PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN : A COMPARATIVE STUDY

Noorana*

Abstract This papers shows the historical legacy and comparative analysis of electoral violence in Bangladeshi parliamentary elections. In the comparative analysis of parliamentary elections, two hypotheses are taken- firstly, when all political parties reach in a consensus about electoral administration, then violence rate becomes less in number. Secondly, more competitive elections induces more violence and less competitive election induces less violence. This two hypothesis proved in the findings of this paper. First hypothesis applied in fifth (1991) and ninth (2008) parliamentary elections and second hypothesis applied in eight parliamentary elections (2001). Although tenth parliamentary elections (20014) is exceptional from above mentioned hypothetical application because of its non-participatory nature and the number of casualties. This paper mainly based on qualitative method and secondary sources of data. The secondary data sources include election related rules, research published by others, books, journals and reports.

Key-words: Election, Electoral Violence, Political participation, Human insecurity and Bangladesh.

Introduction Electoral violence as a form of political struggle has become one of the most challenging issues in the democratization process. Democracy is generally based on elections as well as defined by them (Lindberg, 2006). Violence is anathema to democracy, it is not seen simply as the unlawful use of force- a system of unlawful power sharing whose actors are attuned to the dangers of violence and mutual benefits of non-violence (Keane, 2004). Bangladesh as a country is going through violence and contradictions where democracy sometimes slipped out. It comes into independence through bloody liberation war in 1971. Before that people could not

* Noorana is Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science, Jagannath University, . email: [email protected]. Social Science Review [The Dhaka University Studies, Part-D], Vol. 36, No. 2, December 2019 234 Noorana exercise their democratic rights under Pakistani rule. Electoral democracy comes from the British colonial period under the 1935 India Independent Act. Under the Act of 1935, the elections of 1937 and 1947 were held in the then Bengal province. After the partition of Indian subcontinent in 1947 (Indian and Pakistan) India hold two elections in 1954 and 1970 and in Bangladesh after independence eleventh parliamentary elections were held until 2019, more or less every elections was condemned to electoral violence. The causes of electoral violence differ from place to place or time to time. Although more or less similar patterns exists all the places and times of elections. In this tracks ends centric violence like winning in the election by any means is the main causes of violence. In the procedural centric violence like revenge, power competition, political socialization can vary time to time. This paper are divided into four parts. In the first part, it describes the methodology and theoretical analysis. In the second part, it explains the parliamentary elections and violence in Bangladesh. In the third part, deals with the causes of electoral violence in the parliamentary elections in Bangladesh. In the last part, it draws a comparative analysis of parliamentary elections in Bangladesh followed by a conclusion.

Methodology This paper mainly follows qualitative method and secondary sources of data. Primary data were collected through interviews and the secondary data sources include election related rules, already published research conducted by others, books, journals and reports.

Electoral Violence: Theoretical Concept Election Election is a process and also the democratic rights of people. It is the way to elect peoples representative who will work in favor of people and enact law. „Election is a major instrument for the recruitment of political leadership in democratic societies; the key to participation in a democracy; and the way of giving consent to government ;and allowing the governed to choose and pass judgment on officers who theoretically the governed‟ (Rose, 1978; Dye, 2001). Violence Violence is one kind of actions which intended to harm people, animals and non- living objects. It is a part of human history. „Violence is present when human being Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 235 influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realization‟ (Gultung, 1969:168). Violence is „the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against another group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of injury, death, psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation (World Health Organization summit, 1996 cited Nahar, 2012). Violence can be divided into five categories like- domestic violence, social violence, cultural violence, structural violence, collective violence and political violence. In general, violence can use as a last choice as a means but in case of political violence most people choose as a first option. This paper focus on electoral violence which is part of political violence. Electoral Violence The term electoral violence can be explain from two approaches. In the first approach, electoral violence is seen as a sub-set of activities in a larger political conflict. In the second approach, electoral violence is seen as the ultimate kind of electoral fraud. Electoral fraud is a clandestine efforts to shape electoral results including ballot rigging, vote buying and disruptions of the registration process (Hoglund, 2009). Electoral violence in a recent UNDP study is useful to serve the purpose of the present study as: Any acts or threats of coercion, intimidation, or physical harm perpetrated to effect an electoral process, or that arise in the context of electoral competition, when perpetuated to affect an electoral process, violence may be employed to influence the process of elections –such as effectors to delay, disrupt or derail a poll-or to influence the outcomes: the determination of winners in competitive races for political office, or securing the approval or disapproval of referendum question. (UNDP, 2011:5) The two definitions cited above bring out three points. First, electoral violence involves coercion, physical assault or intimidation. Second, all those violent acts are aimed at influencing the electoral process so as to influence its outcome, and third; its consequences involve material loss such as destruction of properties and human loss. Finally, electoral violence in the pre, during and the post-Election period are altogether illegal acts which violates electoral code of conduct framed by the Election Commission in order to hold peaceful election (Noorana, 2015).

Forms of Electoral Violence Electoral violence takes three forms: pre electoral violence, election time violence and post electoral violence. Before elections, intimidations and assassinations are 236 Noorana effective to decreasing the turnout and attracting neutral voters. Pre-electoral violence includes acts or threats against the candidates, intimidating voters during registration time or attacking election campaigns. Election Day violence includes the snatching of ballot papers or boxes, assaults the opposition‟s agents, and harassment or intimidation by security agents. In the aftermath of an election, electoral violence may take the form of violent protests against electoral rigging, whether real or imagined, and of the state‟s deploying its apparatus of force in response to the protest, thereby further fuelling the violence (Toyoda, Shin, 2012, p. 7). On the other hand, post- electoral violence is more likely to escalate to the large scale violent conflicts because the defeated candidate challenges the electoral results (Straus, Scott and Taylor, 2009). Electoral violence as a concept, has a strong dominant political dimension. The violence mainly takes place in the electoral arena. Within this arena, the competition over power affects the form of interaction and the intensity of potential conflict as well as its dynamics. There remain huge difference between electoral violence and electoral corruption where corruption can be done through non-violence way to manipulate the electoral result (Akhter, 1991). As a theoretical backup the paper follow “Causal analysis theory”-a causal relationship is a type of lawful relationship. One interpretation of, “if A, then B,” is, “A causes B”. David Hume„s position was that one event or situation always or usually follows another. As for example If factor A (the amount of money spent in an electoral campaign) and factor B (the number of votes received in an election) always change together-for every $ 1 million another 50,000 votes –then what more has to be said? A quantitative relationship has been discovered which allows one to predict the results of elections. Causal situations are usually analyzed in terms of sufficient and/ or necessary conditions. A is a sufficient condition for B when (1) if A occurs, B does, and (2) might have other sufficient conditions. For example, based on historical observation we might conclude that economic rivalry between nations is usually followed by military conflict, but that, in addition, an arms race often precedes such conflict, even in the absence of economic rivalry. Here two independent sufficient conditions for military conditions. Partially sufficient condition indicate itself not sufficient conditions (Issack, 1981). The violence rate is dependent variables and the other factors like- competitive place, power dominance, or religious minority dominated area work as independent variables. In the total constituency of Bangladesh, some constituencies are less violent places and some are more and some are non-violent areas. This frequency generally depends on the independent variables. In a constituency if the candidates Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 237 are more competitive, then it has high possibility of violence. Another fact is that, generally the ruling party supporter candidates have high dominance, but in the case if one constituency is dominated by opposition party then violence rate may be higher. The other fact is that, in case of Bangladesh the religious minority community living areas have high possibility of violence because this community considered as a vote bank and there displacement can give the opportunity to use their property.

Parliamentary Elections and Violence in Bangladesh Election violence is not unique in Bangladesh but here it is more intense than the other three South Asian countries namely India, Nepal and Pakistan (Hussain, 2017). In Bangladesh, after the birth till today it completed ten parliamentary elections to exercise electoral democracy. Democracy and elections are exist but people have no excess to democracy and election. Although electoral democracy come through pre independence time of Bangladesh (British rule) through 1935 India Act. The total parliamentary elections period in Bangladesh can be divided into two terms namely pre independent time and post independent time. In this time, the parliamentary elections can be divided into the following phases- A. Parliamentary elections in pre-independence period in Bangladesh B. First parliamentary election and electoral violence in Bangladesh C. Parliamentary elections and electoral violence in Bangladesh(1975- 1990) D. Parliamentary elections and electoral violence in Bangladesh(1990-2014) A. Parliamentary elections in pre-independence period in Bangladesh Under the 1935 Indian Act, the elections of 1937 and 1947 were held in the then Bengal province. During the Pakistani rule (1947-1970) Bengali people of East Bengal (former Bengal province) had the taste of two important landmark elections. One held in 1954 through which United Front (UF) government assumed the state power in East Bengal. But their government did not complete the term. However, the military takeover in 1958 by General Iskander Mirza followed by Ayub Khan in the same year buried the possibility of competitive democratic elections until 1970. The 1970 National Parliamentary Elections in the United Pakistan was the only national elections in which Awami League won the majority in both the national and the provincial legislatures. The liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971 was the result of post electoral violence in 1970 elections because of military crackdown in East Bengal. The continuity of electoral violence continued in the first parliamentary elections in 1973. 238 Noorana

B. First parliamentary election and electoral violence in Bangladesh As a newly independent country, liberation led political party (Awami league) has challenges to hold a national elections and in the same time has huge possibility to win in the elections. Finally first parliamentary elections was held in 7 march, 1973 where all political parties participated in the election, except Jammat-i –Islam and other religious based parties. Since AL was liberation led political party and no strong opposition party, so violence should remain low in numbers but beginning of 1973, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman began to accuse the opposition of saying they were trying to spoil the election due to resist the opposition participated in the election (Mannan, 2005) they “continued to condemn the terror, intimidation, repression and fascist activities of the ruling party and demanded a congenial atmosphere for holding election. (Ahmed, 1983:138). The major opposition party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) supporters mainly suffered from pre-electoral violence including threat, kidnapping, physical attack. In the election-day violence AL candidates and activists rigged the election by creating violence and terror, hijacking and looting ballot papers and boxes. Marcus Franda described the election as “blatantly and unnecessary is rigged” (Franda, 1982, p. 11). There were 2,035 secret killings, 337 kidnappings, 190 rapes, and 4,907 dacoits, and another 4,925 persons lost their lives at the hands of miscreants. In a five- month period in 1973, sixty police stations were looted from January 1972 and June 1973 (Choudhry, 2005:3). C. Parliamentary elections and electoral violence in Bangladesh(1975-1990) Bangladesh gone through non-democratic form of government for long time after first parliamentary elections from 1975 to 1990 where military backed government administered the country. There were two military ruler in that period namely Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981) and Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1981-1990). Although military backed government continued elections for sake of legitimized their regime. In this situation, the second parliamentary elections was held within four years of first parliamentary elections in February 18, 1979.The third and fourth parliamentary elections was held May 7, 1986 and March 13, 1988 under the regime of Ziaur Rahman. These elections was not free from violence. In the pre-electoral violence, both ruling and opposition party faced threat, terror, intimidation, repression and fascist activities, threat, intimidation (The Sangbad, 1& 17 March 1979). Ziaur Rahman assassinated in 1981 after that another military ruler Ershad held two parliamentary elections in 1986 and 1988. But in times of both elections antigovernment movement was continuing with all types of violence. In 1986 Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 239 elections, at least 29 persons (the government acknowledged 12) were killed, and more than 500 injured, and the polling was suspended in 173 centers in polling date (, 8 May, 1986). It was the only parliamentary elections in 1986 in Bangladesh when the parliament was dysfunctional. On the Election Day in fourth parliamentary elections (1988), about 5 persons were killed and hundreds injured, polls were postponed in 170 centers (Mannan, 2005). D. Parliamentary elections and electoral violence in Bangladesh(1990-2014) In 1991, after long time military rule parliamentary elections of 1991 was more free and fair in nature. The polls day was calm and peaceful. Only one man was killed in the electoral violence and polling in 34 centers was suspended (The Sangbad, 28 February 1991). In pre and post polls day, 39 persons were killed and 1,090 injured and in the election year a total of 18 people were killed, comparatively it was less in number than the others time of elections. , the most widely circulated newspaper of the country, comments; “The election held all over the country in an unprecedented peaceful environment” (The Sangbad, 28 February, 1991). The fifth parliamentary elections (1991) was a competitive elections where political parties compete in the elections more spontaneously, also condemn an example of a peaceful elections. The next three elections (1996 February, 1996 February and 1996 June) were not the same like before. In 1996 February elections was so questionable that this elections was banned then new elections was introduced in June 1996. On the Election Day, about 20 persons were killed and thousands injured. Election Commission itself acknowledged the death of 17 persons in electoral clashes on the poll day (The Daily , 16 February 1996). The opposition parties continued mass movement against the incumbent government and due to the pre electoral violence about 20 persons were killed including four policemen, and more than thousands were injured. Post Electoral Violence of sixth parliamentary elections and pre Electoral Violence of seventh parliamentary elections were same in nature because these two elections as held in 1996 February and June. Main two political parties Awami league and Bangladesh Nationalist Party remained clashes pre, Day, and post elections time. As a result, 14 people died while 295 were injured. Violence occurred not only between the main parties competing in the elections, rather some branch organizations of the main parties and some terrorist groups were also involved in the process (Mannan, 2005). Eighth parliamentary elections was held in October 1, 2001, mentionable electoral violence occurred in this election. Since the declaration of election schedule to next 35 days 124 persons were killed and 6,000 injured (Ajker Kagoj, 25 September 2001). There 240 Noorana were several types of violence like--incidents of killing, attacks on the election rally and procession, attacks on the candidates including some former Ministers, and destruction of election camps were common. Activists of a particular religious party attacked members of the minority community in many places of the country (Mannan, 2005). In the post-election violence, eighth parliamentary elections was severe than the others mainly attack on Hindu minority community exactly by members of the BNP- led alliance. Electoral violence was high in 2001 parliamentary elections where capturing the fishing firms, rape, planned attack on minority people, attack on living house were the forms for violence. One reason for such kind of violence was casting vote in Awami League The ninth parliamentary elections set a new, higher standard for future elections in Bangladesh (Bangladesh Parliamentary Elections, 29 December 2008). Reported incidents of violence were extremely rare and did not interrupt the polling process significantly in any observed location. After Election Day, the post-election process went smoothly, with a few notable exceptions. For example, the AL challenged the election results in Khulna-2, where the BNP candidate won. The impacts were less than the previous elections; people could cast their vote freely. The young generation‟s participation in this election was revolutionary (Noorana, 2015). The tenth parliamentary elections was held in January 5, 2014. Every parliamentary elections in Bangladesh has criticism in different angle like- participation rate of voters and political parties, electoral fraud or corruption, free and fair elections. It is not the concern of this paper, the most important concern of this section is to show that every parliamentary elections are faces more or less violence. Like the previous elections the ten parliamentary elections also faces electoral violence. It “was the bloodiest election in Bangladesh” (The Daily Star, January 6, 2014) in which approximately 400 people died, despite the presence of the largest number of law enforcement agencies (The Daily Star, August 30, 2017). Hundreds were killed and injured in violent attacks surrounding the controversial elections, according to Bangladeshi human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch also repeated its call to the government to end the reign of impunity enjoyed by Bangladesh‟s security forces. After the elections, the security forces unlawfully arrested opposition leaders, naming them as suspects in violent attacks. Researchers documented the killing or unlawful arrests of 19 opposition leaders and activists. In nine of the killings, authorities claimed that the victims were killed in “crossfire” during gunfights between the security forces and armed criminals (Human Rights Watch, 2014). Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 241

Causes of electoral violence in Bangladesh: Parliamentary elections In the causal analysis, the causes of electoral violence in Bangladesh can be analyzed into two tracks one is- ends centric violence, another is procedural centric violence. In the end centric violence, winning in the election is the main cause of electoral violence but in the procedural centric violence, violence is not directly related to win in the election but it creates due to other factors of electoral process like-revenge or personal revenge, power competition, poverty or political socialization. Although winning in the election is general desire of every candidates but by any means to win creates violence. The causes of electoral violence can be analyzed in another two ways like- distant causes and immediate causes of violence. In the distant causes personal revenge and poverty are categories where electoral violence becomes an uncertain issue; sometimes distant causes seem as independent variable where violence is dependent, sometimes distant causes work as concealed feature. On the other hand, immediate causes of violence always work as active independent variables like-ends centric violence.

Violence for bi- partisan politics and revenge The national politics of Bangladesh are divided between two major political parties: the Awami league and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), each of which forms a pole with small political parties to further strengthen their power. Some ingredients of this polarization include „Bengali vs. Bangladeshi nationalism, pro-Pakistan vs. anti- Pakistan, pro-Indian vs. anti-Indian‟, Secularism vs. Islamist‟, Mujib vs. Zia‟ (a competition of national heroes), and using or misusing the past, particularly the heroes‟ roles in the independence war of 1971. As a result of winner-takes-all power struggles and the possibility of being vanquished if power struggles fail, political elites see the personalization of state power as the only way to survive in an insecure political and economic environment (Islam, 2015).As a result, violence works as a first option to capture the state power in the election time. In the electoral culture, none can accept defeat with smile and congratulate the winner with open arms (Nahar, September 2012, p.28). Being defeated in parliamentary elections of 1991, the then chief opposition leader Sheikh Hasina said to the ruling party. “I won‟t let (you) live in peace a single day.‟ Being defeated in parliamentary elections of 1996, the then Chief opposition leader Begum Khaleda Zia said to a ruling party leader in parliament, „Shut up, stupid (beyadab, chup)! (Kaiyum, 1999).In this cases revenge works for violence. In 2008 parliamentary elections, election held after two years rule by military government, as a 242 Noorana result the people forget the immediate revenge so the level of violence was less than the previous time. In the personal revenge conflict between two families as the case of property people use election time to false revenge. Generally dominant party creates violent activities in inter and intra electoral violence but if the dominant party defeats in the election they face less violent activities.

Violence for power hegemony Election is power game; powerful bosses try to win in the race of elections implying their power. Power uses of powerful bosses create conflict in election, turns into violent activities (Kongkirati, 2014), electoral politics as a part of politics also play a ground where two or more candidates play actively, want to win in the game. Power competition remains among the candidates of the election because every candidate wants to show that his/her muscle power is more than the other candidates so that (s) he can make people understand that his/her winning will make peoples‟ lives happier (Noorana, 2015). Since all players want to show power, so clash, conflict or violent activities happened among the candidates. The level of violence depends on the level of power competition. The candidates or people who have much more money, they create violence using this money. Figure 1: Causes of Electoral Violence

Lack of punishment Causes of Power and culture electoral competition of impunity Violence and powerful bosses,

Intolerant Electoral political abuses and culture rigging of elections Weak Ineffec Greed, governanc tivenes Poverty, e and s of securit corruption y forces

Source: compiled from Galtung 196, Igbuzor 2009, Klopp and Kamungi 2007, Wallsworth 2015 Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 243

Violence for weak Law and order situation The level of electoral violence depends on the level of law and order situation. Strong law and order situation reduces violence. Punishment is the most effective way to control the violent people. In election time, if law and order situation remains strong the party activists become afraid to do their violent activities. Lack of punishment and a “culture of impunity” sets the stage for the violence encouraging rhetoric many politicians have used in African elections. Politicians in the 2011 election campaign in the DRC referred to members of as political group aligned with an ethnic minority as “mosquitoes” and advocated to “spray some insecticide‟‟. In Nigeria former president Olusegun Obasanjo said the election was a “Do-or-die” affair. So often violence is encouraged publicly from leading political figure heads, who use existing ethnic tensions to divide and conquer. A sizeable academic literature has also suggested that election violence often mirrors existing ethnic, religious, and political tensions in society (Wallsworth, 2015).

Violence for Campaign The campaign centric violence is the most important, serious and sensitive issue in election time of Bangladesh. After getting the nomination the most important part of election is electoral campaign. The several candidates of political party want to attract the voters through electoral campaign. As a part of campaign the party declared party manifesto, build on party office or camp or gate, publicity through poster, procession, public meeting, in the present time campaign through mobile phone or local television channels are attract the attention. In this campaign process violence are common in every election, like-sometime in the procession, the supporter give incitement speech or the procession of different political parties came face to face or the activist of one party attack the camp or party office then the opposing also react this type of action. As a result attack and counter attack continue, wounding, killing, attack on house furniture, attack on livestock become more obvious nature of violence.

Violence for capturing voting center Vote related violence is one of the most important factors of Election Day violence. Although vote rigging, fraud voting, control over voting Centre are snatching ballot box is not considered as form of electoral violence, these work as factors of violence. Basically these types of causes of violence occur after lunch hour without some 244 Noorana exception. To control the voting centers the dominant party tries to control voting Centre by which vote are cast in favor of them, in the same time the opposition try to obstruct them then create violence, sometimes post pond polling at the Centre. If one party thinks the opposition will get more votes than they create panic or violence to obstruct them. To cast fraud voting the conflict continue between agents, polling officer or presiding officer. On the other hand, the voter are threatened not to come in voting center or before or after they come they inform their vote already cast.

Violence for partial role of administration Election management body includes election commission and their supporting agencies. The level of violence depends on the strong role of administrative body. Administration runs the election so their work performance is most important for electoral violence. If the administration works neutrally then violence remains tolerable level. In some cases this administration remains silent after being informed the violent situation to favors one party. The perception of the general people is that administrations always work in favor of ruling party. If the administration is fail to ensure level playing field electoral violence raise tremendously. The candidate has the opportunities to break the electoral rules which encourage the violent activities. Lack of accountability and transparency of the state machinery makes the situation worse (Mohammad, 2005, p.194). Electoral violence was less in number in 2008 parliamentary elections due to strong role of administration.

Comparative analysis of elections in Bangladesh From the above analysis it is clear that parliamentary elections in Bangladesh more or less violent. Sometimes it is quite impossible to reduce violence because people are greedy, they can do anything for personal benefit. Moreover, I want to analysis this section with two hypothesis. Firstly, when all political parties reach in a consensus about electoral administration, then violence rate become less in number. Secondly, more competitive elections induces more violence and less competitive election induces less violence. The following analysis show the patterns of election which is directly or indirectly related to violence. Firstly, until 2017, ten parliamentary elections held in Bangladesh. In the first parliamentary elections, all political parties (except which were banned) participated in the elections. Although liberation war lead political party Bangladesh Awami league (AL) had high possibility to win in the elections. But it was condemn that Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 245 terror, intimidation, repression and fascist activities of the ruling party and opposition party demanded a congenial atmosphere for holding election. The main reason was that, the AL want to show absolute majority in the elections. For this reason, it was a different type of elections for the new born Bangladesh where violence rate was not necessarily less. According to government figures, between January 1972 and June 1973, there were 2,035 secret killings, 337 kidnappings, 190 rapes, and 4,907 dacoits, and another 4,925 persons lost their lives at the hands of miscreants. In a five- month period in 1973, sixty police stations were looted for arms (Choudhry, 2005:3). In one sense, it was non- participative election because religious based political parties were banned. Secondly, under the military rule election is one of the way to legitimize the regime. In the time of military regime, people have no democratic rights (rights of expression, rights of movement, and rights of association). Most of the cases, election works as ornaments where the opposition political parties have no democratic rights to compete in the elections. In this perspectives, second (1979), third (1986) and forth (1988) parliamentary elections were similar in patterns which is different from the other elections. Although in times of both elections antigovernment movement was continuing with all types of violence. Thirdly, in fifth (1991) and nine (2008) elections can be categorized in same patters. The reason is that violence rate was comparatively less than the other elections. Reported incidents of violence were extremely rare and did not interrupt the polling process significantly in any observed location in the fifth elections. In the ninth parliamentary elections, before and after the polls day, 39 persons were killed and 1,090 injured and in the election year a total of 18 people were killed which was less than the others. Fifth parliamentary elections was held after long time undemocratic military regime (1975 to 1990). In the same time, nine parliamentary elections also held after two years (2006-07) military regime. In this gap the people and political parties had thirst of democracy, they forgot immediate revenge which provoked violence. Another important point is that, in this election the political parties reached in a consensus of electoral administrations. It was also a participatory elections where all political parties participate in the elections. So the afore mentioned both hypotheses are proved in this elections. Fourthly, Sixth (1996 February) and tenth (2014) parliamentary elections were in same in nature where main opposition party was absent from election. It were non- participative election. It was comparatively less violent elections. The afore 246 Noorana mentioned hypotheses- „more competitive elections induces more violence and less competitive election induces less violence‟ can be apply in those elections. Another important point is that, in 2014 elections was non participative but the number of casualties was higher than in 1996, February elections where approximately 400 people died, despite the presence of the largest number of law enforcement agencies (The Daily Star, August 30, 2017). Fifthly, eight (2001) and seventh (1996 June) can be condemned as similar patterns where both elections were participative and violent. In eight parliamentary elections in 2001, 124 persons were killed and 6,000 injured within 35 days of the declaration of election schedule (Ajker Kagoj, 25 September 2001). In the post-election violence, eighth parliamentary elections was severe than the others. In seventh parliamentary elections, 14 people died while 295 were injured (Mannan, 2005). So the first hypotheses-when all political parties reach in a consensus about electoral administration, then violence rate become in number can be apply proved in fifth 1991 and eight 2008 parliamentary elections. Moreover, second hypotheses is- more competitive elections induces more violence and less competitive election induces less violence can be apply in ninth parliamentary elections in 2001. In tenth parliamentary elections is exceptional because, it was non-participative but more number of casualties.

Conclusion Winning in the election by any means is the main cause of violence although other factors like- revenge, power competition, poverty and intolerance political culture induce violence. The level of violence depends on law and order situation and also strong role of administrative body. From the above analysis causal theory can be apply in the area of causes like- winning by any means follows power competition or revenge fuel the power competition, poverty or greed related to vote buying and vote buying causes to violence. The causes of electoral violence, experiences from the world, give the similar picture in Bangladesh like-power competition, economic factors, administrative weakness or electoral abuses. Electoral violence is a part of political violence. It occurs in pre, day and post-election time. Electoral violence differs from electoral corruption. Electoral corruption includes non-violent activities and electoral violence includes violent activities. The actors of electoral violence include political party and their supporters, the electoral management body and general people. The factors of violence include party office, electoral camp, home, Parliamentary Elections and Electoral Violence in Bangladesh 247 shop, gun and so on. The effects of electoral violence are multidimensional like physical, psychological and structural. It threats human security by threat, missing, physical attack and murder. In the comparative analysis of parliamentary elections it is clear that, fifth (1991) and tenth (2008) parliamentary elections were more free and fair where the political parties reached in a consensus about the electoral administrations. It were also participative elections where all political parties participated in the elections. Eight (2001) and seventh (1996 June) parliamentary elections were more violent, in eight especially post electoral violence was more than the others. Sixth (1996 February) and tenth (2014) parliamentary elections were in same patterns where opposition party was absent from the elections.

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