The Role of Alternative Press in Mobilization for Political Change In
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FORD Bibafia - Moi Airaghi, Who Also Refused
I.. AR IlIhau PHOTOCOPIERS The nation FOR THE DYNAMIC OFFICE ** No., 9621, Nairobi, Thursday, November 14, 1991 Price KSh7/00 Yffiiister named in House corruption d By MIJTHUI MWM and And for the first time in the notriety even by members of his Mr Mungai drew continuous Biwott to follow suit. (A letter sixth Parliament, backbenchers Asian community. applause when he started his I'eOI.eIl MIAL flMAD - from the Lonrho chief to Prof snoutea aown vcerresiaent me 1vr, wno was contributing speeca but was nesiegeci with Saitoti alleging corruption in gov- The MP for Mold yesterday George Saitoti when he sugested to the Prevention of Corruption points of order by the front hench ernment circles was this week asked leaders accused of corrup- thev should not talk of tribalism (Amendment) Bill, caused an up- when he began to equate tribal- published in the Press). - tion to repent and resign and at while discussing corruption, roar in the House after he tabled ism with corruption. But on a point of order, the Mo t the same time tabled a list of The House was fully charged a list of 220 names of executives Amid shouts of 'Biehop MP for Bunyala, Mr Peter names of parastatal heads from during Mr Mungai's contribution from a sin?le ethnic group who Mungai!" "Archbishop of Mob!" Okondo, said Mr Biwott had al- By JOSEPH OLWENY one ethnic cmnmunity. and debate tendled to degenerate headed various parastatals. the legisiatoi said corruption was ready cleared himself by threat- The Vice-Chancellors Committee Mr Njenga Mungai named the into a shooting match. -
Kenya's Supreme Court
Kenya’s Supreme Court: Old Wine in New Bottles? By Special Correspondent As the six Supreme Court judges were adjudicating Kenya’s first presidential election petition in March 2013, Justice Kalpana Hasmukhrai Rawal was waiting for a new president to take office and the newly elected National Assembly to convene so that her nomination as Deputy Chief Justice could move forward. The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) had settled on her appointment after interviewing a shortlist of applicants in February 2013. The Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board had earlier found her to be suitable to continue serving as a Court of Appeal judge. Justice Rawal eventually joined the Supreme Court on 3 June 2013. Two years later, Justice Rawal became the second Deputy Chief Justice (after Nancy Baraza, who resigned after she was heavily criticised for abusing her authority by threatening a security guard after the guard demanded to search her at a mall) to be embroiled in controversy. In 2015, Rawal challenged a notice that she retire at the age of 70. Around the same time, the then Chief Justice, Dr Willy Mutunga, would announce that he wanted to retire early so that the next Chief Justice would be appointed well ahead of the next election. In May 2014, Justice Philip Kiptoo Tunoi and High Court judge David Onyancha challenged the JSC’s decision to retire them at the age of 70. They argued that they were entitled to serve until they reached the age of 74 because they had been first appointed judges as under the old constitution. What seemed like a simple question about the retirement age of judges led to an unprecedented breakdown in the collegiate working atmosphere among the Supreme Court judges that had been maintained during the proceedings of the presidential election petition. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Kenya: “Place of Sharīʿa in the Constitution”
PART THREE KENYA: “PLACE OF SHARĪʿA IN THE CONSTITUTION” Halkano Abdi Wario - 9789004262126 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 07:52:30AM via free access Map 5 Map of Kenya: Showing principal places referred to in Part Three Halkano Abdi Wario - 9789004262126 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 07:52:30AM via free access CHAPTER SEVEN DEBATES ON KADHI’S COURTS AND CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN ISIOLO TOWN: THEMATIC ISSUES AND EMERGENT TRENDS Halkano Abdi Wario Introduction Since 1992, Kenya has been characterised by demands for new consti- tutional dispensations. It has also seen heightened competing interests emerge in which religion and politicised ethnicity have played a pivotal role in the political game of the day. The same scenario has been replicated at a grass roots level. Elsewhere, as in the Kenyan case, the increased calls for recognition and empowerment of courts applying aspects of sharīʿa almost instantly elicit strong negative responses from Christian communi- ties. One of the contentious issues in the referendum on a draft constitu- tion was the issue of Kadhi’s courts. Should they be empowered, or left to stay as in the current Constitution? The resultant debates are the concern of this chapter. The findings of the research have strong implications for Christian-Muslim relations. The chapter examines how different views evolved in Isiolo, a small Northern Kenyan town. The town has a his- tory of strained Christian-Muslim relations. Contests over resources and ownership of the town feature highly in every new conflict. The chapter explores the role of ethno-religious ascriptions and elite mobilization in the increasing misunderstandings about Kadhi’s courts. -
Race for Distinction a Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya
Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 09 December 2015 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Stephen Smith (EUI Supervisor) Prof. Laura Lee Downs, EUI Prof. Romain Bertrand, Sciences Po Prof. Daniel Branch, Warwick University © Connan, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Race for Distinction. A Social History of Private Members’ Clubs in Colonial Kenya This thesis explores the institutional legacy of colonialism through the history of private members clubs in Kenya. In this colony, clubs developed as institutions which were crucial in assimilating Europeans to a race-based, ruling community. Funded and managed by a settler elite of British aristocrats and officers, clubs institutionalized European unity. This was fostered by the rivalry of Asian migrants, whose claims for respectability and equal rights accelerated settlers' cohesion along both political and cultural lines. Thanks to a very bureaucratic apparatus, clubs smoothed European class differences; they fostered a peculiar style of sociability, unique to the colonial context. Clubs were seen by Europeans as institutions which epitomized the virtues of British civilization against native customs. In the mid-1940s, a group of European liberals thought that opening a multi-racial club in Nairobi would expose educated Africans to the refinements of such sociability. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS 34159 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS AVIATION SAFETY and NOISE Millions of People Around Major Airports
November 29, 1979 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 34159 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS AVIATION SAFETY AND NOISE millions of people around major airports. It On October 22 the Senate passed H.R 2440, would also weaken the incentives for replace striking the provisions of the House ini REDUCTION ACT ment of aircraft with new technology air tiated b111 and substituting for them the planes that could offer even more noise relief provisions of S. 413, the Senate "noise bill". to the millions of Americans who are ex I am advised the Senate has already ap HON. NORMAN Y. M!NETA posed daily to unacceptable levels of aircraft pointed conferees in anticipation of a con OF CALIFORNLA noise. ference on H.R. 2440. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 3. By authorizing some $300 mi111on in In expressing the Administration's opposi excess of the President's budget for FY 1980, tion to H.R. 3942, I outlined a number of Thursday, November 29, 1979 an increase which ls unwarranted, the bill objectionable features of the b1ll. The pro e Mr. MINETA. Mr. Speaker, I ha;ve would be infiationary. In any event, as you visions of H.R. 2440, as passed by the Senate, asked the White House for a clear sig know, the House already acted to establish a.ire comparable in many respects to those an obligations limit on the airport devel undesirable fiseal and environmental provi nal that legislation rolling back the fieet opment program for 1980 at a level which is sions of H.R. 3942 to which we are opposed; noise rule would be vetoed. -
THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: the Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya
THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: The Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya By Dauti Kahura THE current clamour by a certain section of the political class across the board to change Kenya’s constitution is not anything new; we have been here before. Two years before the death of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, in August 1978, and after the hotly contested 1974 general election, this clamour reached its zenith, with its protagonists coming out openly to hold public barazas across the country to caution people about the danger of having one Daniel arap Moi succeeding Jomo. This group wanted the constitution changed so that a vice president could not automatically become president upon the death of the president, an amendment that would have made it impossible for Moi to succeed Jomo. Moi was a Kalenjin from Baringo and the so-called “Kiambu Mafia” despised him and could not in their wildest dreams countenance the fact that a non-Kikuyu could ascend to State House. Nearly forty years later, in February 2018, a little-known and first time MP for Tiaty constituency in Baringo County, received wide media coverage when, out of the blue, he proposed changes to Kenya’s 2010 constitution. The 45-year-old MP, William Kamket, through his Constitution Amendment Bill 2018, advocated for the inclusion of a powerful position of prime minister and the scrapping of the position of deputy president. (The current constitution is hardly a decade old, having been promulgated on August 27, 2010.) Less than a month later, on March 9, President Uhuru Kenyatta and his strident political nemesis, Raila Amolo Odinga, in a surprise manoevure, appeared on the steps of Harambee House – the seat of government – to declare a political détente by publicly shaking hands and smiling broadly for the cameras. -
Goodbye Gutenberg NIEMAN REPORTS
NIEMAN REPORTS THE NIEMAN FOUNDATION FOR JOURNALISM AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY VOL. 60 NO. 4 WINTER 2006 Five Dollars Goodbye Gutenberg rward • Building C g Fo omm hin un us it P y • • F ge in n d a in h g C O e h u t r g F n o i o s t n i n e g S • • E s x d r p o a n W d g i n n i g k O a u T r • R s e n a o c i t h c • e n C n o o n C v e w r e g i N n g g n o i r n o l t h p e x E W e • b ‘… to promote and elevate the standards of journalism’ —Agnes Wahl Nieman, the benefactor of the Nieman Foundation. Vol. 60 No. 4 NIEMAN REPORTS Winter 2006 THE NIEMAN FOUNDATION FOR JOURNALISM AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY Publisher Bob Giles Editor Melissa Ludtke Assistant Editor Lois Fiore Editorial Assistant Sarah Hagedorn Design Editor Diane Novetsky Nieman Reports (USPS #430-650) is published Editorial in March, June, September and December Telephone: 617-496-6308 by the Nieman Foundation at Harvard University, E-Mail Address: One Francis Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02138-2098. [email protected] Subscriptions/Business Internet Address: Telephone: 617-496-2968 www.nieman.harvard.edu E-Mail Address: [email protected] Copyright 2006 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. Subscription $20 a year, $35 for two years; add $10 per year for foreign airmail. -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft. -
National Assembly
October 5, 2016 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES 1 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL REPORT Wednesday, 5th October, 2016 The House met at 9.30 a.m. [The Deputy Speaker (Hon. (Dr.) Laboso) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM Hon. Deputy Speaker: Can we have the Quorum Bell rung? (The Quorum Bell was rung) Hon. Deputy Speaker: Okay Members. Let us settle down. We are now ready to start. We have a Petition by Hon. Njuki. POINT OF ORDER PETITION ON ALLEGED MISAPPROPRIATION OF FUNDS BY THE KENYA SWIMMING FEDERATION Hon. Njuki: Thank you, Hon. Deputy Speaker for giving me the opportunity this morning to air my sentiment on the issue of petitions. According to Standing Order No.227 on the committal of petitions, a petition is supposed to take, at least, 60 days to be dealt with by a Committee. Hon. Deputy Speaker: Hon. Njuki, I am just wondering whether whatever you are raising was approved or not. Hon. Njuki: Hon. Deputy Speaker, I do not have a petition. I just have a concern about a petition I brought to this House on 12th November, 2015. It touches on a very serious issue. It is a petition on the alleged mismanagement and misappropriation of funds by the Kenya Swimming Federation. That was in November 2015. This Petition has not been looked into. Considering what happened during the Rio de Janeiro Olympics, there were complaints about the Federation taking people who were not qualified to be in the swimming team. To date nothing has happened. I know the Committee is very busy and I do not deny that, but taking a whole year to look at a petition when the Standing Orders say it should be looked into in 60 days is not right.