geoning suburban development of postwar America. In her study ness conservatives, the new magazine soon became the cross of Orange County, California, historian Lisa McGirr has given us roads through which most intellectual and political a portrait of this emerging constituency?the "Suburban War conservatives passed.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: Parties and Policy Making in Ireland
    Introduction: Parties and policy making in Ireland C o n t i n u i t y One of the most remarkable aspects of post-Treaty Ireland was how well the political institutions established by the British colonial administration survived. This is not altogether surprising when one considers that the Irish struggle for independence ended in ‘a compromise with the former coloniser which denied true emancipation’. 1 Many members of the new elite ‘found nothing better to do with their freedom than to duplicate the British system’ while ‘a new use was found for the Irish language as a kind of green spray-paint to be coated over the remaining British pillar boxes, systems and titles, in order to conceal the ever-growing similarity with the British way of life’. 2 Kevin O’Higgins ’ s conviction that they ‘were probably the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution’ 3 gives some idea of the limitations and parameters within which the Free State would take shape. The survival of the British civil service, based in Dublin Castle, provides a striking example of the basic continuity that followed the Treaty. ‘Independence’, Basil Chubb notes, ‘did not much aff ect the well-established and powerful departments’ and for the former British civil service ‘life went on much as before’. 4 Under the Treaty, the position of former colonial administration employees was protected and most managed to exchange political masters with equanimity. A small number (about one hundred) voluntarily transferred to Belfast to serve the Northern Ireland administration. The transition from colonial power to a native administration did not, therefore, impinge greatly on the civil service.
    [Show full text]
  • Clark (Eds.) Radical Or Redundant? Minor Parties in Irish Political Life Dublin: History Press, 2012
    To the left of Labour: The Workers’ Party and Democratic Left in L. Weeks and A. Clark (eds.) Radical or redundant? Minor Parties in Irish political life Dublin: History Press, 2012. 173-187. To the Left of Labour: the Workers’ Party and Democratic Left, 1982–97 Kevin Rafter Introduction Over the last 90 years new parties have repeatedly attempted to break into the national political arena in Ireland so as to challenge the longtime dominance of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour. The new entrants have periodically challenged the established order in terms of shaping policy agendas, winning seats and participating in multi- party governmental arrangements. A limited number of small parties have achieved these three outcomes – impact on policy, Dáil representation and governmental involvement – including Clann na Poblachta, Clann na Talmhan, the Progressive Democrats, Democratic Left and the Green Party. Others, including the Workers’ Party, while not experiencing a period in power, have both impacted on policy formation and enjoyed national electoral success. All these new entrants, however, share one common trait – namely, a poor record in sustaining their challenge to the big three parties. It has been pointed out that smaller parties can ‘add a richness and depth that has an impact on democracy and representation’ (Copus et al, 2009: 4). In an Irish context, however, despite this democratic value, these parties have failed to sustain a lasting political and electoral presence. Ireland’s so-called ‘two and a half party system’ was defined – until the general election in 2011 – by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour repeatedly filling the same pecking order in terms of votes and seats.
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • The RISE of DEMOCRACY REVOLUTION, WAR and TRANSFORMATIONS in INTERNATIONAL POLITICS SINCE 1776
    Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT The RISE of DEMOCRACY REVOLUTION, WAR AND TRANSFORMATIONS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS SINCE 1776 CHRISTOPHER HOBSON Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY Revolution, War and Transformations in International Politics since 1776 Christopher Hobson Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811 PRINT © Christopher Hobson, 2015 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ www.euppublishing.com Typeset in 11 /13pt Monotype Baskerville by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire, and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 9281 1 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 9282 8 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 0 7486 9283 5 (epub) The right of Christopher Hobson to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Macintosh HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:15554 - EUP - HOBSON:HOBSON NEW 9780748692811
    [Show full text]
  • Political Campaigns Utilisation of Social Media in the Republic of Ireland
    Political Campaigns Utilisation of Social Media in the Republic of Ireland Patrick Ahern MSc in Management of Information Systems 2019 Declaration I declare that the work described in this dissertation is, except where otherwise stated, entirely my own work, and has not been submitted as an exercise for a degree at this or any other university. I further declare that this research has been carried out in full compliance with the ethical research requirements of the School of Computer Science and Statistics. Patrick Ahern 15/05/2019 Permission to lend and/or copy I agree that the School of Computer Science and Statistics, Trinity College may lend or copy this dissertation upon request. Patrick Ahern 15/05/2019 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Diana Wilson for her help, guidance, feedback, and patience during the course of this dissertation. I would also like to thank the lecturers and staff of the school of Computer Science and Statistics. Finally, I would like to give my deepest appreciation all my family for their support and understanding over the last two years, without which, this would not have been possible. Abstract The use of social media platforms such as Facebook has grown in the Republic of Ireland and elsewhere over the past number of years. At the same time the Republic of Ireland's political system has undergone significant changes both in response to local and world events. Both have obviously influenced election campaigns. As can be seen from the case studies by Babac and Podobnik (2018), Chou and Fu (2017), and Ktoridou et al.
    [Show full text]
  • An End to ``Civil War Politics
    Electoral Studies 38 (2015) 71e81 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Electoral Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud An end to “Civil War politics”? The radically reshaped political landscape of post-crash Ireland * Adrian P. Kavanagh Maynooth University Department of Geography/National Institute for Regional and Spatial Analysis, National University of Ireland Maynooth, Co. Kildare, Ireland article info abstract Article history: The European debt crisis has impacted on electoral politics in most European states, but Received 27 June 2014 particularly in the Republic of Ireland. The severe nature of the economic crash and the Received in revised form 5 January 2015 subsequent application of austerity policies have brought large fluctuations in political Accepted 12 January 2015 support levels, with the three parties that have dominated the state since its foundation e Available online 21 January 2015 Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and Labour e all being adversely effected. The extent of these changes is highly controlled both by geography and by class, with political allegiances Keywords: proving to be highly fluid in certain parts of the state. Growing support levels for left wing Austerity Republic of Ireland parties and groupings, but most notably Sinn Fein, appear to be moving Irish politics away “ ” Civil War politics from the old Civil War style of politics and bringing it more into line with the traditional Class cleavage class cleavage politics of continental Europe. Electoral geography © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. The economic “crash” of 2008 has resulted in a long suffered electoral setbacks in most European states during period of recession and austerity policies in the Republic this period (with the Christian Democrats in Germany of Ireland, which has had profound impacts for the Irish proving to be a notable exception), these trends has been political system as well as for economic and social life particularly evident in the more peripheral states within within the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Tony Heffernan Papers P180 Ucd Archives
    TONY HEFFERNAN PAPERS P180 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2013 University College Dublin. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Administrative History iv Archival History v CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vi System of Arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access x Language x Finding Aid x DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note x ALLIED MATERIALS Published Material x iii CONTEXT Administrative History The Tony Heffernan Papers represent his long association with the Workers’ Party, from his appointment as the party’s press officer in July 1982 to his appointment as Assistant Government Press Secretary, as the Democratic Left nominee in the Rainbow Coalition government between 1994 and 1997. The papers provide a significant source for the history of the development of the party and its policies through the comprehensive series of press statements issued over many years. In January 1977 during the annual Sinn Féin Árd Fheis members voted for a name change and the party became known as Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party. A concerted effort was made in the late 1970s to increase the profile and political representation of the party. In 1979 Tomás MacGiolla won a seat in Ballyfermot in the local elections in Dublin. Two years later in 1981 the party saw its first success at national level with the election of Joe Sherlock in Cork East as the party’s first TD. In 1982 Sherlock, Paddy Gallagher and Proinsias de Rossa all won seats in the general election. In 1981 the Árd Fheis voted in favour of another name change to the Workers’ Party.
    [Show full text]
  • Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus
    REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 2016 HHHHHHH HHHHHH We dedicate this platform with admiration and gratitude H H H H H To all who stand strong in the face of danger So that the American people may be protected against it — The men and women of our military, of our law enforcement, and the first responders of every community in our land — And to their families. Paid for by the Committee on Arrangements for the 2016 Republican National Convention Not Authorized By Any Candidate Or Candidate’s Committee www.gopconvention2016.com • REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 2016 • Preamble With this platform, we the Republican Party reaffirm the principles that unite us in a common purpose. We believe in American exceptionalism. American people are optimistic. We believe the United States of America is This platform lays out — in clear language — the unlike any other nation on earth. path to making America great and united again. We believe America is exceptional because of For the past 8 years America has been led in the our historic role — first as refuge, then as defender, wrong direction. and now as exemplar of liberty for the world to see. Our economy has become unnecessarily weak We affirm — as did the Declaration of with stagnant wages. People living paycheck to Independence: that all are created equal, endowed paycheck are struggling, sacrificing, and suffering. by their Creator with inalienable rights of life, liberty, Americans have earned and deserve a strong and the pursuit of happiness. and healthy economy. We believe in the Constitution as our founding Our standing in world affairs has declined document.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America: a Qualitative Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2020 The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America: A Qualitative Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization Grady Lowery University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Lowery, Grady, "The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America: A Qualitative Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2020. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/6079 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Grady Lowery entitled "The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America: A Qualitative Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Sociology. Jon Shefner, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance:
    [Show full text]
  • ESS8 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS8 - 2016 ed. 2.1 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Czechia 7 Estonia 9 Finland 11 France 13 Germany 15 Hungary 16 Iceland 18 Ireland 20 Israel 22 Italy 24 Lithuania 26 Netherlands 29 Norway 30 Poland 32 Portugal 34 Russian Federation 37 Slovenia 40 Spain 41 Sweden 44 Switzerland 45 United Kingdom 48 Version Notes, ESS8 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS8 edition 2.1 (published 01.12.18): Czechia: Country name changed from Czech Republic to Czechia in accordance with change in ISO 3166 standard. ESS8 edition 2.0 (published 30.05.18): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2013 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ), Social Democratic Party of Austria, 26,8% names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP), Austrian People's Party, 24.0% election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), Freedom Party of Austria, 20,5% 4. Die Grünen - Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne), The Greens - The Green Alternative, 12,4% 5. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ), Communist Party of Austria, 1,0% 6. NEOS - Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum, NEOS - The New Austria and Liberal Forum, 5,0% 7. Piratenpartei Österreich, Pirate Party of Austria, 0,8% 8. Team Stronach für Österreich, Team Stronach for Austria, 5,7% 9. Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (BZÖ), Alliance for the Future of Austria, 3,5% Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • When Political Mega-Donors Join Forces
    WHEN POLITICAL MEGA-DONORS JOIN FORCES: How the Koch Network and the Democracy Alliance Influence Organized U.S. Politics on the Right and Left Running head: When Political Mega-Donors Join Forces Alexander Hertel-Fernandez Assistant Professor School of International and Public Affairs Columbia University [email protected] (212) 854-5717 Theda Skocpol Victor S. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology Harvard University [email protected] Jason Sclar Graduate Student Department of Government Harvard University [email protected] Abstract As economic inequalities have skyrocketed in the United States, scholars have started paying more attention to the individual political activities of billionaires and multi-millionaires. Useful as such work may be, it misses an important aspect of plutocratic influence: the sustained efforts of organized groups and networks of political mega-donors, who work together over many years between as well as during elections to reshape politics. Our work contributes to this new direction by focusing on two formally organized consortia of wealthy donors that have recently evolved into highly consequential forces in U.S. politics. We develop this concept and illustrate the importance of organized donor consortia by presenting original data and analyses of the right-wing Koch seminars (from 2003 to the present) and the progressive left-leaning Democracy Alliance (from 2005 to the present). We describe the evolution, memberships, and organizational routines of these two wealthy donor collectives, and explore the ways in which each has sought to reconfigure and bolster kindred arrays of think tanks, advocacy groups, and constituency efforts operating at the edges of America’s two major political parties in a period of intensifying ideological polarization and growing conflict over the role of government in addressing rising economic inequality.
    [Show full text]