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Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

2009: Liberals remember Bruce Murray The ‘People’s Budget’ a century on Michael Levin John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty 150 years later Eugenio F. Biagini A ‘prophet for the left’? Gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009 Roy Douglas and Duncan Brack Holding the balance Debate York Membery Interview: Cyril Smith Liberal Democrat History Group On Liberty A celebration and exploration of aspects of the life, career and thought of John Stuart Mill – Saturday 14 November 2009, LSE, London

In 1859, the philosopher and leading liberal theorist of Victorian Britain, John Stuart Mill, published his most important and enduring work, On Liberty. In this essay Mill set out the principle, still acknowledged as universal and valid today, that only the threat of harm to others could justify interfering with anyone’s liberty of action. On Liberty has become the most revered of liberal texts.

On 14 November 2009, the Liberal Democrat History Group, the London School of Economics and the British Liberal Political Studies Group are holding a one-day symposium to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the publication of On Liberty and to publicise the archive of papers left by Mill and his wife Harriet Taylor – who, according to Mill, was as much responsible for On Liberty as he was himself.

The symposium will be held from 9.30am to 5pm on Saturday 14 November, at the London School of Economics in Room 1.04, New Academic Building, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, London WC2. Speakers include: • David Howarth, Liberal Democrat MP for Cambridge: The importance of J S Mill and On Liberty to British thought and politics today • Dr Eugenio Biagini, Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge: J S Mill and the Victorian Liberal British Liberal Political Studies Party • Dr Annabelle Lever, Institute of Science Ethics Group & Innovation, Manchester Law School: Mill and The BLPSG, which is co-hosting the the secret ballot symposium, is organising extra events • Dr Georgios Varouxakis, Queen Mary, Uni- on Friday 13, Saturday 14 and Sunday 15 versity of London: Mill’s vision of international November, looking back at the general relations election of 1910 and forward to the election of • Sue Donnelly, Archivist at the LSE Library: The 2010. Mill-Taylor archives at the LSE (with optional • Friday 13 November: a tour of the Greater visit to see papers in the archive over the London Assembly, hosted by the Liberal lunch break) Democrat GLA group. • Dr Michael Levin, Emeritus Reader in Politics, • Saturday 14 November: evening dinner at Goldsmiths’ College, University of London: which Lord Wallace will be the speaker. Mill and the threat to civilisation • Sunday 15 November: a series of panels • Dr Alan Butt Philip, University of Bath and J S examining, among other topics, elec- Mill Institute: Mill as a politician toral pacts, party leadership and the Liberal Democrats’ role in Europe. Speak- The cost of the conference will be £10, to include ers include Dr Andrew Russell, Graham refreshments at mid-morning and mid-afternoon Watson MEP and Lord Chris Rennard. To register please contact: For more details or to book a place on the Archives Division, London School of Economics BLPSG part of the conference, contact: 10 Portugal Street Dr Russell Deacon, [email protected] London WC2A 2HD Tel: 020 7955 7221 Email: [email protected]

2 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 Journal of Liberal History Issue 64: Autumn 2009 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 The ‘People’s Budget’ a century on 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Bruce Murray examines the genesis, content and impact of Lloyd George’s Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl famous Budget of one hundred years ago. Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty 150 years later 14 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Michael Levin analyses the most well-known work of the greatest of the York Membery Victorian Liberal philosophers, published 150 years ago this year. Patrons A ‘prophet for the left’? Gladstone’s legacy 1809– 22 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent 2009 In the year of the 200th anniversary of his birth, what relevance has Gladstone Editorial Board to today’s politics? Eugenio F. Biagini examines his legacy. Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Debate: Holding the balance 28 Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr Is a hung parliament an opportunity or a threat? Roy Douglas and Duncan J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Brack debate the issue. Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe Interview: Cyril Smith 32 Editorial/Correspondence York Membery talks to the former MP and Liberal Chief Whip. Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Report: The strange birth of Liberal England 34 publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: With Anthony Howe, David Steel and Ros Scott. Report by Graham Lippiatt.

Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ Report: Thorpe bust unveiled 38 email: [email protected] A bust of Jeremy Thorpe in the Commons. Report by Graham Lippiatt.

All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Report: Gladstone bicentenary conference 40 Advertisements University of Chester / St Deiniol’s conference. Report by Tony Little. Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. 42 Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers Letters to the Editor

(e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please How long was Lloyd George an MP? (Patrick Mitchell); Gladstone, St Deiniol’s contact the Editor. and the Church (Sandy Waugh). Subscriptions/Membership Reviews 43 An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History Author Ashdown, A Fortunate Life, reviewed by Duncan Brack; Clayton costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes Windscheffel,Reading Gladstone, reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini; Dutton, membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. Liberals in Schism, reviewed by Malcolm Baines; Thorpe, Parties at War,

The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online reviewed by J. Graham Jones. access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers 53 are able to access online copies of current and all past Archives Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to Palmerston’s papers at the University of Southampton; by Karen Robson. individuals at £40.00.

Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Cover illustration: Group’) should be sent to: ‘Why do the Lords refuse to pass the Budget? They give plenty of excuses, but Patrick Mitchell everybody knows that one of the real reasons is that the Budget taxes land values.’ 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; (Liberal leaflet, 1 December 1909) email: [email protected] Payment is also possible via our website, Liberal Democrat History Group www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o occasional publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2009 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 3 THE ‘PEOPLE’S BUDGET’ A CENTURY ON

4 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 THE ‘PEOPLE’S BUDGET’ A CENTURY ON

Bruce Murray, author of The People’s Budget 1909/10: Lloyd George and Liberal Politics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), examines the genesis, content and impact of Lloyd George’s famous Budget of one hundred years ago.

c e n t u r y ag o The dilemma confronting the of the Liberal legislative pro- D a v i d L l o y d Edwardian Liberal Party was gramme, and apart from ful- George’s Budget how to hold itself together as a minate and threaten there was for 1909/10, his cel- party of both the middle and the nothing the government had ebrated ‘People’s working classes in an era when been able to do about it. The ABudget’, dominated British class issues were moving to the Lords used their powers selec- politics, and has since left its forefront of politics; the ‘Peo- tively. Measures like the Trades mark on both the country’s ple’s Budget’ represented Liberal Disputes Act of 1906, with a taxation and its constitution. It fiscal strategy to harness the two strong working-class identifi- is a landmark in the making of in a ‘progressive’ alliance to pro- cation, were allowed through, British progressive, redistribu- mote social reform. even though many peers tive taxation, particularly the thought that the non-contribu- modern graduated income tax, tory old age pensions enacted in as the main instrument of taxa- The challenge 1908 were dangerously ‘social- tion.1 But it is probably fair to say While the notion that Lloyd ist’, but measures like the 1906 that the ‘People’s Budget’ owes George deliberately devised the Education Bill, which catered its lasting fame more to the fact ‘People’s Budget’ as a trap for the for more traditional Liberal that it was rejected in the first Lords carries little weight, what minority ‘sections’, notably instance by the House of Lords, is nonetheless evident is that he Nonconformist, were man- thereby precipitating the consti- had the Lords firmly in mind gled by amendments or rejected tutional crisis that culminated while drafting his Budget. In outright. None was sufficiently in the Parliament Act of 1911, late 1908, when Lloyd George set popular to enable the govern- and with it the abolition of the about preparing his first Budget ment to appeal to the country absolute veto of the Lords. A as Chancellor of the Excheq- against the Lords, with the result century on, the issue of the place uer in the Liberal government that the Liberals, still haunted of the Lords in a democratic of H. H. Asquith, the situation by memories of how the Lords Britain is still very much part of RICH FARE regarding the Lords was becom- had humiliated the last Liberal the political agenda. Also alive, The Giant Lloyd- ing dire. Despite the ‘landslide’ government of 1892–95, were although not as intense as it once Gorgibuster: nature of the Liberal victory in left feeling impotent. As Lloyd was, is the debate among histo- ‘Fee, fi, fo, fat, the general election of January George warned his Cabinet rians as to whether the advent I smell the blood 1906, a month after Asquith’s colleagues when presenting his of the Labour Party, and with of a plutocrat; predecessor, Sir Henry Camp- Budget proposals to them, the Be he alive or be it the emergence of class-based bell-Bannerman, had formed government were ‘beginning to he dead; politics, spelled the inevitable I’ll grind his the first Liberal government in a look silly’. They had menaced demise of the Liberal Party as a bones to make decade, the Unionist-dominated the peers often enough, but this party of government in a dem- my bread.’ House of Lords had employed had always been followed by ocratic Britain.2 The ‘People’s (Punch, 28 April their veto and revisionary pow- ‘inaction or rather by action on Budget’ suggested otherwise. 1909) ers to thwart important parts something else’: ‘Country sees

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 5 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on this – produces a sense of our not so much for the money article of faith, and the defence ineptitude and impotence’.3 they would raise, as that would of it against Joseph Chamber- It was to regain the initia- be minimal to begin with, but lain’s campaign for tariff reform, tive against the Lords that Lloyd more to help give a democratic launched in 1903, had helped George looked to his Budget appeal to what was otherwise a to unify an otherwise fractious for 1909/10, not as a trap for potentially burdensome Budget. party and to rally popular sup- their lordships but as a means The deficit Lloyd George had port to them in the 1906 general around their veto. Theoretically, to provide for in the Budget, election. In so far as Cham- the Lords were not supposed to in the order of £16 million, berlain’s programme for tariff interfere with a finance bill and was unprecedented in peace- reform was designed to estab- this, in the view of many Lib- time, and represented unpar- lish a system of imperial pref- erals, meant that the govern- alleled spending by a Liberal erence, it required tariffs on ment could employ the next government, more tradition- foreign foodstuffs, and this was Budget to bypass the veto of ally associated with a policy of a weakness the Liberals thor- the Lords on two issues of con- retrenchment. The two major oughly exploited by holding up siderable concern to the party items of new expenditure were the ‘large loaf’ of free trade as faithful: public house licensing old age pensions at £8.75 mil- against the ‘small loaf’ offered and land valuation as a basis for lion, considerably higher than by tariff reform. But since the site value rating. During 1908 Asquith’s original estimate of onset of economic recession the Lords rejected the govern- £6 million, and nearly £3 mil- in 1907, and the consequent ment’s Licensing Bill, designed lion for new naval construction. increase in unemployment, tar- to reduce the number of pub- In January/February 1909 Lloyd iff reform gained in popularity, lic house licences, and butch- George was to wage a tenacious and the Liberals started losing ered the government’s Land campaign against the Admiral- a series of by-elections, sapping Valuation Bill for Scotland; the ty’s demands for the laying down party morale. The protective response of both the temperance of eight new Dreadnoughts in aspect of tariffs promised to help reformers and the land value 1909/10 to counter Germany’s save British jobs. Furthermore, group in the Commons was to acceleration in shipbuilding; in the Unionists, initially badly urge the government to resort to the compromise finally reached, divided by tariff reform, were the next Budget as a way around the Cabinet agreed to lay down beginning to unite behind it, the obstruction of the Lords. four new Dreadnoughts in 1909, with A. J. Balfour, the Unionist Heavy licence duties might and another four no later than leader, announcing in Novem- be used to tax marginal public 1 April 1910 if the necessity for ber 1907 his ‘conversion’ to the houses out of existence, and land them was proven. The main idea of a general tariff. Key to value duties would require a land costs for the latter would conse- his conversion was the argu- valuation, not only for Scotland quently be the liability of Lloyd ment that free trade finance but for the entire kingdom. The On all sides George’s second Budget, but was reaching the limits of its idea certainly appealed to Lloyd the clear challenge before him resources, and that any substan- George – as he told his brother, it was recog- was to provide the money for tial increase in existing taxes, he was developing some ‘exqui- both guns and butter, for both notably the already burden- site plans’ for outwitting the nised that the naval arms race and social some income tax, would prove peers4 – and he proceeded to reform. politically unacceptable. Tariffs, work into his projected Budget the means On all sides it was recog- by contrast, offered a ‘broad- taxes that would help give effect by which nised that the means by which ening of the basis of taxation’. to the objectives of the licensing Lloyd George raised his vast The increased revenue from and land valuation bills. ‘Short Lloyd George new sums would be crucial for tariffs would supposedly pro- of dissolution’, he was to advise determining the future of free vide an equitable and efficient the Cabinet, ‘we can only walk raised his trade finance. In the opinion alternative to the ‘predatory’ round the Lords by means of our of The Economist, the Union- new direct taxes advocated financial power. Licensing – but vast new ist free trader, Lord Cromer, by the proponents of the New this imperfect remedy – even sums would put the challenge before Lloyd Liberalism of social reform and if it be a remedy. Valuation we George ‘very fairly’ when he redistributive taxation. As Alan can completely circumnavigate be crucial for said at Leeds on 18 January 1909 Sykes has demonstrated in his them.’5 that: ‘What Mr Lloyd George book, Tariff Reform in British Pol- The need to respond to the determining has to show is how he can meet itics 1903–1913, as major increases Lords dictated the inclusion the very heavy liabilities he has in taxation became inevitable, of the land value duties in the the future incurred and yet preserve intact so tariff reform was twisted Budget. But Lloyd George also of free trade the system of Free-trade.’6 away from its radical imperialist wanted them to assist with the For the Liberals, the issue of origins and into the defence of wider purposes of the Budget, finance. free trade was central. It was an limited class interests.7

6 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on

In Cromer’s view Asquith’s for him challenge represented non-contributory scheme for old opportunity. Once he gathered age pensions dealt a ‘heavy blow’ his wits, he determined that his to ‘the Free Trade cause’, and Budget, far from being a make- according to the historian Bent- shift response to an immedi- ley Gilbert, Lloyd George, who ate deficit, would prove once as Chancellor of the Exchequer and for all the resources of free had the responsibility for car- trade finance and give free trade rying the scheme through the a new popularity as against tar- Commons, came to agree with iff reform. It would provide him: ‘Well before pensions went the fiscal underpinnings for the into effect he came to feel that ongoing programme of social the tax-supported measure was reform that he and Winston a mistake: that it was carelessly Churchill were preparing, and drawn, that it would complicate it would offer a way around the Liberal financial problems to the veto of the Lords on land valu- point of imperilling free trade ation and, following the rejec- and that the pension provision tion of the Licensing Bill, on was so narrow that its extension licensing as well. When the was inevitable.’8 The word put Lords threw out the Licensing out in mid-1908 was that Lloyd Bill on 27 November, Lloyd George was at his ‘wits’ end’ George organised a ‘thanksgiv- David Lloyd to the obstructionism of the George as over the finances for 1909/10. ing service’ in the Treasury and Lords on the issues of land valu- Chancellor At the same time as the Liber- said he was ‘looking forward to ation and licensing. The returns als were under pressure from the taxing the trade’.9 As Charles he anticipated from his projected Tariff Reformers on the right, Hobhouse, the Financial Secre- Budget were as much political they sensed a challenge from tary to the Treasury, detected, as financial. Of one thing he the new Labour Party on the Lloyd George became deter- was convinced: that ‘the fate of left. For the 1906 general elec- mined in the autumn of 1908 the government depends on the tion, a secret pact had ensured that his Budget should include a Budget entirely’.11 cooperation rather than com- wide range of new taxes, even if petition between the two par- not all of them were absolutely ties, with Labour given an ‘open essential to meet his immediate Preparation field’ in thirty seats in England deficit, so that he might cater In many respects, Lloyd George and Wales. In all, Labour won for all foreseeable future liabili- was a curious choice as Chan- 29 seats, to 401 for the Liber- ties on a free trade basis. ‘Ll.G’, cellor of the Exchequer. As he als and 157 for the Unionists. Hobhouse remarked in his diary confessed to a banker friend, In July 1907, the Liberals were on 17 November, ‘is now on a he needed to be given ‘the a, startled by the loss of two seats new tack, he encourages min- b, c’ of finance, his ministerial to Labour in by-elections. On isters to spend, so that he may experience was limited to lit- 4 July Labour won a four-cor- have justification for the extra tle over two years as President nered contest at Jarrow, and millions he proposes to ask for of the Board of Trade, and his two weeks later Victor Gray- next year’.10 temperament and work meth- son, an independent Social- The Budget that Lloyd ods were alien to the traditions ist, won a sensational victory George had in mind by Novem- of the Treasury. His propensity in a three-cornered contest for ber would, in brief, be a ‘People’s to spend public money, his will- Colne Valley. These Labour Budget’ in that it would provide ingness to experiment, and his advances at the Liberals’ expense the money for old age pensions refusal to read papers, preferring caused both resentment and and other social reforms, yet it instead to operate by interviews, alarm in Liberal circles, high- would do so not by taxing the certainly jarred with Sir George lighting for many the need for people’s food, which he would Murray, the Permanent Secre- positive action to safeguard the leave to the Tariff Reformers, tary and a traditional Gladsto- Liberal hold over the working- but rather by taxing the land nian. In the event, Lloyd George class vote against inroads from of parasitic landlords and the largely ignored Murray, and Labour as well as from the Tariff incomes and inheritances of the worked instead with a younger Reformers. super-rich. His Budget would generation of civil servants at The challenges confronting be an effective rejoinder both to the Treasury and Inland Rev- Lloyd George, both political the Tariff Reformers, with their enue, notably John Bradbury, and financial, in his first Budget claims that free trade finance the principal clerk at the head were certainly daunting, but had exhausted its resources, and of the crucial finance division

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 7 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on

A ‘SIXTEEN of the Treasury, and Sir Robert MILLION Chalmers, the Chairman of the POUNDER’ Mr Lloyd- Board of Inland Revenue, who George: ‘Of positively welcomed innovation. course, I shall Lloyd George owed his land him all appointment as Chancellor right. The only largely to Asquith, who sought question is to ensure a political balance in when? his Cabinet between Liberal The fish: ‘Well, Imperialists such as himself and personally I’m the Radicals. Lloyd George was game to play also indebted to Asquith for hav- with you till ing cleared the way for income well on into the autumn’. tax reform during his tenure as (Punch, 2 June Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1909) and support from the Prime Minister was crucial in securing approval for his Budget propos- als from an otherwise sceptical Cabinet. On contentious issues, Lloyd George later told his son Richard, Asquith would lean back in his chair and say: ‘Well, there seems to be substantial agreement with Mr. Chancel- lor’s proposal. Next item …?’12 The commitment of Liberal finance under Asquith and Lloyd George was to raising new rev- enue primarily by direct taxes, sparking Lord Cromer’s spe- cific fear that it was ‘almost cer- tain that a very large number of shaky, even perhaps some rather strong Free Traders will prac- tically combine with the Tar- iff Reformers rather than bear very heavy fresh burthens in the shape of direct taxation’.13 In class terms, the problem was that of significantly raising direct taxation without at the same time alienating the bulk of CARRIAGE PAID the Liberal Party’s middle-class Citoyen George support. (to Condemned To this end Asquith had Aristocrats embarked on income tax reform en route to Execution): during his tenure at the Excheq- ‘Gentlemen, uer. In his Budget for 1907/08 we wish to he introduced differentiation in make every the income tax on earned and concession that unearned incomes by reduc- may suit your ing the tax on earned incomes convenience. under £2,000 from the general There will, rate of 1s down to 9d in the £, therefore, be no thereby giving relief to the large charge for the mass of income-tax payers as tumbril.’ well as marking out particular (Punch, 18 August 1909) categories of income for later increases in taxation. He had

8 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on also contemplated introducing In the final disliked what they saw. At least Lloyd George presented to the a supertax. On these fronts the a third of the Cabinet objected Cabinet ‘the most kaleidoscopic path forward had already been analysis, to the fundamental design of the Budget ever planned, and but mapped out for Lloyd George, the Cabinet Budget, reckoning that Lloyd for revision and pruning would and Chalmers was well prepared George was attacking too many have made us a laughing stock with the main proposals that appreciated major interests at once and fear- of Parliament’.18 ‘Revision and the Cabinet was ultimately to ing that the scale and nature of pruning’ were the operative accept for the income tax and that they the proposed direct taxes would words, for the basic design of the supertax. The general rate of frighten off what Lord Morley Budget survived intact. Lloyd income tax was to be increased lacked any described as ‘the sober, sensi- George’s main loss was his tax to 1s 2d in the £, and a super- effective ble, middle class’. As a result, on capital land value, but it was tax of 6d in the £ imposed on they would have preferred to replaced by a tax on the capital incomes in excess of £5,000, to alterna- see one or two of the direct value of undeveloped land and be charged on the amount by taxes dropped, and to this end minerals, excluding purely agri- which such incomes exceeded tive; in the the education minister Walter cultural land, and a reversion £3,000. All persons with earned Runciman, previously Financial duty of 10 per cent on the value incomes of under £2,000, rep- prevailing Secretary to the Treasury, chal- of any benefit accruing to a les- resenting 750,000 out of roughly political cir- lenged Lloyd George’s estimates, sor by reason of the termination 1 million income-tax pay- suggesting that the Chancellor of a lease. His tax of 20 per cent ers, were excluded from any cumstances, had deliberately underestimated on the future unearned incre- increase in income tax, and at his returns from both old and ment in land values remained, Lloyd George’s own insistence a tame new taxes in order to justify ensuring the necessity for a valu- child abatements were intro- the full barrage of his proposed ation of all land. In the main, duced for persons with incomes Budget was new taxes. In Runciman’s cal- the changes made to Lloyd under £500. simply out of culation, as he wrote to Asquith George’s proposals in the Cabi- In addition Lloyd George on 7 April, the estimate for the net served to accentuate rather proposed a substantial increase the question. new taxes alone was at least than to mitigate the progressive in death duties in the higher £2 million too low: ‘That is in features of the Budget as a meas- brackets, a massive increase in itself serious enough to justify ure for raising revenue. This was the licence duties paid by the liq- our dropping one or part of the particularly true of the income uor trade, a rise in stamp duties, Direct taxes. I fancy that George tax, where the relief Asquith and the introduction of two land anticipates pressure of this kind had granted to earned incomes value taxes to be paid by the & will want to drop the new was extended by allowing per- landowning classes – the one a Indirect taxes, when he is run to sons with earned incomes not in tax on capital land value, and earth.’15 Asquith promptly asked excess of £3,000 to pay 9d on the the other a duty on the incre- Sir George Murray to inquire first £2,000 and 1s thereafter, ment value to be charged when- into the matter, and, ironically, thereby excluding them from ever land was sold or leased. In Murray’s dislike of the Budg- the increase in the general rate, sum, Lloyd George planned to et’s innovations came to Lloyd at least in so far as their incomes raise a little over £10 million by George’s rescue. Murray advised were earned. This meant that way of new direct taxes. Under that the revenue estimates were the burden of the increase in the heading of indirect taxa- certainly on the safe side, but the general rate was restricted tion, he confined his increases that he could hardly criticise the to unearned income and to the to ‘luxury’ items, tobacco and Chancellor for this as ‘the whole 25,000 or so tax payers with spirits, raising an additional thing is a leap in the dark, & we incomes over £3,000. £3,400,000.14 The remainder have absolutely no experience to For Lloyd George the pas- of the deficit was to be made guide us’. He also advised that sage of his Budget through a up by a diversion, which would Chalmers had assured him there generally sceptical Cabinet rep- become permanent, from the had been no ‘hanky panky’ over resented a considerable political Sinking Fund. the estimates for existing death triumph. In the final analysis, In the Cabinet, Lloyd duties.16 It was to Chalmers, the Cabinet appreciated that George’s proposals were sub- however, that Margot Asquith, they lacked any effective alter- jected to virtually line-by-line the Prime Minister’s wife, native; in the prevailing political scrutiny. Between 15 March attributed the Budget’s ‘some- circumstances, a tame Budget and Budget Day, 29 April, what oriental method of ask- was simply out of the question. some fourteen Cabinet meet- ing for more than it intended to One who thoroughly approved ings were largely given over to take’.17 of the design of the Budget was a consideration of the Budget, In the reckoning of John Lord Carrington, the President and from all accounts a good Burns, the President of the of the Board of Agriculture. As many in the Cabinet thoroughly Local Government Board, he noted with satisfaction in his

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 9 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on diary, ‘The chief burden is laid one has on being launched down then the Unionist leaders had on the shoulders of people who an exhilarating, but steep and already decided that the Budget have between 5 and 50 thousand unknown toboggan run’. As he would be rejected in the Lords. a year but the working classes informed Herbert Gladstone, The decision by Balfour and are only taxed on their luxu- the Home Secretary, who had Lord Lansdowne, the Union- ries drink, & tobacco: while the missed the day’s proceedings: ist leaders in the Commons and middle classes earning under ‘Some think we could never the Lords respectively, to secure £2,000 are not hit at all. Agri- have anything better to fight the the rejection of the Budget in cultural land escapes very eas- Lords on.’20 Within the Liberal the Lords represented a change ily and is hardly taxed at all.’19 ranks, however, there was some of mind. After the Budget had Meticulous care had been taken hostility to the land taxes, with been unveiled, Balfour advised not to add to the tax burden of a ‘cave’ of about 30 MPs being in private that they would only the mass of middle-class tax pay- Among formed to combat them. With consider rejection if a great ers and voters, with those earn- the Unionists making a dead popular movement in favour of ing between £160, the starting Liberal MPs set against the land taxes in the such a course developed in the point for income tax, and £500 the Budget Commons, Lloyd George came country. Yet it was at the very positively benefiting from the under intense pressure to aban- moment when the opposite child abatements. speech don them, but he declined to was happening, and the Budget contemplate retreat. was reaching the height of its generated From the outset, Unionists in popularity in the country, that The contest the Commons reacted with hos- Balfour decided on rejection. Lloyd George introduced his a nervous tility to the Budget, denounc- Lloyd George’s attitude to the historic Budget in the House of excitement. ing it as vindictive, inequitable, possibility of rejection likewise Commons on 29 April 1909, in a socialist war against property, changed. His initial attitude a speech that went on for four Their general and unconstitutional in so far was that rejection was a contin- and a half hours. By all accounts as it served as a vehicle to carry gency to be guarded against as it he spoke badly, stumbling over reaction was through Parliament a mass of would likely be a consequence his sentences, but his message controversial legislation which of the government’s weakness was clear. Far from being a described had nothing to do with meet- and the Budget’s unpopular- mere ‘temporary shift’ to carry by Herbert ing the deficit for the year. The ity, but in the late summer he the country’s finances over to Tariff Reformers instantly per- began to change his tune and the next year, his was a ‘social Samuel, the ceived the Budget to be a direct suggest that he might welcome reform’ Budget that would challenge to them, in so far as rejection. It was Lloyd George’s provide the ongoing finance Home Under- it was designed to destroy the speech before a packed audience required for an advanced pro- revenue motive for tariffs, and at Limehouse in London’s East gramme of change, and it also secretary, they responded accordingly. As End on 30 July, perhaps the most represented nothing less than as one of Austen Chamberlain, the leader famous in his career, that helped the free trade solution to the of the Tariff Reformers since change minds and attitudes.22 ‘financial emergency’ brought ‘frightened his father’s stroke in 1906, put Throughout July the Lib- on by the pressing demands their position when the Finance erals, through the auspices of of both defence and social satisfaction, Bill received its second reading the Budget League, formed to reform. The Times of the next in the Commons: ‘We are told counteract the Budget Protest day complained that his Budget the kind of that it [the Budget] is the final League, sought to galvanise struck ‘almost exclusively’ at feeling one triumph of Free Trade and the popular support for the Budget, the wealthy and fairly well-to- death blow to the policy of Fis- culminating in Lloyd George’s do – hitting them through the has on being cal Reform. Sir, in the spirit in Limehouse performance. With income tax, the death duties, the which it is offered, I accept the the Unionists engaged in a pro- stamp duties upon their invest- launched challenge, and am ready to go longed opposition to the land ments, land and royalties, their to the country at any moment taxes in the Commons, Lloyd brewing dividends, and, with down an upon it.’21 George launched a sustained the special petrol tax of 3d a gal- exhilarat- The Unionist strategy in attack on the landlords, their lon for road development, even the Commons was to fight the means of wealth, and their deter- their motor cars. ing, but Budget every inch of the way. As mination to avoid their right- Among Liberal MPs the a consequence, it was not until 4 ful share of taxation by resisting Budget speech generated a nerv- steep and November that the Budget was the land taxes. The rich gener- ous excitement. Their general finally approved by the Com- ally, Lloyd George charged, reaction was described by Her- unknown mons, its passage having occu- refused to pay for the Dread- bert Samuel, the Home Under- toboggan pied seventy parliamentary days, noughts they had clamoured for. secretary, as one of ‘frightened with frequent recourse to late- When the government sent the satisfaction, the kind of feeling run’. night and all-night sittings. By hat round to workmen to pay

10 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on for the Dreadnoughts, they all dropped in their coppers, but then: ‘We went round Belgra- via, and there has been such a howl ever since that it has well- nigh deafened us.’ Limehouse had a remarkable impact on the political atmosphere, leaving many Unionists severely shaken. ‘The cold fit will no doubt pass off,’ Lansdowne sought to reas- sure Jack Sandars, Balfour’s private secretary, on 9 August, ‘but the fall of temperature was extraordinary.’23 Balfour’s latest biographer, R. J. Q. Adams, insists that Limehouse did not cause Bal- four’s decision for rejection – it simply made it easier. A week earlier Balfour had told Lord Esher, confidant to King Edward VII, that he thought it ‘not unlikely’ that the Lords might reject the Budget; after Limehouse it became very likely indeed.24 On 13 August J. L. Garvin, the editor of The Observer, learnt from Sandars rejection within the party, apart Asquith’s The decision for rejection was a Cabinet reacts that the Budget was doomed, from a handful of Unionist Free huge gamble in so far as it risked to the Lords’ that the general election was Traders. rejection of everything the Unionists sup- expected to come in January, In the assessment of Adams, the Budget – a posedly held dear: the compo- and that the policy of the party ‘Balfour and his colleagues gam- satirical cartoon, sition and formal powers of the was to be ‘Tariff reform – full bled that the electorate would 1909 (Asquith House of Lords; the preservation speed ahead!’25 endorse rejection by the Lords makes the of the full Union with Ireland; For Balfour the Budget con- and reward the Unionists with announcement the place of the Church in edu- stituted an illegitimate and an electoral victory’. The gam- while David cation; and, what was dearest socialist assault on all the prop- ble was very much greater than Lloyd George of all to some, tariff reform. As ertied interests represented by that, for all the evidence suggests holds down a Lord St Aldwyn, the Unionist his party, notably land, and he that Balfour and the party agents jubilant Winston Free Trader, put it to Balfour on Churchill) seems to have convinced him- did not reckon that the Union- 20 September, the stakes would self that its passage would reduce ists would win a general election be so high, and the risk of los- the Lords to near impotence and precipitated by the rejection of ing so great, as to make rejection inflict such a setback on his own the Budget. They calculated on ‘the worst gamble’ he had ever party that he had little option defeat by a fairly narrow margin, known in politics.28 but to make a fight of it. His reducing the Liberals to depend- This was Lloyd George’s decision for rejection was taken ence on the Irish Nationalists for supreme achievement in 1909: before any group in the party their retention of office, thereby his Budget, and the furious sought to force him into it, but preparing the way for the return opposition it aroused, ultimately he no doubt foresaw that when of the Unionists to office in the led the Unionists to force a gen- the time came there would be near future.27 The January 1910 eral election that most of them overwhelming pressure for general election would deal with knew they could not win, and rejection from both the ardent the Budget and tariff reform, but when a loss would jeopardise Tariff Reformers, who feared the Liberals would require a sec- the whole future position of the that the enactment of the Budget ond general election to deal with House of Lords. would undercut their cause, and the future of the Lords, and in On 30 November 1909, the the peers themselves, who were that election the Unionists could Lords duly refused to consent paranoid over the land taxes.26 hope to win outright, especially to the Budget by a vote of 350 In the event, he ensured an if the Irish Nationalists forced a to 75, effectively forcing a gen- almost universal consensus for revival of the Home Rule issue. eral election. In the subsequent

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 11 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on campaign both Liberals and The January 1910 general Unionists made the Lords, the election was by no means the Budget and tariff reform the end of the Budget saga. The dominant issues of the elec- Irish Nationalists, who were tion, with the Liberals seeking intent on removing the absolute to rouse ‘the people’ against the veto of the Lords as an obstacle peers, the tariff reform food-tax- to Home Rule and who had ers, and the various special inter- all along been opposed to the ests lurking behind the rejection whiskey duties of the Budget, of the ‘People’s Budget’, nota- had first to be squared. This bly the landlords and the brew- was finally achieved on 14 April ers. By playing on the theme when Asquith introduced the that, through the tariff reform Parliament Bill in the Com- movement and the rejection of mons and intimated that, if the the Budget, the rich and certain Bill was rejected by the Lords, great interests were seeking to the government would go to the transfer their tax burden to the King for a dissolution on condi- people’s food, Lloyd George tion that, in the event of the Lib- found perhaps his most effective erals being returned to power, means of arousing democratic he would guarantee to create anger against both the Lords and enough new peers to overcome the Tariff Reformers. the opposition of the Lords. On The result of the January 1910 19 April the Budget was reintro- general election gave the Liber- duced in the Commons, and als 275 seats in the new House of finally passed its third reading Commons, the Unionists 273, on 27 April, with the main body THE LITTLE opinion of The Economist in May DOTARD Labour 40, and the Irish Nation- of the Irish Nationalists voting 1911: ‘Mr. Lloyd George may Registrar John alists 82. The net Unionist gain for it even though the whis- Bull (to bearer stand on record as the author was 105, fewer than most Union- key duties remained intact. On of venerable of the most successful Budget, ists had anticipated, but enough Thursday 28 April, the Lords infant): ‘Well, from the revenue producing to place the Liberal government passed the Budget through all its what I can do point of view, which the finan- in a position of dependence on stages in a single sitting, and the for it – birth cial historian of this, or, perhaps, the Irish Nationalists. While the next day the Budget received the certificate or old- any other, country can recall in Liberals had essentially held on royal assent. Exactly one year age pension?’ times of peace.’ Once he had to their working-class support, after Lloyd George had intro- (Punch, 20 April resolved on a ‘taxing’ Budget, as well as much of their Non- duced his proposals in the Com- 1910) Lloyd George’s design had conformist middle-class voters, mons, the ‘People’s Budget’ had been to cater for several years they lost substantially among the finally become law. ahead, in particular to provide middle classes and rural labour- the financial basis for further ers of the South of England. ‘It social reform, and in this enter- is the abiding problem of Lib- Legacy prise he was richly rewarded. eral statesmanship to rouse the It is nigh on impossible to think Despite considerable increases enthusiasm of the working- of another Budget that has had in expenditure, including the classes without frightening the as many ramifications as the state’s contribution to national middle-classes’, Herbert Samuel ‘People’s Budget’. Much that health and unemployment commented to Herbert Glad- was to be of long-term impor- insurance, introduced in 1911, stone on 22 January 1910. ‘It can tance flowed from it: the mod- Lloyd George realised a succes- be done, but it has not been done ernisation of the British system sion of surpluses, and no new this time.’29 Technically, as some of taxation, the financing of taxation was required until 1914. Liberals saw it, they should have the formative social welfare By 1912/13 the amount raised retained the vote of the agricul- state, the defeat of Chamber- by direct taxes had reached 57.6 tural labourers, largely because lain’s crusade for tariff reform, per cent of total tax revenue, up of old age pensions, but, in the the destruction of the absolute from 52.6 per cent in 1908/9 and view of the Liberal journalist veto of the House of Lords, and 50.3 per cent in 1905/6. J. A. Spender, tariff reform ‘got the plunge towards civil war in The great exception to this an unexpected hold of agricul- Ireland. record of success in raising new tural labourers’ by promising As a revenue-raising measure revenue were the land value ‘to help agriculture and restore the ‘People’s Budget’ proved an taxes, which cost more to imple- much prosperity by keeping out enormous success, apart from ment than they collected in rev- foreign foodstuffs’.30 the land value taxes. In the enue. In 1920 they were repealed

12 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 the ‘people’s budget’ a century on by Lloyd George’s own coalition deciding on the latter as a con- Hobhouse (London: Murray, 1977), government, and the revenue sequence of pressure from both pp. 73–74. collected was returned to those the Radicals in their own party 11 Lloyd George to William George, who had contributed to it. and the Irish Nationalists. The 17 March 1909, George, Brother, p. The failure of the land value Parliament Act, finally passed 223. taxes aside, the ‘People’s Budget’ by the Lords after a second gen- 12 Richard Lloyd George, My Father was a hugely important mile- eral election in December 1910 Lloyd George (London: Frederick stone in the history of Brit- and the threatened creation of Muller, 1960), p. 120. ish taxation. Together with new peers, replaced the absolute 13 Memorandum by Lord Cromer Sir William Harcourt’s reform veto with a two-year suspen- on the position of the Unionist of the death duties in 1894, sory veto, while the preamble Free Traders, December 1908, The and Asquith’s differentiation asserted that ‘it is intended to National Archive F.O. 633/18. between earned and unearned substitute for the House of Lords 14 Murray to Asquith, 7 April 1909, income for income tax purposes, as it at present exists a Second Asquith Papers, Bodleian Library it helped to establish the basic Chamber constituted on a popu- (Bod. Lib.), vol. 22, fos. 127–31. structure for progressive direct lar instead of hereditary basis’. 15 Runciman to Asquith, 7 April taxation in Britain for much of The question of the composition 1909, Asquith Papers 22, fos. 132–5. the twentieth century. Founded of the upper chamber that the 16 Murray to Asquith, 7 April 1909, on the new principle that taxa- Liberals dodged in the wake of Asquith Papers 22, fos. 127–31. tion should serve as a major the ‘People’s Budget’ remains a 17 Margot Asquith, Autobiography instrument of long-term social contentious part of the political (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, policy, the ‘People’s Budget’ agenda a century later. 1962 edition, ed. Mark Bonham constituted a distinct break Carter), p. 259 from the previously entrenched Bruce Murray is Emeritus Professor 18 Burns’ Diary, 29 April 1909, British principle that taxation was to of History and Honorary Professorial Library (BL) Add. MS. 46327. be imposed for revenue pur- Research Fellow, University of the 19 Carrington Diary, 29 April 1909, poses only. Asquith and Lloyd Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Bod. Lib. MSS. Films 1106. George’s reforms firmly estab- 20 Samuel to Gladstone, 29 April 1909, lished the income tax, previously 1 For the place of the ‘People’s Viscount Gladstone Papers, BL still formally regarded as a tem- Budget’ in the history of British Add. MS. 45992. porary expedient, together with taxation see Martin Daunton, Trust- 21 Hansard, 5th Series, VI, p. 41. the new supertax (later surtax), ing Leviathan: The Politics of Taxation 22 The speech is reprinted in Duncan as the main engine of progres- in Britain 1799–1914 (Cambridge Brack and Tony Little (eds.), Great sive direct taxation, with Lloyd University Press, 2001), chapter 11. Liberal Speeches (London: Politico’s, George providing for a more 2 For an overview of the debate see 2001). fully graduated income tax in his G. R. Searle, The Liberal Party: Tri- 23 Bod. Lib. MSS. Eng. Hist. c. 759, Budget for 1914/15. In the assess- umph and Disintegration, 1886–1929 fos. 138–40. ment of Martin Daunton, ‘the (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 24 R. J. Q. Adams, Balfour: The Last revision of the income tax meant 1992). Grandee (London: John Murray, that Britain, unlike France and 3 Lloyd George outline notes, n.d., 2007), p. 241. Germany, entered the First The failure Lloyd George Papers, House of 25 Alfred M. Gollin, The Observer and World War with an effective of the land Lords Library, C/26/1/2. J.L. Garvin (Oxford University national tax regime’.31 It also 4 Lloyd George to William George, Press, 1960), p. 117. helped ensure that Britain would value taxes 25 November 1908, William 26 For the peers see A. Adonis, Making become ‘the quintessential high George, My Brother and I (London: Aristocracy Work: The Peerage and the income tax country among the aside, the Faber and Faber, 1958), p. 222. Political System in Britain, 1884–1914 major nations of Europe’.32 5 Ibid. (Oxford University Press, 1993), For the House of Lords, their ‘People’s 6 The Economist, 23 January 1909. chapter 6. rejection of the ‘People’s Budget’ Budget’ was 7 A. Sykes, Tariff Reform in British Pol- 27 See Bruce Murray, The People’s was the key event that made pos- itics 1903–1913 (Oxford: Clarendon Budget 1909/10: Lloyd George and sible the Parliament Act of 1911, a hugely Press, 1979), p. 144. Liberal Politics (Oxford: Clarendon which placed statutory limits on 8 B. B. Gilbert, David Lloyd George A Press, 1980), pp. 217–220. the powers of the upper house. important Political Life: The Architect of Change 28 Balfour Papers, B.L. Add. MS. Following their return to office 1863–1912 (Columbus: Ohio State 49695. in the general election of Janu- milestone in University Press, 1987), p. 338. 29 B.L. Add. MS. 45992. ary 1910, the Liberal govern- the history 9 George Riddell, More Pages From 30 Spender to James Bryce, 3 Febru- ment found themselves divided My Diary (London, Country Life, ary 1910, Bryce Papers, Bodleian as to whether to focus on the of British 1934), p. 10. Library, UB 22. reform of the composition of 10 E. David (ed.), Inside Asquith’s 31 Daunton, Trusting Leviathan, p. 373. the Lords or on the veto, finally taxation. Cabinet: From the Diaries of Charles 32 Gilbert, Lloyd George, p. 370.

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 13 JOHN STUART MILL’S ON LIBERTY

14 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 JOHN STUART MILL’S ON LIBERTY 150 YEARS LATER Michael Levin analyses the most well-known work of the greatest of the Victorian Liberal philosophers, published 150 years ago this year, and assesses its relevance to 2009.

ohn Stuart Mill grew his Principles of Political Economy are lost in the crowd’. In conse- up in a highly intellec- (1848) was perhaps even more quence, mediocrity was becom- tual, liberal and cam- influential, and went into seven ing ‘the ascendant power among paigning environment. editions during Mill’s lifetime. mankind’. His father was the his- He had also gone public with This has sometimes been torian,J philosopher and econo- highly controversial views in seen as an opposition to rising mist James Mill – a populariser favour of the Irish poor during working-class influence, and of the utilitarian theories of the great famine of 1845–46 and Mill certainly believed that the his friend Jeremy Bentham. In in his essay ‘Vindication of the uneducated were not qualified 1823, at the age of seventeen, French Revolution of February to vote. Here, however, he was Mill followed his father into the 1848’. quite explicit as to the people to services of the British East India whom he was referring: ‘Those Company. In 1858, the year he whose opinions go by the finished writing On Liberty, his Mass society name of public opinion are not life was utterly transformed. In Mill decided to write On Lib- always the same sort of public: September he retired from the erty in 1854, although its intel- in America they are the whole East India Company in protest lectual roots can already be white population; in England, at its being taken under direct seen in essays written in the chiefly the middle class. But they state control following the 1830s. In 1835 and 1840 he had are always a mass, that is to say, Indian Mutiny. Mill believed reviewed the two volumes of collective mediocrity’1 – and a that this would make Indian Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democ- mass that imposes its norms and policy subservient to British racy in America and thereby did prejudices on everybody. Mill party-political considerations. much to make that work known called this ‘the tyranny of the Then in November his wife, and appreciated in Britain. Mill majority’.2 Harriet Taylor Mill, died of a himself was much influenced by Liberty’s old enemies were fever. On Liberty was sent to the de Tocqueville’s analysis of mass found at the apex of soci- publisher the same month. Mill society. This was a condition in ety: kings, governments and thought that it was as much hers which the old social gradations churches. The new enemy, the as his, and it is dedicated to her. were breaking down. Individu- mass, was in the middle rather As for Mill’s intellectual reputa- als were now no longer members than at the top of the social pyra- tion, by 1859 he was already an of a particular class or group, mid. This could lead to liberty’s established figure. His A System instead being members of soci- defenders being caught off their of Logic (1843) has been rated the ety in general. An atomised soci- guard by the new direction from most widely used logic textbook John Stuart Mill ety of individuals was emerging, which the current danger came. of the nineteenth century, while (1806–73) in which, said Mill, ‘individuals Mill thought the threat mattered

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 15 john stuart mill’s on liberty 150 years later for three reasons. Firstly, lib- In On Liberty Mill’s theory of progress had ape-like one of imitation’.6 This erty leads to the discovery of diversity of character and cul- is a poignant sentence which truth. Progress in thinking Mill warned ture as its cause. These were indicates the psychological back- can only be made when diver- that ‘he the factors that had gradually ground to the book, for Mill has sity of opinion is tolerated. elevated European societies been described as a manufac- Secondly, liberty is a require- who lets the above all others. In On Liberty tured man. His father did, in ment of our natural being. He he argued that all improvements fact, ‘choose his plan of life for described human nature as like world, or his to the institutions and mind of him’, and brought him up to be ‘a tree, which requires to grow Europe could be traced back a disciple, and so a propagator, and develop itself on all sides, own portion to three periods of free intel- of Bentham’s utilitarian creed. according to the tendency of of it, choose lectual ferment. One was the This brought about a mental the inward forces which make period immediately follow- crisis from which Mill gradually it a living thing’.3 Just as the his plan of ing the Reformation. Another emerged through his acquaint- body, by its very nature, needs was the Enlightenment, which ance with Coleridge and exercise, so, thought Mill, did life for him, Mill described as ‘limited to other Romantic writers who the mind. Individuals simply the Continent’. The third was reached the parts that austere could not develop themselves in has no need the ‘intellectual fermentation of Benthamism was barely willing a climate of mental constraint, of any other Germany during the Goethian to acknowledge. That, how- and this had important social and Fichtean period’, that of ever, was not the end of the mat- consequences. faculty than German Romanticism. Though ter, for later two rather forceful Thirdly, then, liberty was two of these instances were characters, Thomas Carlyle and the basic prerequisite for soci- the ape- comparatively recent, Mill felt Auguste Comte, both presumed, etal advancement. Mill’s gen- that their influence was com- quite wrongly, that they had eration had witnessed immense like one of ing to an end. ‘Appearances have found in Mill a devoted follower developments. Industry was imitation’. for some time indicated that all who would do their intellectual transforming the country, three impulses are well nigh bidding. The need to assert indi- shifting traditional class pat- spent’.4 Europe’s progress, there- viduality against outside pres- terns as new commercial pow- fore, derived from its diversity – sures, then, was one that he felt ers emerged and populations which was now endangered. very keenly. aggregated in the rapidly grow- Mill held before his read- So, in order to defend indi- ing cities. There had, within ership the dreadful warning viduality, Mill searched for a not-too-distant historical example of China. It was not a principle by which social inter- memory, been the European primitive or barbarian society, ference could be limited. He revolutions of 1789, 1830 and but an ancient civilisation that declared that ‘the sole end for 1848. Britain was proud to have had, at one time, achieved con- which mankind are warranted, remained immune from the siderable progress. It had, how- individually or collectively, in full force of these outbreaks ever, ossified at the point when interfering with the liberty of but still felt insecure as a result freedom was curtailed. China action of any of their number, is of the dangers they had posed. had then become a backwater: self-protection’. Consequently, A common intellectual preoc- world development had passed the ‘only part of the conduct of cupation was the question of it by. This was a vital lesson for any one, for which he is amena- origins and destinations. How Britain and the western world ble to society, is that which con- had human and social advance- in general. It should not take its cerns others. In the part which ment occurred? What were dominant position for granted merely concerns himself, his their mainsprings? Where were but, rather, urgently needed to independence is, of right, abso- we heading? These concerns maintain and fortify the basis lute’.7 Implicit here is the belief were particularly marked in from which its current eleva- that it is possible to draw an 1859, which, apart from Mill’s tion derived. As it was, Europe operational distinction between On Liberty, saw the publication seemed to be squandering its two kinds of action: self-regard- of two other immensely signifi- inheritance, for it was ‘decidedly ing and other-regarding. Mill cant works containing theories advancing towards the Chinese decided that only in the latter of progress: Charles Darwin’s ideal of making all people alike’.5 case had society a right to inter- Origin of Species and Karl Marx’s fere with individual actions. brief but still influential ‘Pref- Contemporary and later crit- ace to a Critique of Political The defence of individuality ics have found it hard to draw Economy’, which outlined In On Liberty Mill warned that a clear dividing line between the path of social development ‘he who lets the world, or his these two kinds of action. What successively through Asiatic, own portion of it, choose his remains significant is less the ancient, feudal and capitalist plan of life for him, has no need intrinsic value of the distinction modes of production. of any other faculty than the Mill was trying to draw than the

16 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 john stuart mill’s on liberty 150 years later very liberal attempt to establish freedom of speech was central vi. The opinion we wish to a limit to social and political to the defence of individuality. suppress may be basically interference. Mill’s argument here is perhaps wrong, but still ‘contain a Thus far it might appear that the most famous part of the portion of truth’.15 Since Mill solely defined liberty nega- book. His striking basic state- prevailing opinions seldom tively as consisting in the absence ment on this is as follows: contain the whole truth, of outside pressures, but he also they might well benefit added a positive side. This con- If all mankind minus one were from contact with further sisted in liberty as the free exer- of one opinion, and only one portions of it. cise of rationality. Rationality, person of the contrary opinion, Finally, one chapter later, Mill however, was not attainable by mankind would be no more made a partial but significant everyone, so some people were justified in silencing that one withdrawal. He now considered not yet fit for liberty. In hisAuto - person, than he, if he had the the possible social consequences biography Mill asserted that rep- power, would be justified in of free speech and decided that resentative democracy was not silencing mankind.11 law and order had to be given an absolute principle. Its applica- priority. Opinions, then, should tion was a matter of time, place Mill then provided a number of still be free, but their expres- and circumstances. Mill, then, justifications of varying plausi- sion should be limited if they are may be described as a develop- bility for his position: likely to have detrimental con- mental liberal in that people i. To silence the expression sequences in practice: only qualify for the liberal rights of an opinion is to rob the and freedoms when they attain a human race. An opinion that corn-dealers fairly high level of general devel- ii. The opinion may be right, are starvers of the poor, or that opment. In the first chapter of in which case suppression private property is robbery, On Liberty Mill explicitly left would deprive people of the ought to be unmolested when out of account ‘those backward chance to exchange error simply circulated through the states of society in which the for truth. press, but may justly incur pun- race itself may be considered as iii. The opinion may be ishment when delivered orally in its nonage’.8 Mill, presum- wrong but suppression is to an excited mob assembled ably, had in mind, among oth- still unjustified, for people before the house of a corn- ers, the Indians who had been would lose ‘the clearer per- dealer, or when handed about the subject of his employment. ception and livelier impres- among the same mob in the His father had written a famous sion of truth, produced by form of a placard.16 History of British India and it its collision with error’.12 So seems that neither father nor even false opinions have a son had what would now count positive function. The limits of state action as proper respect for the level of iv. ‘We can never be sure that This modification of his free civilisation, culture and philos- the opinion we are endeav- speech principles in the light ophy that the sub-continent had ouring to stifle is a false of their application is typical achieved. For them: ‘despotism opinion.’ It may actually be of Mill. More than just being a is a legitimate mode of govern- true. Of course, those who philosopher, he was always con- ment in dealing with barbar- attempt to suppress an opin- cerned with the implementa- ians, provided the end be their ion may think it false but tion of the views he advocated. improvement, and the means ‘they have no authority to His concern with the practical justified by actually effecting decide the question for all consequences of his analysis led that end’.9 mankind’. ‘All silencing of Mill to ponder the legitimate discussion is an assumption limits of state action. He gave a of infallibility.’13 This modifi- number of examples of wrong- Freedom of speech v. Even if a whole society ful state interference. One Liberty, then, was a prin- think an opinion false, they cation of his instance was sabbatarian leg- ciple only applicable to the still have no right to sup- free speech islation where he pronounced more advanced societies: those press it, because the opin- that it was not one person’s duty deemed ‘capable of being ions of the age are no more principles in that another should be religious. improved by free and equal dis- infallible than those of the It was also wrong to prevent cussion’. This was the condition individual. ‘It is as certain the light of free trade, for any restrictions ‘long since reached’ in what that many opinions now on trade infringe the liberty of Mill, all too vaguely, described general will be rejected their applica- the potential purchaser. Mill as ‘all nations with whom we by future ages, as it is that tion is typical pointed out how the advantages need here concern ourselves’.10 many, once general, are of free trade were conceded only For these advanced societies, rejected by the present.’14 of Mill. ‘after a long struggle’ and that in

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 17 john stuart mill’s on liberty 150 years later general ‘restrictions on trade, or to allow the state to provide ‘the a more homogeneous and con- on production for purposes of whole or any large part of the formist society. Yet, clearly, he trade, are indeed restraints; and education of the people’, for this wrote more than an analysis of all restraints, qua restraint, is an would produce a society all in the causes and possible conse- evil’. The extent of the doctrine, the same mould, ‘a despotism quences of mass society, for he however, was limited so as to over the mind’,19 exactly what produced what amounts to a allow the authorities to prevent Mill was most concerned to pre- manifesto of spirited resistance ‘fraud by adulteration’ and to vent. His solution was effectively to it: a call to action. He called enforce ‘sanitary precautions’ a voucher scheme for parents on individuals, especially excep- and to ‘protect workpeople unable to pay for their children’s tional individuals, to fight back employed in dangerous occu- education. This was a situation against the pressures to con- pations’.17 Mill then turned to that ideally should not occur, for formity. They should assert their another category of interference Mill (like Darwin, very influ- own distinct identity. Every where the liberty of the buyer enced by Malthus on popula- refusal to bend the knee, even made restrictions unacceptable. tion) did not consider it beyond eccentricity, was a service in the Here he denied that the export the legitimate powers of the battle against the stifling pres- of opium into China had been state to forbid marriage to cou- sures of mass society. an improper source of revenue ples deemed unable to support a It was, it seems, a fight back for the East India Company. Its family financially. by individuals alone. Mill at no sale and consumption was, after Apart from issues concern- time suggests a pressure group all, legal in Britain at that time. ing liberty itself, Mill provided or even a political party as the Mill was here implicitly taking three guiding principles against His writ- appropriate agency. So these his government’s side in the cur- government interference. The ings mark a lone individuals are trying not rent Opium War of 1856–60. first involved those situations just to withstand but even to Another area that deeply con- where the task would be bet- transition counteract the dominance of cerned Mill was that of educa- ter performed by individuals a mass society that has all the tion. His own education had than by the government; the between major tendencies of the age aug- been quite extraordinary. He second, where it was desirable, menting it: technology, com- had never been to school but in terms of personal develop- the so-called munications and education. It is had his father’s rigorous regime ment and education, that indi- classical rather hard to see how the few imposed on him. This involved viduals should act; and, as for the can have a chance against the commencing Greek at the age third, ‘the most cogent reason liberal politi- many, especially so when, in his of three and Latin at the age of for restricting the interference view, the few want liberty but eight in a childhood without of government is the great evil cal economy the many are indifferent to it. It either playthings or the com- of adding unnecessarily to its is hard to tell the extent to which pany, so he said, of other boys power’.20 In On Liberty, as earlier of Adam Mill considered the precise tac- (although his brothers must in Principles of Political Economy, Smith and tics of the proposed fight-back, have been around). In his Auto- Mill’s writings on the state were but we may surmise that, like biography, Mill mentioned that marked more by pragmatism his father’s minority individual behaviour ‘no holidays were allowed, lest than dogmatism. For example, today, such as Mohican haircuts the habit of work should be he basically favoured laissez- friend David or body piercing, the more peo- broken, and a taste for idleness faire but found grounds for con- ple do it the easier and more tol- acquired’.18 When he was thir- siderable modifications. In terms Ricardo and erable it becomes. teen his father informed him of the conventional categories the later that he knew more than other this did not so much distance boys of his age. It must still have Mill from liberalism as indicate ‘New Liberal- Reception come as rather a shock to learn his place within it. His writings In 1859 Queen Victoria’s speech that many children received mark a transition between the ism’ associ- opening the new session of par- very little education or even so-called classical liberal politi- liament included the following none at all. This situation had cal economy of Adam Smith and ated first note of serenity: ‘I am happy to to be remedied, and here the his father’s friend David Ricardo with T. H. think that, in the internal state state had a responsibility. ‘Is and the later ‘New Liberalism’ of the country, there is nothing it’, he asked, ‘not almost a self- associated first with T. H. Green Green and to excite disquietude and much evident axiom, that the State and then with J. A. Hobson and to call for satisfaction and thank- should require and compel the L. T. Hobhouse. then with fulness’.21 This was not Mill’s education, up to a certain stand- view. At perhaps the height of ard, of every human being who J. A. Hobson British pre-eminence he had is born its citizen?’ The state, Fight-back and L. T. sounded a highly discordant though, should facilitate more Mill had suggested how social note: that those factors which than provide. It would be wrong developments were producing Hobhouse. had produced global dominance

18 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 john stuart mill’s on liberty 150 years later were ceasing to operate. For His status that Mill bemoaned? Contem- justify them’.25 This amounts to his contemporaries this was porary critics could not see it, indicating that an individual’s so implausible that they barely among for orthodoxies impose little religion, or lack of it, is nobody responded. They did, how- respectable constraint on the orthodox. else’s business. ever, answer the ‘mass society’ Limitations on free thought are On the issue of sexual equal- charge – and totally rejected the opinion may mainly apparent to those with ity, Mill noted that the ‘almost notion that people were becom- controversial beliefs and there despotic power of husbands over ing more alike. Mill’s foremost be compared were two respects in which wives needs not be enlarged contemporary critic, the lawyer Mill held subversive views on upon here, because nothing James Fitzjames Stephen, found to that of highly sensitive topics: religion more is needed for the com- no evidence of widespread con- Russell and and sexual equality. It is fairly plete removal of the evil than formity or similarity: clear that the intolerance of that wives should have the same Sartre in which Mill complained related rights, and should receive the I should certainly not agree to religion. He mentioned protection of law in the same with Mr Mill’s opinion that the third that in 1857 two people were manner, as all other persons’,26 English people in general are rejected as jurymen ‘and one which was very much not the dull, deficient in original- quarter of of them grossly insulted by the case at the time. Mill’s The Sub- ity, and as like each other as the twenti- judge and by one of the counsel, jection of Women appeared ten herrings in a barrel appear to because they honestly declared years later and can be seen as an us. Many and many a fisher- eth century: that they had no theological extended discussion of this same man, common sailor, work- belief’. Denial of the right to principle. It was the only one of man, labourer, gamekeeper, acknowl- give evidence in a court of law his books on which the publisher policeman, non-commissioned to those who do not believe in lost money, although it is now officer, servant, and small clerk edged as a God was, said Mill, ‘equivalent acknowledged as a feminist clas- have I known who were just as great mind to declaring such persons to be sic, and, indeed, the only one to distinct from each other, just as outlaws’ who could be ‘robbed be written by a man. Ironically, original in their own way, just but seen as or assaulted with impunity … its initial reception precisely as full of character, as men in a if the proof of the fact depends confirmed Mill’s point concern- higher rank in life.22 rather way- on their evidence’.24 Religious ing society’s scathing intolerance speculation was both socially of divergent opinions. So the important corollary, that ward in cer- unacceptable and also circum- Mill died in 1873. The Times sameness threatened decline, tain respects. scribed by the laws against blas- granted him an obituary but it was not even considered. On phemous libel. Unbelief was was not exactly respectful. His Liberty was an instant success in then the intellectual sin that status among respectable opin- that it attracted much interest dare not speak its name. ion may be compared to that of and went into a second edition The publicity given this Russell and Sartre in the third six months after first publication. year to Darwin’s speculations quarter of the twentieth cen- It was not, however, a full criti- is a reminder of the difficul- tury: acknowledged as a great cal success, as the critics tended ties respectable Victorians had mind but seen as rather wayward to praise the philosopher yet dis- in expressing doubts not just in certain respects. sent from his opinions. Most of about religion directly but also them saw no danger in current about anything else that might conditions and suggested that have a bearing on it. Accord- 150 years later Mill’s message was actually most ing to later critics, it was on the Sir Isaiah Berlin is, to the best of needed in Spain, Italy, Portugal subject of religion that Mill felt my knowledge, the only person and Russia. It seemed to them unease at not being able to speak to have been knighted for serv- that this man living comfort- out, although in my opinion his ices to political theory. He is ably in Blackheath had adopted Chapter Two, ‘Of the Liberty of also one of the most significant the tone of a dissident impris- Thought and Discussion’, is as liberal thinkers of the second oned by a despotic government. bold and explicit as could rea- half of the twentieth century, This rather missed the point, for sonably be expected. In a later so his judgements have no lit- Mill’s complaint about his own chapter his call for toleration tle authority. He once described country focused more on the includes the marvellous state- Mill as the man who ‘founded society than the state: ‘in Eng- ment, still sadly all too relevant modern liberalism’ and On Lib- land … the yoke of opinion is today, that ‘the notion that it erty as ‘the classic statement of perhaps heavier, that of law is is one man’s duty that another the case for individual liberty’.27 lighter, than in most other coun- should be religious, was the These are standard viewpoints tries in Europe’.23 foundation of all the religious and so it is very much in order Anyway, where was this persecutions ever perpetrated, to note and celebrate the 150th suppression of free thought and, if admitted, would fully anniversary of the book’s

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 19 john stuart mill’s on liberty 150 years later

Shetty on Big Brother, Jonathan the lessons of On Liberty would Further reading Ross and Russell Brand discuss- retain their value for a long Paperback editions of On Liberty have been published ing a particular sexual conquest, time. He was right. by Penguin Books, Cambridge University Press, Hackett, and Carol Thatcher using a rac- Pearson Longman and Oxford University Press. ist term in a BBC ‘green room’. Michael Levin is Emeritus Reader An extensive scholarly debate exists concerning various There is also the unresolved in Politics at Goldsmiths College, matters of interpretation. What counts as harm? Is On issue of when society has a right University of London. He is the Liberty really the utilitarian work that Mill declared it to to interfere with individual author of J. S. Mill on Civiliza- be? Is liberty a means or an end? How liberal was Mill? actions. To take just one exam- tion and Barbarism (Routledge, These and other issues are explored in the secondary ple, only at first blink can we 2004) and contributed to D. Brack literature. Particularly worthy of attention are: regard drug-taking as a self- and E. Randall (eds.), Diction- • I. Berlin, ‘John Stuart Mill and the Ends of Life’ in Four regarding action. A moment’s ary of Liberal Thought (Politico’s, Essays on Liberty (Oxford University Press) reflection will recall the con- 2007). He is also a Convenor of the • J. Gray, Mill on Liberty: A Defence (Routledge) sequences for families, employ- Seminar in the History of Politi- • J. Hamburger, John Stuart Mill on Liberty and Control ers and the health services. Mill cal Thought, Institute of Historical (Princeton University Press) • J. Riley, Mill on Liberty (Routledge) recognised this and saw that Research, University of London. • A. Ryan, J. S .Mill (Routledge and Kegan Paul) such consequences transfer the • J. Skorupski, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Mill initial action into the other- 1 S. Collini ed., J. S. Mill, On Lib- (Cambridge University Press) regarding category. So are erty and Other Writings, [henceforth • J. Skorupski, Why Read Mill Today? (Routledge) clear-cut self-regarding actions OL] (Cambridge University Press, The most recent biography of Mill – John Stuart Mill, so trivial that they fail to pro- 1989), p. 66. Victorian Firebrand (Atlantic Books, 2007) by Richard vide the significant dividing 2 Ibid., p. 8. Reeves – was reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini in Journal of Liberal History 60, Autumn 2008. line that the defence of individ- 3 Ibid., p. 60. uality requires? A more difficult 4 Ibid., p. 36. example is the case of the nude 5 Ibid., p. 72. publication. It would, how- walker who seems to continue, 6 Ibid., p. 59. ever, be contrary to the spirit undaunted by the punishments 7 Ibid., p. 13. of Mill himself to revere him he receives. Does he cause 8 Ibid. as an infallible authority. He harm to others in ways that jus- 9 Ibid., pp. 13–14. noted that the opinions of one tify suppression? And to what 10 Ibid., p. 14. age are not those of another and extent have we a right to be 11 Ibid., p. 20. so, not surprisingly, some of his offensive? In multi-faith Britain 12 Ibid. views are no longer acceptable. this is a particularly moot point 13 Ibid., p. 21. His advocacy of liberal impe- with regard to religious and 14 Ibid., p. 22. rialism now seems less liberal anti-religious opinions. In 2005 15 Ibid., p. 53. than it did then, as does his the play Bezhti was withdrawn 16 Ibid., p. 56. declaration that the message of from the Birmingham reper- 17 Ibid., p. 95. On Liberty was not for ‘back- tory theatre due to the actions 18 Autobiography, in John Stuart Mill ward states of society’. Also, in of Sikh protesters. This year the Collected Works (University of terms of defending individual Dutch MP Geert Wilders was Toronto Press, 1981), vol. 1, p. 39. liberty, his utilitarian heritage refused entry to this country for 19 OL, pp. 105, 106. has lost out to the more fashion- a showing in the House of Lords 20 Ibid., p. 110. able notion of universal human of his film Fitna, which linked 21 Annual Register 1859, (London: rights. However, his views on Muslim violence with verses in Longman, 1860), p. 3. religious toleration and sexual the Koran. On various issues 22 J. Fitzjames Stephen, Liberty, Equal- equality are clearly, partially you might draw the line dif- ity, Fraternity [1873] (Indianapolis: through his own efforts, more ferently from where Mill did, Liberty Fund, 1993), p. 158. acceptable today than when he but somewhere a line always 23 OL, p. 12. wrote about them. has to be drawn and justified, 24 Ibid., p. 32. Furthermore Mill raised and so the concerns he raised 25 Ibid., pp. 90–91. vital issues that still concern will remain with us. On many 26 Ibid., p. 105. us. His treatment of the lim- of these issues there are clearly 27 I. Berlin, ‘John Stuart Mill and the its of free speech is even more no easy answers, but Mill cer- Ends of Life’ in Four Essays on Lib- relevant today when the media tainly asked all the right ques- erty (London: Oxford University are so much more extended and tions. Some of his principles Press, 1984), pp. 173, 174. influential. Consider, for exam- concerning freedom have stood 28 Autobiography, p. 260. ple, the issues raised by ‘speech the test of time and it is hard codes’, ‘political correctness’, to see them being superseded; Salman Rushdie and Satanic others remain as valuable start- Verses, Jade Goody versus Shilpa ing points. Mill ‘feared’28 that

20 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 Coming into Focus The transformation of the Liberal Party 1945–64

The survival of the Liberal Party after 1945 is one of the most surprising phenomena in modern British political history. By the late 1940s, the Party’s lingering death throes seemed to be reaching their conclusion. With only a handful of parliamentary seats and no message to offer the electorate, the flame carried by Gladstone and Lloyd George was nearly extinguished. But the Liberal Party clung on and then revived in the 1960s.

Coming into Focus, published by VDM Verlag Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, provides new perspectives on the survival and revival of the Liberal Party after 1945. It shows how the independence of Liberal associations, the recruitment of Liberal activists in the late 1940s, and the Party’s strength in local government in northern England were important reasons for the Party’s survival.

A new wave of recruitment after 1955, inspired by Jo Grimond’s leadership, facilitated the Liberal revival, but a key factor was the development of early forms of community politics in a number of towns and cities in England and Scotland. This led to an explosion in the number of Liberal councillors, particularly in suburban areas. Not only was the Party saved, but the foundations for the modern Liberal Party and its successor were laid. About the author Mark Egan was educated at University College, Oxford and completed his doctorate on the grassroots history of the Liberal Party in 2000. He is a regular contributor to the Journal of Liberal History and has also recently completed a book on the history of pilotage on the River Tyne. Ordering a copy The recommended retail price of Coming into Focus is £70.00, and Amazon is currently offering it for £59.50. However, following our successful appeal for orders in the last issue of the Journal, we have negotiated a discounted rate of £45 (including postage and packing) for Journal readers. Orders should be sent directly with Mark Egan at 38 Kirkdale, London SE26 4NQ (email marksanddancer@ googlemail.com).

We hope to receive copies in time for Liberal Democrat conference. If we do, it will be possible to buy the book direct from the History Group exhibition stand at Bournemouth– please enquire there.

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 21 A ‘prophet for the left’? Gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009

22 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 A ‘prophet for the left’? Gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009 In the year of the 200th anniversary of his birth, what relevance has Gladstone to today’s politics? Eugenio F. Biagini examines his legacy.

n 18 April 1992 Labour Party started soon to (1853–55, 1859–65) he estab- The Economist behave as if they were actually lished the free trade fiscal system devoted its lead- taking The Economist’s advice to which soon become a new con- ing article to ‘A heart. Certainly at the time they sensus, defining the relationship prophet for the were perceived to be doing so, between citizens and the state Left’:O this was neither Marx not only by the press but also by for the next seventy years.1 Later, nor Gandhi, but Gladstone. political analysts and historians. between 1868 and 1885, Glad- He dominated the magazine’s So, what made Gladstone’s stone became the great ‘mod- cover illustration, where he was legacy politically relevant on erniser’ of British politics and represented surrounded by the the eve of the new millennium? society, presiding over two of microphones of journalists eager And which legacy are we talk- the most significant reform gov- to pick his brain on current ing about? Gladstone enjoyed ernments in the history of these political affairs. For the occa- an extraordinarily long career, isles. Separation between church sion the Grand Old Man (GOM) starting out as a Tory idealist in and state in Ireland, a democrati- was made to wear a colourful 1832 and ending up as the hero cally managed system of primary green coat, embroidered with of the Liberal left in 1896 (when education, the reform of trade red, yellow and purple roses. he delivered his last, famous union legislation, the first major As the roses and their colours public speech on the duty of steps towards ‘meritocracy’ in suggested, The Economist rec- the international community to the armed forces, reform of uni- ommended this ‘post-modern’ stop the Armenian massacres). versity education, and the most rendition of the great Victorian From 1846 he moved away from radical restructuring of the elec- reformer as a model for ‘the left’. the Conservative Party after toral system hitherto attempted It was quite a remarkable claim it rejected Sir Robert Peel – to (in 1883–85) – these were some to make after over a decade of whom Gladstone was very close of the historic achievements of Thatcherism, during which – and between 1853 and 1859 he the Gladstone governments. ‘Victorian values’ had become drew closer to the Liberals over However, the ultimate rea- almost a Tory battle cry. How- the Italian Risorgimento, which son for the GOM’s enduring ever, what was even more inter- William Ewart polarised both public opinion appeal is not his record as a esting is that the leaders of both Gladstone and the parties in Parliament. reformer, but his ability to rein- the Liberal Democrats and the (1809–98) As Chancellor of the Exchequer vent and redefine liberalism as

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 23 a ‘prophet for the left’? gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009

Cover of The of property rights, Gladstone Economist, 18 promptly answered that Price April 1992 spoke as if the government’s task was to legislate ‘for the inhabit- ants of the Moon’, rather than for British subjects in flesh and blood. The point he was try- ing to make was that the needs of real people in their historical context were to be given prior- ity over ideology and economic dogmas. The latter should be modified to suit human needs, not vice versa.

The realpolitik of Christian humanitarianism If this emphasis on needs cre- ating rights was a new depar- ture, the reasoning behind it had gradually emerged over the years, particularly in the aftermath of the Irish famine of 1845–50. However, for Glad- stone himself the real turning point had less to do with either Ireland or political economy than with the 1875–78 Balkan crisis. The Turkish Empire in Europe was crumbling under the politics of human rights. In fact, in Gladstone’s day the combined impact of external Traditional liberalism was a government intervention pressure and domestic revolts. creed of gradual constitutional became increasingly popular. In trying to crush a rebellion reform, combined with clas- Although most of it was car- in Eastern Rumelia, Ottoman sical political economy, free ried out by local authorities – as irregular troops killed thousands trade and self-help as the basic exemplified by Joseph Cham- of civilians (as many as 15,000, rules defining the relationship berlain’s municipalisation of gas it was claimed at the time), in between state and society. Hav- and water supplies in Birming- the course of what came to be ing established these principles ham – Whitehall was prepared remembered as the Bulgarian as government practice, Glad- to step in whenever necessary: Atrocities. Similar episodes had stone himself began tinkering Gladstone nationalised the tel- taken place in previous decades with them from as early as 1870 egraphs, which became a state in other parts of the Ottoman with his first Irish Land Act, monopoly in 1870,3 and in 1881 Empire, but this time the mas- which interfered with property his second Irish Land Bill estab- sacres received extensive media rights in an attempt to improve lished farmers’ rights through a coverage, with the Daily News the lot of the tenants. This was system of joint ownership. This and other newspapers describ- a departure from laissez-faire, measure was an attempt to stabi- ing them in chilling detail. Brit- although we must bear in mind lise social relations in the Emer- ish opinion was outraged, with that Gladstonian liberalism was ald Isle by giving tenants a stake the Nonconformists and other not really about the ‘minimal- both in their country and in the pressure groups demanding ist state’, but about ‘dismantling rule of law. But there was a fur- government action to stop the protectionism and chartered ther dimension to Gladstone’s atrocities, whether or not this state monopolies, creating a argument, which emerged dur- was consistent with British real- sense … that the state was not ing the parliamentary debate politik. But Disraeli – who was favouring a group over another leading to the adoption of this then Prime Minister, his party through tax breaks or privi- measure. When the free-market having defeated the Liberals in leges’, and therefore ‘about a MP and economist Bonamy the 1874 election – was sceptical new form of regulation and Price criticised the Prime Min- about the reports and remained anti-monopolism’.2 ister for his cavalier handling supportive of the Ottomans,

24 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 a ‘prophet for the left’? gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009

Britain’s traditional allies in the always been part of politics, as 9 May 1992 Paddy Ashdown Eastern Mediterranean. illustrated by the anti-slavery delivered what he regards as Gladstone was at first reluc- campaigns and other moral and ‘[his] most important speech as tant to intervene: although he social reform agitations. Not Lib Dem Leader, and one [he] had long been interested in only did humanitarian rheto- had been thinking about for human rights, he was weary of ric appeal to radicals across the almost a year’: ‘[i]t proposed … popular imperialism, which class divide; it also spanned a new coming together of the had humiliated him more than the gap between the genders, Left to form a progressive alli- once, and in any case at the evoking a strong response ance dedicated to ending the time he was not Liberal Party among women, who perceived Tory hegemony and bringing leader, having stepped down in Gladstone’s new liberalism as in radical reforms to the British 1875. But as the Parliamentary a natural development of the Constitution, beginning with Liberal Party failed to chal- religious and charitable work a Scottish Parliament.’7 He also lenge the government and the which was – according to con- championed a more active for- groundswell of protest contin- temporary expectations – part eign policy: rejecting the prag- ued to grow, in September 1876 of their social and civic duty. matic empiricism of John Major, he finally threw himself into In the 1876 Bulgarian agitation he wanted Britain to stand up for the agitation. He articulated women had played a large role, human rights. His adoption of his views in a pamphlet, The and, by encouraging their fur- such a platform was a direct con- Bulgarian Horrors and the Ques- ther involvement in later Lib- sequence of his witnessing the tion of the East, which became eral crusades, such as those for ethnic cleansing in the Balkans an immediate best-seller, and in Irish Home Rule, Gladstone – in a region not far from the public speeches which attracted brought about a significant setting of the 1876 ‘Bulgarian wide audiences and sparked off redefinition of civic identity, Atrocities’.8 He himself became a national debate. He criticised the Liberal ‘self’, and the pub- more and more Gladstonian in both the Tory government and, lic conscience.5 That this hap- his commitment to the rights indirectly, also the leaders of pened, despite him and the of persecuted minorities in the the Liberal Party. They were all party being opposed to politi- Balkans and elsewhere. ‘guilty men’ for their compla- cal rights for women in parlia- Almost simultaneously, from cency about human suffering, mentary elections, was entirely as early as 1993–94, his rival to which they turned a blind typical of this age of transi- Tony Blair was reaching similar eye for the sake of misconceived tion from a system based on a conclusions about the new poli- British imperial priorities. The restricted franchise to one of tics of the left. As Denis Kavan- debate went on for years. In fuller democracy. agh has observed, there was the 1878 Disraeli (by then Lord Bea- sense that Blair was taking an consfield) secured a temporary approach to politics which was triumph for his approach to the Gladstone’s legacy in the ‘an echo of Gladstone’, in that crisis at the Berlin Congress, but twentieth century it had ‘deep moral and ethical Gladstone struck back in 1879 ‘Come back, William Glad- rather than ideological roots’.9 with his first Midlothian cam- stone, the saddened left has Something like a Lib–Lab elec- paign, during which he enunci- need of you.’ Thus pleaded toral pact did take shape in the ated the principles of a Liberal The Economist in 1992, inviting run-up to the general election of foreign and imperial policy reformers to embrace his legacy, 1997, at which each of the two based on European cooperation which ‘[had] gone begging for parties secured a historical elec- and a Christian understanding a proper party champion ever toral victory. Was it the begin- of international law. Effectively, ‘Come back, since Labour displaced the Lib- ning of a neo-Gladstonian phase he claimed that Tory politics erals in the 1920s’.6 The strategy in British politics? Certainly were both immoral and coun- William Glad- it endorsed was ‘Gladstonian’ ‘New Labour’ managed the terproductive, and that humani- not only in its disdain of class Treasury along post-Thatcherite tarianism was the best form of stone, the politics and its reclaiming of lines, Robin Cook proclaimed realpolitik.4 saddened individualism as part of the tra- the government’s adoption of an The Liberal front bench was dition of the ‘left’, but also in its ‘ethical’ foreign policy, and Blair not pleased, but in the country left has need championing of a revival of the started to apply what looked like activists revelled in the sense Lib–Lab alliance reminiscent of Ashdown’s militant humani- that party stood for ‘right- of you.’ Thus that over which Gladstone had tarianism to troubled areas of eousness’ and ‘truth’. This presided in the last quarter of the the world. Over the following was particularly important pleaded The nineteenth century. five years the press had plenty for both the Nonconformists Economist in If the GOM was now The of opportunities to explore the and working-class radicals, for Economist’s ‘prophet’, this article GOM’s relevance to twenty- whom humanitarianism had 1992. proved prophetic indeed. On first-century politics – and to

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 25 a ‘prophet for the left’? gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009 criticise Blair as the new Glad- Similar ideas – that the war was 1930, Herbert Samuel – support- stone.10 Political analysts and, a ‘crusade’ and that foreign poli- ing a parliamentary resolution in soon, historians did the same, tics was a matter of humanitarian favour of compulsory arbitration noting that that there was the intervention – were at the time – cited Gladstone’s authority and sense of Blair trying to deal with canvassed by Liberal intellectu- contrasted the Liberal advocacy Gladstone’s ‘unfinished business’ als, such as Gilbert Murray.14 of the rule of international law – in particular with Scottish and Even the rise of ‘Parliamentary with Conservative unilateral- Welsh devolution (first debated socialism’ did not diminish the ism, which, he said, was no bet- in the late 1880s), the reform relevance of Gladstonianism to ter than international anarchy.18 of the House of Lords (which international relations and mat- It seemed as if in 1930 as in Gladstone had recommended in ters of civil rights. Thus the 1876, an updated but perfectly his last speech in the Commons, Labour manifesto of November recognisable version of ‘Glad- in 1894), and the attempt to ‘pac- 1918 included the idea of Home stonianism’ continued to repre- ify Ireland’.11 Rule (‘freedom’ for Ireland and sent one of the main differences It was ironic that, in order to ‘self-determination within the between the Liberals and the ‘modernise’ the Labour Party at British Commonwealth’ for Tory Party.19 Yet, after 1918, the beginning of the twenty- India), the repeal of wartime the circumstances of the times first century, its leader felt com- restrictions on civil and indus- forced even the Conservatives pelled to hark back to the man trial liberty, a commitment to adopt many of the policies who had led the Liberal Party to free trade and to ‘a Peace of which the GOM had cherished, a century before. It was – or International Co-operation’.15 including self-government for ought to have been regarded as Labour’s bold reassertion of Ireland and the disestablishment – a major admission of failure of Gladstonianism, at a stage when of the Church in Wales, free the whole Labour project. How- the Liberals were both divided trade (in 1925–29), and a rejec- ever, Blair claimed that he was and discredited by coalition pol- tion of their traditional approach merely returning to the move- itics, appealed to radical intel- to the Empire and foreign policy ment’s origins. After all, in the lectuals and publicists – such in favour of a conciliatory strat- 1880s Ramsay MacDonald, as C. P. Trevelyan, Norman egy which owed more to Glad- Philip Snowden, Arthur Hend- Angell, Arthur Ponsonby, J. A. stone than to either Bonar Law erson, and George Lansbury had Hobson, E. D. Morel and H. N. or Salisbury. Thus we have a all started from Gladstonianism, Brailsford – who abandoned the paradox: in 1918–29 Liberal prin- which was then the common It was ironic Liberals because they felt that ciples dominated post-war Brit- ground among all the ‘currents Lloyd George had betrayed the ish politics, although the party of radicalism’ in Britain.12 that, in order cause of freedom. was unable to win a majority at When did such Lib–Lab fra- Meanwhile, the Liberals, too, the elections. ternity come to an end? It is to ‘mod- continued to use the GOM’s By contrast, during the not easy to say, because within ernise’ the language and further develop period from 1931 to 1979 poli- Labour there were always ‘lib- his legacy, with Francis Hirst tics was dominated by continu- erals’ of one type or another. Labour Party defending Gladstone’s record as a ous domestic and international The First World War was not financier and an economist, J. L. emergencies which seemed to necessarily a turning point: at the begin- Hammond celebrating his cam- demand the adoption of policies from 1914 to 1917 both Herbert paigns for democracy and Irish which were the opposite of what Asquith and Arthur Henderson ning of the freedom, and many others look- Gladstone had advocated. This sang from the same Gladsto- twenty-first ing up to his approach to foreign applied particularly to social nian hymn sheet. Henderson in policy as the Liberal blueprint.16 reform: what was incompatible particular was fond of quoting century, its From 1919, in foreign policy the with Gladstonian liberalism was Gladstone about: League of Nations was the Lib- not state intervention as such, leader felt eral orthodoxy. Although the but corporatism – the broker- public right as the govern- compelled to historical context was different age between organised interests ing idea of European politics from the one in which Glad- outside the legislature, especially … the definite repudiation of hark back to stone had operated, Liberal his- in the shape of the involvement militarism as governing actor torians such Hammond and Paul of the TUC in policy-making in the relations of states. … the man who Knaplund ‘made it [their] task to – which became a feature of the the independent existence of address the problem of interna- British economic ‘malady’ in the smaller nationalities … And had led the tional security and the League post-war years. The Tory reac- … [the development] of a real Liberal Party of Nations, as well as the spas- tion against such practices in the European partnership based modically emerging concept of period between 1979 and 1990 on the recognition of equality a century the “Commonwealth”, through is one of the reasons why some of rights and established and the idiom and the ideals of Glad- scholars have claimed that the enforced by a common will.13 before. stonian Liberalism.’17 As late as Thatcher years represented the

26 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 a ‘prophet for the left’? gladstone’s legacy 1809–2009

Conservative Party’s ‘Gladsto- ‘atrocities’ of ethnic cleansing, It is evidence 12 See ‘Introduction’ to E. F. Biagini nian moment’. Although this is the struggle to affirm human and A. J. Reid (eds.), Currents of controversial,20 as late as 1996, rights and the need for public of Glad- Radicalism (Cambridge, 1991). in her Keith Joseph Memorial scrutiny of foreign policy – have stone’s grip 13 A. Henderson, The Aims of Labour Lecture, the ‘Iron Lady’ herself become even more pressing (London, 1917), p. 36. staked her claims to ‘the liberal- since he first boarded the cam- on the radi- 14 G. Murray, Faith, War And Policy: ism of Mr Gladstone’.21 paign train to address his con- Lectures And Essays (London, 1918); Could she have made the stituents in Midlothian.23 Sadly, cal imagina- see P. Clarke, A Question Of Lead- same claim about her for- in the twenty-first century we ership: From Gladstone to Blair (Lon- eign policy? Were her liberal desperately need to go back to tion that his don, 1999), pp. 87 and 92. imperialism and rhetoric of Mr Gladstone. reputation 15 ‘Labour Manifesto’, The Times, 28 human rights abroad in any November 1918. way ‘Gladstonian’? And what Eugenio Biagini is an alumnus of the remained 16 R.S.Grayson, Liberals, International about Thatcher’s own legacy to Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa, Relations and Appeasement (London, Tony Blair in these particular and has taught at Newcastle-upon- almost 2001), p. 3. areas? Both Thatcher and Blair Tyne and Princeton, NJ, before 17 D. M. Schreuder, ‘The Making were inconsistent champions of joining the Faculty of History at the untarnished of Mr Gladstone’s Posthumous human rights, but then Glad- University of Cambridge, where he despite Career: The Role of Morley and stone himself was more ambig- teaches British and Irish history. Knaplund as “Monument Masons”’, uous than his great speeches the glaring in B. L. Kinzer (ed.), The Gladsto- suggested, as illustrated by his 1 M. Daunton, Trusting Leviathan: nian Turn of Mind (Toronto, Buf- invasion of Egypt in 1882. The The Politics of Taxation in Britain, inconsistency falo and London, 1985), p. 198. latter was a grand example of 1799–1914 (Cambridge, 2001), pp. The references are to P. Knaplund, ‘regime change’, which Blair 63–72. between Gladstone and Britain’s Imperial Policy and Bush would have been well 2 M. J. Danton, State and Market in his liberal (London, 1927) and Gladstone’s For- advised to study before embark- Victorian Britain (Woodbridge, Suf- eign Policy (London, 1935); and J. L. ing on their own campaign to folk, 2008), pp. 4–5. rhetoric and Hammond, Gladstone and the Irish ‘democratise’ Iraq.22 However, 3 I. J. Cohen, ‘Toward a theory of Nation (London, 1938). to be fair to the GOM, we state intervention: the nationaliza- his imperial 18 Hansard Parliamentary Debates, should also remember that lib- tion of the British telegraphs’, Social House of Commons, 27 January eral imperialism was not some- Science History, vol. 4, Spring 1980, policies. 1930, Vol. 234, 682. thing which he had invented, pp. 155–205. 19 Clarke, A Question of Leadership, p. but rather part of an older British 4 E. F. Biagini, British Democracy and 122. tradition which he had inherited Irish Nationalism, 1876–1906 (Cam- 20 Ibid, p. 318; cf. R. Vinen, Thatch- from Palmerston and Canning, bridge, 2007), chapters 1, 2, 6 and 7. er’s Britain: The Politics and Social and which, at the time, was dic- 5 P. Joyce, Democratic Subjects (Cam- Upheaval of the 1980s (London, tated by Britain’s role and inter- bridge, 1994), pp. 206 and 210. 2009), pp. 6–7 and 288–89. ests as the nineteenth century’s 6 ‘A prophet of the Left’, The Econo- 21 Cit. in E. Green, Thatcher (London, only global superpower. mist, 18 April 1992, p. 11. 2006), p. 31. It is evidence of Gladstone’s 7 P. Ashdown, A Fortunate Life: The 22 E. F. Biagini, ‘Exporting “Western grip on the radical imagination Autobiography of Paddy Ashdown & Beneficent Institutions”: Glad- that his reputation remained (London, 2009), p. 268. stone and Britain’s Imperial Role’, almost untarnished despite the 8 Ibid., p. 266. in D. Bebbington and R. Swift glaring inconsistency between 9 D. Kavanagh, ‘New Labour, New (eds.), Gladstone’s Centenary Essays his liberal rhetoric and his impe- Millennium, New Premiership’, in (Liverpool, 2000). rial policies. That he continues A. Seldon (ed.), The Blair Effect (Lon- 23 As Eric Hobsbawm has pointed to speak to the political imagi- don, 2001), p. 7; P. Riddell, ‘Blair as out, the ‘erosion of the distinction nation of left-wing reformers in Prime Minister’, ibid., p. 24. between combatants and non- the twenty-first century must, 10 See for two examples: ‘But is Blair combatants’ – which Gladstone however, generate further his- Playing Churchill or Gladstone?’, had denounced in 1876 and again torical questions. The answer The Guardian, G2, 4 October 2001; in 1896 – became a leading fea- proposed in the present article is and ‘Blair as Gladstone’, The Times, ture of post-1914 conflicts, to such that, by injecting a massive dose 3 October 2004. an extent that ‘80 to 90 per cent of politicised humanitarianism 11 D. Kavanagh, ‘New Labour, New of those affected by wars today are into the Liberal creed, Gladstone Millennium, New Premiership’, p. civilians’ (in contrast to 5 per cent extended its scope and mean- 7; P. Riddell, ‘Blair as Prime Minis- during the First World War): E. J. ing. The long-term appeal of his ter’, p. 24; V. Bogdanor, ‘Constitu- Hobsbawm, Globalisation, Democ- vision depends on the fact that tional Reform’, in A. Seldon (ed.), racy and Terrorism (London, 2008), p. many of the issues that Glad- The Blair Effect (London, 2001), p. 18. stone raised – in particular, the 154.

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 27 debate: holding the balance

In his review of Mark Roy Douglas to Duncan Brack Oaten’s Coalitions: The Dear Duncan, The balance-of-power position I disagree profoundly with the in the late 1970s would soon Politics and Personalities concluding words of your recent have shattered the party if the book review: rank and file had not pulled their of Coalition Government leaders out of the ‘Lib–Lab Pact’. from 1850 (Harriman Let’s hope that the hung parlia- The mind boggles as to what ment that might provide the would have happened if there House, 2007) in the answers isn’t too long coming. had been a balance of power in summer 2008 issue of 1997 and Ashdown had gone If this means a parliament in into Blair’s Labour government; the Journal of Liberal which Conservatives and Labour or if Clem Davies in 1951 or Jer- History, Duncan have approximately equal repre- emy Thorpe in 1974 had suc- sentation and the Liberal Demo- cumbed to Tory blandishments Brack concluded that crats will be invited to choose and accepted ministerial office ‘Oaten deserves credit which of them takes office, I in a Conservative administra- cannot conceive of a more cer- tion. The one certainty is that at least for raising a tain cause of disaster. there would have been massive series of good questions. When the Liberals held the secessions. balance of power in 1924 and The whole idea of balance of Let’s hope that the hung allowed a Labour government power is predicated on the view to take office, the party’s rep- that the Liberal Democrats are parliament that might resentation was quartered after in some sense intermediate provide the answers isn’t less than a year. When they held between the other two parties. the balance of power in 1929– This is fundamentally flawed. too long coming.’ The 31, and Lloyd George tried to It would be difficult to drive a author Roy Douglas squeeze a deal out of Labour, sheet of paper between Brown the parliamentary party split and Campbell, still less a politi- wrote to take issue with down the middle, with half of cal party. The most impressive this viewpoint. We them going into permanent alli- Liberal Democrat action so far ance with the Tories. When the this century was to vote against have developed this Liberal Party almost, but not the Iraq war, when the offi- exchange of views into quite, held the balance of power cial line of both the other par- in 1950, again there was a deep ties was to vote in favour. The a debate between the split, and it was soon reduced to next most impressive action was two. its lowest representation ever. their principled vote against

28 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 debate: holding the balance forty-two days’ detention with- is organising its fringe meet- could ill-afford to fight. In prac- out charge. ing at this year’s autumn Liberal tice they split, repeatedly and As Liberal historians, we Democrat conference, looking disastrously. should delve into what the Lib- at what actually happened in the It would be nice to think that erals did, and tried to do, in the 1920s, 1970s and 1990s/2000s (in the party would have the option, days of their glory, and consider Scotland) when the party found as you suggest, of ‘judging each how far it is still applicable today. itself in that position (for details, issue … on its merits … [and We could give far more emphasis see back page). seeking] to divide Parliament to land value taxation, to replace It’s precisely because of the on distinctly Liberal issues’ – but many existing taxes. LVT was historical experience of the Lib- in practice the Liberal Demo- immensely popular before 1914 eral Party, however, that I stand crats wouldn’t often have this and is even more appropriate by my argument. When a party choice. The government would now than it was then. We could finds itself genuinely holding the control the agenda, not the revive Gladstonian ideas of pub- balance of power – i.e. being a Liberal Democrats. To look at lic finance as a trust and com- third party in terms of seats but another example from history, mence a thorough-going attack able to put either of the bigger the minority government would on the squander, bureaucracy two parties into power, either hold off from implementing and often plain dishonesty pre- by supporting it in government anything particularly controver- vailing today. We should con- or by participating in a coalition sial, stick to legislating on topics sider the Liberal plans of 1929 – it has a tricky, but immedi- that the Liberal Democrats prob- to conquer unemployment, and ate, choice to make. If it decides ably more or less supported, and the relevance of Beveridge at a not to try to negotiate a coali- then call another election a few time when unemployment is tion deal, or is not offered one, months later when it thought it twice the ‘frictional’ level he it has to decide what to do on could win. This worked (just) envisaged. We should take up the Queen’s Speech presented for Labour in 1974, when they the ideas of Cobden and Bright by the minority government converted their minority fol- both on the question of free (I’m assuming here that the lowing the February election trade and on avoiding unneces- two larger parties don’t negoti- into a slim majority following sary ‘defence’ expenditure and ate a coalition between them- the October contest. The Lib- unnecessary wars. The Tories selves, and also that no other erals lost votes in the second and Labour would be united ‘third party’ is able to put one The wis- 1974 election, even though they against us; only the electorate of the bigger parties into power est course fought more seats. would be on our side. – which both seem a reasonable The other option would be To return to the ‘hung par- bet in current circumstances). for Liberal to vote against the minority liament’, the wisest course for It either has to vote for the government’s Queen’s Speech, Liberal Democrats in such cir- Queen’s Speech, vote against it Democrats which would certainly avoid cumstances would be to refuse or abstain. the problem of being seen as membership of or support for The problem with either vot- in such cir- its hanger-on. What happens any Conservative or Labour ing for, or abstaining, is that the cumstances then is not completely clear, ministry, but to judge each party immediately risks being and is largely without prec- issue that arises on its merits. seen as a mere appendage of the would be edent, but presumably the next Where possible, we should seek government without reaping largest party would be offered to divide parliament on dis- any of the potential benefits of to refuse the chance to form a govern- tinctly liberal issues where both actually being in power. As you ment, and the Liberal Demo- other parties will vote together point out, this is what happened membership crats would be faced with the against us. in the 1920s: the Liberals sup- of or support same dilemma all over again. ported Labour’s King’s Speech Would the party be prepared to in 1924 (when Labour was the for any Con- vote down both the other parties’ Duncan Brack to Roy Douglas second party), and abstained attempts to form a government? Dear Roy, in 1929 (when Labour was the servative or If so, it risks forcing a second I have to admit that I concluded biggest party). In both cases, in election, perhaps just weeks after my review with the phrase you the Parliaments that followed, Labour min- the first, with no money left in object to more in an academic the Liberals were perpetually istry, but to the bank and with exhausted than a political spirit: it would placed in the position of either activists and candidates. just be very interesting to see voting with the government, judge each Of course, the other parties what would happen if the Lib- and appearing as a mere acces- would be in the same position, eral Democrats held the bal- sory to it, or voting against it, issue that so possibly one of them would ance of power. And it’s in the probably on an issue which most abstain on the crucial vote, same spirit of political-historical Liberals supported anyway, and arises on its allowing a minority government analysis that the History Group facing an election which they merits. to be formed, with the Liberal

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 29 debate: holding the balance

Democrats clearly opposed. But of no confidence in Baldwin’s Coalition or is unwise, actual participation that just ends up in much the Conservative government. They in a mixed ministry in which same position as before, with had no alternative: he had called opposition; the Liberal Democrats were the the government determined to the election on the issue of Pro- I don’t see a smaller party would be cata- avoid doing anything too con- tection, and they profoundly strophic. Constitutional practice troversial, and trying to achieve disagreed with him. Winston viable third requires ministerial solidarity. It a majority in a second election Churchill, still a Liberal, sug- follows, therefore, that Liberal following a few months later. gested that they should have fol- way. Democrats would be forced to I’m not saying I look forward lowed this up with a resolution vote with the larger government to these eventualities, but if the condemning socialism, which party for policies determined Liberal Democrats continue to the Tories would have had to by that party. The public would gain votes and seats, arithmeti- support. There would have been give credit for all that it liked to cally it’s almost certain that they strong majorities against both the larger party and visit blame will be faced with this position parties, and the King would have for what it didn’t like on the at some point; it seems highly been bound to invite a Liberal to Liberal Democrats. It would be implausible to assume that the form a government. When they 1924, only more so. party can leap straight from failed to do so, disaster was sure third position to largest party in to follow – as it did. one election. In 1929–31, again, there was Duncan Brack to Roy Douglas If a coalition can be negoti- a ‘balance-of-power’ situation. Dear Roy, ated (and I accept that’s a big The Liberals could have divided I certainly agree with you that if), I believe it offers a much the Commons again and again holding the balance of power more desirable outcome: Lib- on their ‘Green’, ‘Red’ and ‘Yel- could well be a perilous expe- eral Democrats taking part in low’ Book policies, and on the rience, and should the Liberal government, having a say in theme ‘We can conquer unem- Democrats find themselves legislation and actions, imple- ployment’, which had played in that position they would menting at least some Liberal such an important part in their need smart leadership to avoid Democrat policies, and demol- election campaign. They could catastrophe. ishing the image of the party as easily have pointed out the fail- My preference in that situa- one doomed to perpetual oppo- ure of both the Labour gov- tion is a coalition, if negotiat- sition. That’s what the Scottish ernment and the Conservative ing one should prove possible. Liberal Democrats aimed for opposition to advance useful I disagree with the arguments in 1999, and achieved. I don’t policies to contain the develop- in your last paragraph: if the believe that they would have ing slump. coalition is negotiated intel- been better off in opposition for Coming to the 1997 Labour ligently, Liberal Democrats the following eight years, and government, the Liberal Dem- would not simply be forced into I don’t believe that it would be ocrats rightly opposed British accepting whatever the larger the best outcome at a UK level participation in the Iraq war, party decides. As in Scotland should the party end up holding which was supported by both in 1999, the coalition partners the balance of power after a gen- the Labour government and the need to agree a full programme eral election. Tory opposition. Where they for government, lasting for a missed an important trick was given number of years with an in failing to make full public use agreed set of objectives, and Roy Douglas to Duncan Brack of the need for Britain to with- agreed procedures for dealing Dear Duncan, draw from Bush’s war. Today with new issues, which give as Considering your reply to my they could usefully campaign near equal weight as possible to initial letter, I am not sure that against British participation in both parties. (And needless to we really disagree that a ‘balance Afghanistan. What they have say, one of the objectives, in the of power’ situation would be said about the current reces- Westminster situation, would disastrous to the Liberal Demo- sion has been good and help- have to be PR.) There’s no crats if they allowed the other ful, but they should now press reason why the public should two parties to make the political strongly for Britain to follow see such a set-up as the larger agenda. Where we disagree is the traditional Liberal policy of party dominating the smaller whether the Liberal Democrats land value taxation in order to – although, as I argued above, should do all in their power to prevent a recurrence. Issues like such an outcome is quite pos- make the agenda themselves. these put the Liberal Democrats sible if the Liberal Democrats Consider the ‘balance-of- on one side and both other par- allow the other party to form power’ situation presented at the ties on the other. a minority government, by beginning of 1924. The Liber- If tacit external support for a abstaining on or voting for the als rightly backed the motion government of a different party other party’s Queen’s Speech.

30 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 debate: holding the balance

Coalition or opposition; I unlikely, particularly given down and then call another Duncan Brack is the Editor of don’t see a viable third way. the targeting strategy that election as soon as it looks the Journal of Liberal His- From what you’ve argued, the party has followed since likely it could win one. Only tory, and co-editor of all four your prescription seems to the 1990s, which has led to if the Liberal Democrats end of the Liberal Democrat His- be permanent opposition, a much greater concentra- up holding the balance of tory Group’s books (Diction- at least until the party finds tion of the Liberal Democrat power again, after the sec- ary of Liberal Biography itself holding a majority vote than hitherto.) Given ond election, do I think that (1998), Dictionary of Liberal in parliament. I’m afraid I such an eventuality, is the coalition would become a Quotations (1999), Great don’t see this as an attractive party really best advised to serious possibility. But, in Liberal Speeches (2001) proposition either. If the Lib- refuse any chance of putting the mean time, that would and Dictionary of Liberal eral Democrats are to grow its programme into practice? require the party to vote Thought (2007), all published significantly – as they may What, after all, are we in against the minority govern- by Politico’s). well do, at Labour’s expense, politics for? ment’s Queen’s Speech (even in the next one or two elec- Not that I think a coa- if it risked another election Roy Douglas is the author of tions – sooner or later the lition deal is likely to be immediately – a need for several books on political and party is almost certain to offered; far from it. A hung strong nerves there!), mak- diplomatic history, including find itself holding the bal- parliament is such a rare ing it clear that they oppose The History of the Liberal ance. The same thing hap- outcome at a UK level that the government. And then, Party 1895–1970 (Sidgwick & pened twice between 1918 most politicians would not assuming the minority gov- Jackson, 1971), Liquidation of and 1945, when Labour was expect it to last. Instead, one ernment does take power, Empire: The Decline of the effectively replacing the Lib- of the two bigger parties is putting forward a strong, British Empire (Palgrave Mac- erals as the main anti-Con- likely to pursue the minor- consistent and distinctive millan, 2002), and Liberals: servative Party. (The Liberal ity government option I Liberal Democrat position The History of the Liberal Democrats could in theory outlined above: avoid doing on what would be better. and Liberal Democrat Parties leap straight to majority anything controversial, dare And on that note I think we (Hambledon & London, 2005). status, but it seems highly the other parties to vote it completely agree. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Liberal Unionists Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ ac.uk. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall The Lib-Lab Pact and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected]. Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected].

‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Francis; [email protected]. Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected].

The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected] [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 31 Sir Cyril Smith MBE, 81, served as Liberal / Liberal Democrat MP for Rochdale from 1972 (following a famous by-election triumph) until retiring in 1992. His larger- than-life personality – and stature (he once topped the scales at 29 stone, but is now considerably slimmer) – made him one of interview: the Commons’ most instantly recognisable figures, while his blunt, populist, Cyril Smith no-nonsense way of talking helped make him one of the Q: You joined the Young Liberals in they announced that the Liberal country’s most popular 1945 as a teenager. Why? candidate had forfeited his deposit, CS: I was working as a jun- and that was a tremendous blow to politicians. However, ior clerk at the income tax office us all at the time.1 Afterwards Reg he also possessed and there was a man there called telephoned me and said, ‘Cyril, if Frank Warren who was a life- you have any sense you’ll leave the considerable political long Liberal and had a tremen- Liberals and join the Labour Party dous influence on me, took me because it’s the only place you’re acumen, gave the to a couple of meetings and going to have a political future.’ I Parliamentary Liberal sowed the seeds of my Liberal- reluctantly took his advice. ism. What’s more, I always had Q: You spent a long time as a Party a distinctive a streak of independence and (mostly Labour) councillor in Roch- northern voice and, wanted to make my own mind dale (1952–75). What are you proud- up about things and arrive at my est of achieving during that time? during his time as own conclusions, and I felt the CS: Let’s be clear. I was a Chief Whip in 1975– Liberal Party offered more scope very active councillor, not just for my taking such a position. one to do a bit of yapping. I 77, had to deal with Lastly, there was also a historical spoke regularly and sought to the fallout from the streak of Liberalism in my fam- make my mark. One of the first ily and that had an influence, as things I did was to call for a pub- Thorpe affair.York did Rochdale’s Liberal tradition. lic inquiry into the Rochdale Membery visited him Q: You became the Liberal elec- police authority, a big thing for tion agent in Stockport South in a young councillor to do. But at his Rochdale home 1950. What do you remember about whatever I did during that time, to discuss the Liberal fighting that election? I sought first and foremost to put CS: The candidate was an the people of Rochdale first, and Party past and present, absolute gentleman in the real I like to think I succeeded. sense of the word. His name was Q: In 1966 you quit Labour and ‘Big Cyril’ was Reg Hewitt. The trouble was that when you were mayor, becoming first typically frank … time after time on election night an Independent Labour councillor

32 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 interview: cyril smith and then rejoining the Liberals. charismatic, energetic figure, would have been better off Why? and in the early days at least his without being shackled to the CS: We needed to make personality proved a great elec- SDP. And I think that the Lib- some financial savings, and we toral asset. eral Democrats need to preserve [Labour] voted to put up both Q: You went on to become the themselves as a party of inde- the rates and the council tenants’ party’s employment spokesman and pendence. We can’t be seen to rents. That seemed a fair com- Chief Whip in the 1970s. The latter be dependent on another party: promise. Then a secret meeting role in particular must have presented if you ask me, that’s the political took place at which a few Labour quite a challenge given the fallout kiss of death. councillors decided to only raise from the ‘Thorpe affair’? Q: However, couldn’t one argue the rates. It made a mockery of CS: There is no doubt that the that the Liberal Party has, to all the party’s supposed democratic affair had an adverse affect on intents and purposes, absorbed the procedures and that was the final the party, and I just did the best I SDP and become a more powerful straw as far as I was concerned. could to manage the situation. It force as a result? Q: You were welcomed back into was a great shame, because I had CS: Very possibly — but the Liberal political fold and went on a great regard for Jeremy and still we may still have emerged as a to fight the 1970 election. What do have a lot of respect for him, but much-strengthened force if we you recall about that election? there’s no doubt the affair itself had killed off the SDP at birth. CS: It was a tough election for was damaging to the party. Q: How do you rate David Steel the party nationally, but I man- Q: How do you look back on the as leader of the party in the 1970s aged to improve the party’s vote Lib–Lab Pact and how do you think and early 1980s and at the time of the locally, which I believe was a it affected the party’s fortunes in the Liberal–SDP Alliance? considerable achievement given 1979 general election? CS: We had our differences, the wider picture. CS: I always had my doubts not least over the Lib–Lab Pact Q: Two years later, in 1972, you about the pact, and, if anything, — which, as I’ve already said, in went on to win the seat at a famous I think it had an adverse affect my opinion didn’t do us any elec- by-election. What do you recall on the party. In fact, my expe- toral favours. Nor did we see eye about that by-election? rience is that pacts always have to eye over the alliance with the CS: I was pretty well known an adverse effect on us as a party, SDP. That said, the party found in Rochdale, and I’ve always be it at national or local author- itself in a difficult situation in loved campaigning, so I went ity level. I think we as a party 1979 and there is no doubt he out and just met as many peo- need to approach the signing put everything he could into that ple as I could, banging the drum of any future pacts with cau- year’s electoral campaign. for the Liberal Party and telling tion, although at the same time I Q: You retired as an MP in 1992 people why they should vote for think it’s probably inevitable. because of ill health. What are you me and not the other lot. A lot of Q: Back in the 1980s, you mem- proudest of during your parliamen- big-name Liberals made the trip orably said that you’d like to have tary career? north to support me, and Jer- seen the SDP strangled at birth. Do CS: Probably my time as emy Thorpe made several visits you stand by what you said or would Chief Whip [1975–77]. It was to the constituency. I predicted you retract that in hindsight? Cyril Smith a difficult time for the party, a right from the start that I would CS: I think I was right at the today (with Chris time dominated by having to win, and during the campaign time. I think the Liberal Party Davies MEP) deal with the fallout from the the appearance of more and more Liberal posters in windows just made me more confident as election day approached. And we won a handsome victory. Q: That by-election was the first in a string of Liberal by-election vic- tories in the 1970–74 Parliament. How important do you think the Rochdale result was in giving the party electoral momentum? CS: What do you expect me to say?! Naturally, a bighead like myself is happy to claim some credit for the other by- election victories too. But I think it should be remembered that Jeremy Thorpe was also a

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 33 interview: cyril smith

Jeremy Thorpe affair. I like I think the honest, have preferred a merger Q: Finally, what lessons can the to think I helped the party get to have taken place. Liberal Democrats draw today from though one of its stickiest peri- Liberal Party Q: Ironically, though, the Liberal the time when you were most politi- ods in relatively good shape. would have Democrats are now posing a greater cally active in the old Liberal Party? Q: You were succeeded as MP challenge to Labour in its ‘north- CS: I think the party has to in 1992 by Liz Lynne, who held been better ern heartlands’, at least at a council remain active at the grassroots, Rochdale for the party, albeit with level, than ever before. Do you think and, just as importantly, has to a reduced majority. How do you feel off without you have played a part in the party’s remain the third most elector- about your successor and what fac- northern renaissance? ally powerful party in the land. tors lay behind her losing the seat in being shack- CS: Any bigheaded soul However, I admire the way it’s 1997? led to the would, of course, love to claim being led now, because Nick CS: I was agreeably surprised some of the credit, and I’m no Clegg and Vince Cable comprise we won it in 1992, to be per- SDP. And I different! And, yes, it’s heart- a very strong team. I think the fectly honest. For, while Liz was ening – and in a way it proves party’s in good hands. – is – a very likeable personal- think that we were right to keep our dis- ity, she’s not what I would call tance from Labour. What wor- York Membery is a contributing a flamboyant personality, nor the Liberal ries me is the possibility that editor to the Journal of Liberal would I say a political personal- Democrats we as a party, both in the north History.The Journal expresses ity. I think my ‘personal vote’ and nationwide, are as strong as its thanks to Virgin Trains (www. may have helped get her elected. need to we’re going to get … virgintrains.com; 08457 222 333) for That said, I’ll never forget her Q: How does it feel to be, so helping with the travel arrangements sitting in the front room of my preserve to speak, one of the party’s ‘elder for this interview. house after losing the seat five statesmen’? years later, crying her eyes out. themselves CS: I like to think – indeed 1 In fact Hewitt just saved his Q: Of course, Paul Rowen recap- as a party of I believe – that I still have deposit, achieving 13.84 per cent of tured the seat for the Liberal Demo- an influence in the party. Of the vote (the threshold was at that crats in 2005, which you must have independ- course, I could be wrong! time 12.5 per cent). found heartening? CS: Now he’s a different cup ence. of tea entirely. He has a point of view and stands up for what he believes in. I might not always agree with him, but there are more times when I do than when I don’t. And I think he’s doing a pretty good job. Q: How do you rate Paddy Ash- reports down’s time as leader during the 1980s and 1990s? CS: I always regarded Paddy The strange birth of Liberal England as a very likeable man before he became leader. Although after- Joint meeting of the History Group and the National wards I think he changed a bit as a person, and not altogether Liberal Club, 20 July 2009, NLC, with Professor Anthony for the better. Having said that, Howe, David Steel (Lord Steel of Aikwood) and Ros Scott being the leader of a political party isn’t easy, and overall I (Baroness Scott of Needham Market. Chair: William Wallace think he did a reasonable job. (Lord Wallace of Saltaire) Q: What are your thoughts on the ‘secret’ talks that Paddy Ash- Report by Graham Lippiatt down engaged in with Tony Blair both in the run-up to and after the 1997 general election? n 6 June 1859, at Wil- Derby and bring in a Liberal CS: I have no doubt at all lis’s Rooms in St James administration. that we – he – got too close to OStreet, Westminster, To commemorate the com- Tony Blair, and I think certain Radical, Peelite and Whig pact made at Willis’s Rooms people in the Labour Party, not Members of Parliament met to and the consequent formation least Tony Blair himself, led him formalise their parliamentary of the Liberal Party, the Lib- into that position … And would coalition to oust the Conser- eral Democrat History Group perhaps, if they were entirely vative government of Lord and the National Liberal Cub

34 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reports organised a joint event at the only for a short cruise’; one Lib- respectability as a venue for Club on the evening of 20 July eral backbencher forecast the lectures and concerts. Party 2009. Over a hundred guests ‘speedy return of the Conserva- meetings were normally held in gathered for a reception in the tives to office’. These gainsayers the London homes of the politi- Smoking Room, followed by were proved wrong. The Lib- cal leaders, but the decision to dinner in the Lloyd George eral government formed in 1859 meet at Willis’s was a deliber- Room. The evening was endured. Palmerston survived as ate search for neutral ground, chaired by Lord Wallace of Sal- prime minister until his death in avoiding a choice between the taire, the President of the Lib- 1865, to be followed briefly by London mansions of the two eral Democrat History Group. Lord John Russell, Palmerston’s great political rivals of 1859, Our first speaker was Pro- disappointed competitor for the Palmerston’s Cambridge House fessor Anthony Howe of the leadership in 1859. After a short and Russell’s Chesham Place. University of East Anglia. Pro- but important Tory interlude Even so, we might note that fessor Howe is a specialist in in 1866–67, the ascendancy of many Liberal MPs had been the history of nineteenth and Liberalism was confirmed in the welcomed at home by Lady early-twentieth-century Brit- shape of the great Gladstonian Palmerston, whose parties were ain. His books include Free Trade Liberal Party in 1868. far superior to those of Lady and Liberal England, 1846–1946 Such, then, was the gen- Russell, who, it has been said, and Rethinking Nineteenth-century esis of the classic nineteenth- ‘exemplified to her contem- Liberalism: Richard Cobden Bicen- century Liberal Party which poraries how a political wife tenary Essays. He is currently still survives in the lay memory, should not behave’, not perhaps editing the letters of the leading and which clearly identifies the least of factors in Palmer- British radical Richard Cobden. the party with Gladstone. But ston’s favour as Liberal MPs Professor Howe observed political parties are not like gathered that afternoon. that, if you ask the average colleges or public companies The meeting had been called educated layman or laywoman with foundation dates. Most jointly by those political leaders when the Liberal Party was historians would trace Liberal opposed to Lord Derby’s minor- founded, the odds are that, after Party origins back to the Whigs ity government, which had some scratching of the head, the of the 1680s, but by the 1830s been in office since February date they will come up with is the term liberal was in common 1858 but had failed to achieve 1868. So why were we celebrat- parlance and most anti-Tory the majority it sought in the ing an event which took place in MPs described themselves as 1859 general election. Its pur- 1859, when approximately 280 liberal. Many past liberal his- pose was to agree to vote against MPs, described, with varying torians have had difficulty in Derby’s continuance in office degrees of accuracy, as ‘liberals’, considering Palmerston, the old and to form a Liberal govern- met at Willis’s Rooms? In ret- Canningite Tory, as a genuine ment. Arguably, the birth of the rospect, although by no means founder of the Liberal Party, but Liberal Party was the indirect at the time, this event has been recently this tide has turned. consequence of the failure of conceived as the moment at Historians are more ready to The scene of the Conservatives to consolidate which the old Whig Party gave detect a genuine turning point their government; one possibil- way to a new political forma- in political history in June 1859 those events, ity much mooted at the time tion, a Liberal Party to which a and have been more generous was that Peelites and Palmersto- motley crew of Whigs, Liberals, in their appraisal of Palmerston, Willis’s nian Liberals would join Lord Radicals, Irish Independents, now often considered more Rooms, was Derby to create a new centre and Peelite Tories adhered. important than Gladstone in party. The obstacle to this lay Such a political formation was making Liberalism the supreme not a tradi- primarily in the personal antip- not unprecedented; indeed, political force in nineteenth- athy of the Peelites to Disraeli Lord Aberdeen’s coalition of century Britain. tional politi- – which allowed the late Lord 1852–55 had brought together The scene of those events, Blake to suggest that Disraeli similar elements, although Willis’s Rooms, was not a tra- cal venue himself should be considered they had fragmented under the ditional political venue but for- but formerly the ‘unconscious founder of the pressure of the Crimean War. merly the premises of Almack’s Liberal Party’. More credibly, In June 1859, it was assumed Club, a superior marriage the premises however, we can say that the that a similar fate awaited the market (where it is said that Willis’s Room meeting ended new coalition, ‘a great bundle Palmerston, in his Lord Cupid of Almack’s (at least until 1886) any attempt of sticks’, in the words of Lord days, had first met Lady Cow- to create a centre party and her- Clarendon, or, as the political per, his wife to be, and herself Club, a supe- alded the golden age of the Vic- operator Joseph Parkes put it, not an unimportant figure in rior marriage torian two-party system. ‘Ruffles without a shirt’ which 1859). More recently, Willis’s So, it was primarily hostility ‘would serve the vessel of state had achieved greater bourgeois market. to the continuance of the Tories

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 35 reports in office rather than support of the Liberal Party, there is It was pri- 1857 and February 1858. John for an agreed set of principles perhaps more truth in the view Bright, recently returned to which brought together the that Peel was its founder. marily hos- parliament as MP for Birming- MPs who accepted the sum- However, the most famous tility to the ham (having been defeated by mons to Willis’s Rooms. Those Peelite – also the most famous local Palmerstonians in Man- MPs had mostly voted together Liberal – was absent from the continuance chester in 1857), took a leading as the Whig-Liberals under Willis’s Rooms meeting. Glad- part in the discussions preceding Palmerston between 1855 and stone had only recently returned of the Tories the Willis’s Room meeting at 1858, and for them the key issue to the domestic political fray, which he was to speak influen- still to be decided was whether after a spell as High Commis- in office tially in favour of a new Liberal Palmerston or Lord John Rus- sioner of the Ionian Islands, and rather than government. Bright was now sell should be the next prime was still ready to join a Tory leading the provincial campaign minister. These two ‘dreadful administration. Gladstone came support for for parliamentary reform, but in old men’, as Queen Victoria under some arm-twisting to a vituperative, anti-aristocratic, called them, had been rivals attend the meeting and vote an agreed quasi-republican fashion which for the leadership for the last against the Tories; Lady Herbert, for many put him beyond con- decade, but, since Palmerston’s his diary records, ‘threatened set of prin- sideration for the Cabinet. It was defeat in February 1858, Russell me’. Despite this verbal lashing, ciples which absolutely crucial to the success had made a strong comeback, Gladstone voted with the Tories, of the June meeting that Bright primarily on the grounds that although, as a man of ambition, brought and the thirty-five or so MPs he would be more sympathetic he immediately accepted the who would vote with him sup- to a generous measure of parlia- invitation to serve in Palmer- together ported a Liberal administration mentary reform. In fact, before ston’s Cabinet formed in July, so whether under Palmerston or the meeting took place, the two playing his part in the formation the MPs who Russell. Italy also mattered for rivals had agreed that the choice of the Liberal Party. Why Glad- accepted the the radicals, and Bright believed between them should be left stone finally became a Liberal he had secured an agreement to the Queen, although it was was partly a matter of his finan- summons that Britain would pursue a deemed symbolic when, at the cial ambitions, but an impor- policy of non-intervention in meeting, the seventy-five-year- tant element also lay in foreign to Willis’s Italy and alliance with France. old Palmerston jumped up first policy. A key background factor Although rarely trumpeted by on to the dais and helped up his in 1859 lay in events in Italy, Rooms. his biographers, by reversing younger (sixty-six-year-old) where Piedmont under Cavour the course taken by the radicals rival. Even so, the patching- was in alliance with France towards Palmerston, Bright has up of the quarrel between in struggling to free northern good claims to be considered Palmerston and Russell was Italy from Austrian dominance. the creator of the Liberal Party. subordinate in significance to Both Palmerston and Russell However, as in the case of two crucial respects in which had recently followed a strongly Gladstone, for the radicals, the meeting was to herald new anti-Austrian line and this served too, the Willis’s Room meet- political ground. First, ever as an important dividing line ing was more significant for an since the Tory split over the between the parties, identify- absence than for those present, Corn Laws in 1846, the Peelites, ing the Liberals with Italian given that, for the radicals, John supporters and venerators of unification. Gladstone himself Bright was still Richard Cob- Sir Robert Peel, had proved an had recently met Cavour on den’s lieutenant. Cobden, since unstable element in political his journey back from Corfu, leading the campaign against calculations – although dimin- and no doubt some Italian Lord the Corn Laws in the 1840s, had ishing in number. The Willis’s Blake has argued that Cavour, been the pre-eminent indepen- Room meeting marked the through his actions in 1859, was dent radical, although such was end of Peelism, as the leading the unconscious founder of the his hatred of Palmerston that remaining Peelites (with one British Liberal Party. he was more disposed to accept important exception) agreed The second crucial, and Derby as prime minister. But on to attend and support a Liberal perhaps more critical, change 6 June 1859 Cobden was in the government. Sidney Herbert in 1859 was the readiness of the United States. Waiting for him had played a crucial role, as radical liberals of the ‘Man- on his arrival at Liverpool was documented in the letter to his chester School’ to support a the offer of Cabinet office which wife which you can find on the new Liberal administration. had been denied to Bright, who website of the Liberal Democrat This was significant because the wrote somewhat bitterly in his History Group, with important Manchester liberals had long diary: ‘They fear me, and some support from Sir James Graham. been bitter enemies of ‘arch- of their oligarch friends and To counter Blake’s assertion impostor’ Palmerston, defeating families will consider my join- that Disraeli was the creator his governments in both March ing a Government as little less

36 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reports than the beginning of a revolu- Party, extending even to the presentation and in particular tion Blind fools! They think publisher Charles Gilpin, the mentioned the nomination of Cobden more easy to manage first Quaker given government several putative, albeit somewhat and less dangerous than I am.’ office. This genuine broaden- improbable, founders of the Cobden, as Bright expected, ing of the Liberal government Liberal Party. Picking up on the refused office, but Cabinet place ensured that 1859 was not, as competing claims of Palmerston was given to the radicals Milner Disraeli had predicted, simply ‘a and Russell, David Steel said Gibson and C. P. Villiers, and refacimento of the old Palmer- he was reminded of the Blair– minor office to a number of ston clique’ but the embryo of Brown rivalry of recent times. non-aristocratic liberals, suf- the modern Liberal Party; with- The fact that the parties of Lady ficient to meet radical claims out becoming too biological, Palmerston and Lady Russell for representation within the perhaps it was the conception of were also in competition showed government. In 1859, men, as so the party, rather than its birth. that the Liberal Party really did often in politics, mattered more To conclude, Professor Howe enjoy itself in those days. than measures. revealed that there did not seem Lord Steel began a brief Here was the fundamental to be any tradition of the Wil- survey of Liberal history by significance of 1859. The Lib- lis’s Room meeting being cele- referring to Professor Howe’s eral Party had long existed in brated in Liberal circles, having point that by 1859 most anti- the country, constituting, in searched in vain for references Tory MPs regarded themselves the words of John Vincent, a to the fiftieth anniversary of the as Liberals and recalled the ‘truly national community’, but formation of the party in 1909, famous, and, he said, his favou- until 1859 there had not been a although no doubt Liberals in rite, quotation from Gladstone, Liberal administration. Govern- 1909 had more urgent concerns that: ‘Liberalism is trust of the ments had at best been ‘Whig’ in defending Lloyd George’s people, tempered by prudence, or ‘Whig–Peelite’ coalitions. controversial budget. Likewise, while Conservatism is distrust Such governments were now in 1959, a much attenuated of the people, tempered by ruled out – as Parkes had rightly Liberal Party was more keenly fear’. The legacy of Gladstone predicted in May 1858: ‘As to anticipating The Liberal Future was not just the great oratory the Whig Party, that Class can with Jo Grimond than com- of the Midlothian campaign never take office again without memorating the Liberal past; or his concerns for oppressed new blood and some honest & however, in 2009, with only the peoples in remote places. Glad- proper purpose’. The new fac- Norwich North by-election as a stone legalised the trade unions. tor was that the Whig leaders minor distraction, thanks to the Under his governments Britain were prepared to accept an infu- enthusiasm of the Liberal Dem- became the workshop of the sion of radical blood into office ocrat History Group, we now world. It was the Liberal Party for the first time, while the have the tradition of celebrating which laid the foundations radicals were prepared to enter Thanks to 6 June 1859 as the foundation of for the success of Britain as an government with no formal ‘Liberal England’. industrial society. Gladstone agreement on issues such as par- the enthu- David Steel started his con- also foresaw, in his vision of liamentary reform, but with a tribution by referring to the the federalisation of the United promise of a non-interventionist siasm of the wording of the programme for Kingdom, a situation which and anti-Austrian foreign pol- the evening in which he was exists today but which could icy. Previously, many like Cob- Liberal Dem- invited ‘to say a few words’. He have come about much sooner, den had considered agreement ocrat History had not had such an unsubtle and with considerably less pain on issues such as the ballot to be hint since addressing a meeting and suffering, had his hopes critical preconditions, but for- Group, we on the Isle of Man; one of the for a free-standing Ireland not eign policy now enabled radicals invitation letters had included a been frustrated. Lord Steel then to reduce their reform demands. now have hand-written postscript which alluded to the great reforming Cobden in declining office did requested that he speak for about Liberal government of the early so to be consistent, having long the tradition twenty to thirty minutes, ‘but twentieth century that followed been Palmerston’s leading critic, of celebrat- for no longer, as we also have the landslide election victory of rather than on any particular entertainment’. Thanking Pro- 1906, with special mention for principle. But, as The Economist ing 6 June fessor Howe for his talk, David Lloyd George’s People’s Budget proclaimed in June 1859, there Steel acknowledged the point and the struggle with the House was now for the first time to be a 1859 as the about previous uncertainties of Lords for the supremacy of liberal basis for a liberal government, over the date of the formation the elected chamber. extending the social basis of foundation of the party, recalling taking Lord Steel then recalled the Liberal governance and admit- of ‘Liberal part in centenary celebrations period after the Second World ting men of ability outside the in 1976. He praised the scholar- War when the party came close traditional echelons of the Whig England’. ship and wit of Professor Howe’s to extinction. By 1951, the party

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 37 reports was down to a single MP who As politi- liberals and liberalism had been pandering to illiberal view- was challenged by both Labour needed more than the present points. This required the and Conservative opponents. cians, as day. Liberalism was under threat defence and strengthening of That MP was Jo Grimond, liberals, we from three specific movements. domestic and international a hero of Steel’s, who, in his The first was those who believe institutions in a context which view, restored the fortunes of should now that the answer to the current recognised economic, environ- the party. Even as recently as economic crisis is to close our mental and social concerns. A the general election of 1970, the be going borders, to exclude people who sense of community needed to party was on its heels. Of the six are in fear of oppression and be built from the smallest vil- MPs returned, three (including back to our poverty in their home coun- lage to the international stage. Steel himself) had majorities in radical roots, tries, and who think we can also This was a liberal message with only three figures. The Liberal close our borders to trade. The echoes of liberal values and Party was again nearly wiped getting back second danger was from those policies from our history, going out. Since then there had been who think that protecting the back to 1859. a new revival, and Lord Steel in touch with environment is something we To close, a formal vote of paid tribute to two guests at can only afford when times are thanks on behalf of the Liberal the event who had come to the the people good. The third danger was the Democrat History Group was Liberal Democrats through the and their growing disenchantment with proposed to the chairman and Alliance with the SDP: Bob the political process. speakers for their contributions Maclennan and Charles Ken- concerns As politicians, as liberals, and to the National Liberal nedy. The Alliance and the we should now be going back Club for hosting the event. merged party had echoes of the – without to our radical roots, getting coalition which came together back in touch with the people Graham Lippiatt is Secretary of the in 1859 – an attempt to break pandering and their concerns – without Liberal Democrat History Group. the mould of established politi- to illiberal cal structures. Under Charles Kennedy’s leadership the Liberal viewpoints. Democrats had elected the larg- est number of MPs since 1929, an amazing story and a tremen- Thorpe bust unveiled dous achievement. In thanking David Steel, Report of the unveiling of a portrait bust of the Rt Hon. William Wallace mentioned the Jeremy Thorpe at the House of Commons, 15 July 2009. move, the following day, of the Law Lords to their new home as Report by Graham Lippiatt a Supreme Court in Parliament Square. This was another of Gladstone’s ideas which had had he Advisory Commit- unveiled was a copy of one to wait until the present day to tee on Works of Art is in Jeremy’s London home. be implemented. In 1873, a bill Tappointed by the Speaker The Advisory Committee to remove the Law Lords from to make recommendations on on Works of Art apparently Parliament passed both Houses matters relating to works of first saw the bust last year and but was undone by Disraeli the art in the House of Commons. tried hard to find out who following year. Part of its remit is to ensure that sculpted it in advance of com- In contrast to the historical leading and notable parliamen- missioning the present copy. themes of the other speakers, tarians are represented in either Thanks to the efforts of Nick Ros Scott, the President of the portraits or sculptures in the Harvey, Liberal Democrat MP Liberal Democrats, had a brief Permanent Collection at the for Jeremy Thorpe’s old seat to talk about the future. But Commons. of North Devon, the identity if you forget where you come Accordingly, on 15 July, at a of the original sculptor was from, how do you know where reception in the House of Com- discovered to be Avril Vel- you are going? It was impossible mons, a bust of Jeremy Thorpe, lacott, who was present at the not to dwell on history in the Liberal leader 1967–76, was reception. Ms Vellacott was magnificent surroundings of unveiled. wearing a delightful straw hat the National Liberal Club and Jeremy and Marion Thorpe and I was told by her friend in the company of many people were both present, unfortu- that she had done this in salute who had made their own con- nately both now in wheelchairs to Jeremy Thorpe, as in his tribution to the formation of the but both as eager and willing heyday he was always seen in a Liberal Democrats. But there to mix with the crowd and bowler or trilby hat. The cast had never been a time when talk politics as ever. The bust of the original bust was made

38 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reports for the committee by Pangolin Editions. Nick Clegg, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, then made a speech about Jeremy Thorpe’s political life. He illustrated some of Thorpe’s main attributes through a series of anecdotes. He mentioned recently dis- cussing Thorpe with Sir Cyril Smith in Rochdale and Smith’s suggesting that no one invited to pick the most stimulating guest for a dinner party could fail to choose Jeremy Thorpe. It was one of Thorpe’s great- est gifts to be clubbable and witty, at ease with the company of politicians, media and the public. This led Nick to recall meeting a Devon couple who were complaining of the same- ness and ordinariness of today’s politicians, all young, profes- sionals, lacking depth, flair and imagination – quite unlike the days of Jeremy Thorpe when he a testament to Jeremy Thorpe’s The unveiling of office such as Harold Wilson the bust, 15 July regularly used to be observed political talent and his leader- and Margaret Thatcher. He was, 2009 – Jeremy disembarking from his hov- ship of the Liberal Party. Thorpe (left), said Mr Speaker, remembered ercraft and charging up vari- Speaker Bercow then made Speaker Bercow with affection and respect. The ous beaches in trademark hat, a presentation praising Jeremy (second from portrait bust of Jeremy Thorpe rolled umbrella to the fore, to Thorpe’s achievements. He right), Nick Clegg which had been commissioned discourse on the inadequacies reminded listeners that it was MP (right) would be displayed in the Gri- of Tory and Labour policies in now forty-two years since Jer- (Photo courtesy mond Room. colourful yet down-to-earth emy Thorpe was made a Privy of Liberal Jeremy Thorpe then made a language. Counsellor and that he had Democrat News) gracious and moving speech of Nick then referred to Thor- represented his North Devon appreciation for the honour of pe’s bravery and commitment constituency for twenty years. the unveiling. He made clear over the question of Europe, a Jeremy Thorpe had a wit and his enormous debt of gratitude Liberal policy priority when the eloquence that could charm to Marion for all her love, help other parties were hedging and even opponents; when he spoke and support over the years and divided, and revealed that he in the House of Commons the to members of his family as well had chosen a speech by Thorpe chamber filled up. Speaker Ber- as to friends and colleagues in on the issue of British participa- cow praised Thorpe for being the Liberal Party and the Lib- tion in the European Commu- a progressive in an age that was eral Democrats. Thorpe’s Par- nity as his contribution when less progressive than it is today, kinson’s disease makes it hard asked to select a greatest speech and for being a whirlwind for him to contribute with the for a recent selection. Nick political campaigner – when spontaneity and humour that concluded by reminding the Jeremy was on the stump, there have been so central to his polit- audience that Jeremy Thorpe’s was always excitement in the ical appeal, but the dignity of contribution to Liberal history air. Moreover, Thorpe was a his vote of thanks and his bear- ought to be judged by the dif- politician with a considerable ing in defiance of his illness will ference in the vote achieved by intellectual hinterland. He was be remembered for a long while the Liberal Party at the general knowledgeable about many sub- with admiration and esteem by election of 1970, when just over jects, including music, and was those attending the unveiling. two million votes were polled, something of an expert in Chi- The applause was heavy and and the general election of nese ceramics. Thorpe was ‘writ heart-felt. February 1974, when the tally large’ and could comfortably went up to more than six mil- stand in the company of politi- Graham Lippiatt is Secretary of the lion. That leap in support was cians who had achieved high Liberal Democrat History Group.

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 39 reports

The Gladstone Bicentenary Conference probability of evidence – a way of thinking Gladstone derived Conference organised by the University of Chester, in from Bishop Butler. Gladstone association with St Deiniol’s Library, Hawarden, 5–8 July even found time during the arguments over Home Rule and 2009 the ‘Hawarden kite’, in early Report by Tony Little 1886, to suggest that the book of Genesis should be valued as a sermon, not damned as a scien- tific lecture. As in his politics, he scale of Gladstone’s growing gulf of time between Gladstone’s liberalism in sci- achievements in govern- his period and ours, and the ence and religion was broader Tment, the depth of his impenetrability of some of the and more tolerant than his thinking on issues which still topics to which he devoted his opponents. disturb our polity and the sheer time, but also by the wealth of The problems in understand- longevity of his career make evidence. Gladstone left a great ing Gladstone were posited by him one of the great Victorian deal of documentation to be Frank Turner as deriving not figures, a man whose bicente- explored, while further clues only from his religious perspec- nary deserved commemorating to his thoughts and achieve- tive but also from his classical at a four-day conference at the ment can be gleaned from the education, the typically Victo- University of Chester in July. growing inventiveness of those rian Empire sources of his fam- More surprisingly, scholars had using his diaries in combina- ily wealth, and his approaches developed some forty papers to tion with his library preserved to public finance. More impor- present at this colloquium, even at St Deiniol’s. A visit to the tantly, Turner argued that the though the centenary of Glad- library and to Gladstone’s study lack of resonance between stone’s death had been marked formed part of the conference, Gladstone and our contempo- by an extensive conference less while a paper was presented on raries reflects our approach to than a dozen years previously.1 the GladCAT database project politics. The Grand Old Man When, in 2007, the Liberal which is digitising Gladstone’s was not a believer in the perfec- Democrat History Group posed marginalia in his books. The scale of tion of worldly government, the question of ‘Who was the This wealth of material gives whereas the twentieth century greatest Liberal?’, Gladstone a false impression that we could Gladstone’s can most easily be presented as a lost out to John Stuart Mill, the know him in a way that would striving for alternative utopias, publication of whose great work be impossible for most histori- achieve- whether socialist in Russia or On Liberty we also celebrate this cal characters – an impression nationalist in Fascist Italy and year. Was this because Glad- frustrated by the elusiveness of ments in Nazi Germany. Gladstone’s stone is so much the archetypal many of the diary entries and government, Peelite alternative derived from Victorian that he has become the famously Jesuitical com- his study of Homer and, when impossible for modern minds plexity of Gladstone’s prose. the depth of his idealist vision of church and to understand? Have we so The part played by Gladstone’s state had failed, he relied on absorbed the thinking of Vic- obstructive subtlety was amply his thinking trust, toleration, transparency toria’s rebels and radicals, from demonstrated to those of us not in state finances, the diversity Darwin and Marx to Carlyle expert in the field by Jonathan on issues of local government rather and Newman, that we can no Conlin’s paper on the con- which still than the uniformity of the cen- longer empathise with Glad- troversy between Gladstone tralised state, and the incorpora- stone, a man so in tune with the and Huxley (‘Darwin’s bull- disturb our tion into the state of newcomers nineteenth century that, in his dog’), which spread over 500 as they qualified themselves for own time, he enjoyed the popu- pages of the journal Nineteenth polity and citizenship. Part of the elusive- larity our era reserves for celeb- Century. As with most things ness of Gladstone’s liberalism rities rather than politicians? Or Gladstonian, there are modern the sheer lies in his focus on reform rather are today’s progressive statesmen echoes, in this case of the debate longevity of than transformation. He wished still his heirs, successful only between Dawkins and Bibli- to channel the forces of his day when they abandon utopias for cal scholars. Gladstone versus his career through existing mechanisms Liberal values? These were the Huxley was in part an argument rather than to rebuild the state. questions posed and debated, about evolution, the scientific make him For Gladstone, there were not but left still undecided by the truth of the Bible and the role of the absolutes on which his radi- end of the conference. its creation myths, and in part one of the cal, Tory, Catholic and socialist The potential incompre- a continuation of the argument great Victo- critics rely. hensibility of Gladstone is Gladstone had had with New- As might be expected, the compounded not only by the man forty years earlier over the rian figures. conference reflected academic

40 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reports trends, and papers were pre- English Liberals, but it distanced Frank Turner argued that sented on images of Gladstone the Irish and his first govern- Gladstonian liberalism was a and his self-representation, out- ment compounded the problem path not taken beyond his own lining the degree of conscious with its proposed Irish univer- day, despite the Gladstonian control that he exerted over sity reforms, which did not even echoes in US presidents Wood- how he was represented not have the benefit of satisfying the row Wilson, Roosevelt and only in terms of the traditional Catholic hierarchy, and so paved Carter. But, in the final paper portrait, incorporating con- the way for the Home Rule of the conference, Eugenio trasting aspects of masculinity, Party’s ascendancy. Gladstone’s Biagini argued strongly for an statesmanship and studiousness, land reforms may have defused a alternative view. He traced a but also through the new high- pre-revolutionary Land League series of heirs to Gladstone at tech medium of the photograph. but again made enemies of home, in all parties, and abroad Towards the end of his career, previous allies such as Lecky, and argued that perhaps the camera technology had pro- while his assault on the Vatican decline of the Liberal Party after gressed sufficiently as to allow Decrees irritated both Catholics 1918 enhanced the continua- unofficial and informal pictures and Liberal Presbyterians who tion of Gladstonian policies by to be snatched. The battle for relied on Catholic support to the Tories and that the influx control over the image of the hold their seats. of Liberals into the Labour politician had begun to be lost. Running counter to the Party influenced that party’s Ample space was given for usual focus on Gladstone as internationalism and reliance more conventional political his- a Midlothian peacemaker, on traditional management of tory, though presented through Roland Quinault spoke on the Exchequer. Biagini went on an original filter. Lord (Paul) Gladstone and war, showing to argue that, when Blair mod- Bew presented Gladstonian that despite his career-long ernised the Labour Party, he did views on Ireland from an Ulster aversion to militarism and its so through the incorporation Protestant, but sympathetic cost, Gladstone did not flinch of Gladstonian ideas. Is it not and Burkean, perspective. Bew from supporting wars that he to Gladstone that he owed his praised Gladstone’s efforts in believed to be justified in But- militant humanitarianism, his the Fenian crisis, the way that lerian terms. Complexity arises ethical foreign policy, his mis- he recognised the constitutional from an analysis that would sion to pacify Ireland, his con- politician in Parnell, despite his tend to show that the wars he stitutional reforms of the Lords, pre-Kilmainham association opposed were those occurring and devolution, whilst holding with the ‘men of violence’, and while he was out of office, such down taxes and restraining Gladstone’s openness on the as the 1857 Chinese Opium War government spending? The special circumstances of Ulster. and the 1879 Afghan War, while parallels between Blair’s inter- However, Gladstone progres- those he supported occurred vention in Iraq and Gladstone’s sively alienated Irish Whigs and while he was in office, such as in Egypt inevitably attracted Liberals. Disestablishment of the Crimean War. Further intri- discussion, and Biagini argued the Church of Ireland may have cacy is encountered when try- that Gladstone was willing to been successful in reuniting ing to justify Gladstone’s views intervene in another country on on funding war and on inter- humanitarian grounds where vention. Theoretically, Glad- he considered that the govern- Gladstone bicentenary events stone believed that war should ment had failed, but that he be financed from taxation as a considered interference to be Bicentenary dinner restraint on the jingoistic and undesirable if there was stable Wednesday 21 October, 7.00 for 7.30 p.m imperialist enthusiasms of the government even if that regime National Liberal Club, London SW1 electorate. In practice, however, was bad. These criteria justified Speaker: Lord Ashdown. he also funded government war intervention in Egypt but not £40 per head, to include reception and wine during dinner. efforts from loans. Gladstone in Afghanistan, nor against the Black tie. sought a multilateral approach Zulus. Boookings may be made with Louisa Pooley on to international crises – the In the space available I can- 020 7930 9871. Concert of Europe – but no not do justice to the range of practical mechanism existed for papers delivered in Chester, but Evensong its employment, no Gladstonian the impression I took away was Tuesday 12 January 2010, 5.00pm United Nations, and in real- that Gladstone the statesman Westminster Abbey ity Gladstone was as prepared remains a tough benchmark The centenary year will conclude with a special evensong at to intervene unilaterally, for against which to judge his suc- Westminster Abbey, followed by a wreath-laying ceremony example in Egypt, as he was to cessors. The big issues of gov- at the Gladstone Memorial. Sir Alan Beith MP will speak urge but not to strike, as in Bul- ernment that he tackled still before the laying of the wreath. garia and Armenia. have practical relevance to the

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 41 reports modern day, and his approach to the champion of the Anglican Investiga- death in 1891, ownership pass- government can be embraced by faith just as much as Gladstone ing to his son, William G.C. reformers with confidence in its the Home Ruler was Gladstone tions into Gladstone (born 1885) who was soundness. Investigations into the Unionist. Gladstone the last Gladstone to serve in the Gladstone the man still have House of Commons, as Liberal scope for discovery and amplifi- Tony Little is the Chair of the Lib- the man still MP for Kilmarnock Burghs cation. Despite the strong foun- eral Democrat History Group. (Kilmarnock, Dumbarton, Port dations laid by those like David have scope Glasgow, Renfrew and Ruther- Bebbington, much remains to 1 The main papers were published as glen) from 1911 until his death be done to integrate the various D. Bebbington and R. Swift (eds.), for discovery in action in 1916. components of his personality. Gladstone Centenary Essays (Liver- and amplifi- Accordingly, with W.E. Gladstone the Homeric scholar pool University Press, 2000) and Gladstone being effectively was also Gladstone the tree- the subsidiary papers as P. Fran- cation. ‘Squire’ of Hawarden for the feller, and Gladstone the firm cis (ed.), The Gladstone Umbrella last twenty-four years of his life, defender of Bradlaugh was also (Monad Press, 2001). and thus with a site at Hawarden being freely available, there was never any question of the Library being located elsewhere. Another of the Prime Minister’s sons, the Rev. Stephen Glad- stone (1844–1920) was Rector of Hawarden when he inherited the Hawarden Estate in 1916 and his descendants also inherited the letters Gladstone Baronetcy and Fasque House and Estate in Kincardi- neshire in 1945 after the deaths How long was Lloyd George of all the Prime Minister’s elder an MP? (continued) brothers and their sons. Kenneth O. Morgan’s letter on which his letters patent are Further, although a High ( Journal 63, summer 2009) states granted. Church Anglican from the mid- that David Lloyd George ceased The custom for establishing 1830s, William E. Gladstone to be a Member of Parliament who is Father of the House of was born as a Presbyterian in on 1 January 1945, when his Commons (as Lloyd George was association with the Church peerage was conferred. But from 1929) uses the test of the of Scotland. Indeed, his father, Erskine May has this: ‘If a date on which a Member first John Gladstone (a Baronet from Member be created a Peer, his took the oath. 1846) contributed to the cost seat is not vacated until the let- Patrick Mitchell of building the first Scots Kirk ters patent conferring the dig- in Liverpool, which opened in nity have passed the great seal.’ Oldham Street in 1793. It was According to Burke’s Peerage, Gladstone, St Deiniol’s and only later that John Gladstone the earldom of Lloyd George of the Church and his family adhered to the Dwyfor was created on 12 Feb- Having spent a week at St. Church of England – not, I ruary 1945, which presumably Deiniol’s Residential Library would suggest, for any ecclesi- was the date of the letters pat- at Hawarden in Flintshire astical reason but because of the ent. The writ for the by-election when researching for my PhD then political and educational to fill the vacancy, which took (Church History) I have to sug- restraints on nonconformists in place on 26 April 1945, could gest the basic reason for William England. not have been issued until after E. Gladstone selecting the site in However, the Gladstones’ that date. 1889 was not any of the reasons ‘interest’ in the Church of Scot- The rules for payment of suggested by the Rev. Peter land continued for some time salaries to Members of Parlia- Francis, Warden of St. Deiniol’s thereafter. After the purchase of ment (which of course were not (Journal of Liberal History 63, Fasque in 1829 the family sup- in force in 1890, although they summer 2009). ported the local (Fettercairn) were in 1945) allow for payment The Hawarden (Castle) Parish Church until the open- from and including the day fol- Estate, previously owned by ing of an Episcopal Chapel in lowing that on which the poll W.E. Gladstone’s wife’s fam- the grounds of Fasque in 1847. is held. The salary of a Member ily, was inherited by the Prime Further, in 1838–39, contrary to who is created a peer is payable Minister’s eldest son, William the expectation that new urban up to and including the day (Willy) in 1874 with, on his congregations would elect their

42 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reviews own ministers, John Gladstone Although in later life, and relations, it really is some- agreed to finance the build- then depending on the votes what perplexing to know how ing and endowment of a new of nonconformists in England he ever came to secure such Church of Scotland Church (St. and Presbyterians in Scotland, support. Thomas’) in his native Leith on W.E. Gladstone came to modify Dr. Alexander (Sandy) S. Waugh condition that its patronage (the his views on Church–State right to present ministers) was vested in himself with reversion to his son, William. (The Con- gregation of St. Thomas’ united with another Leith Congrega- tion in 1975 with the former St. Thomas’ building being reo- pened as a Sikh temple in 1976!) Then, when the last political attempt to avert the Disruption reviews of the Church of Scotland in 1843 was made by Fox Maule (then an opposition Whig MP and later, as 2nd Lord Panmure, An extraordinary life Secretary of State for War in Palmerston’s Whig/Radical/ Paddy Ashdown: A Fortunate Life: The Autobiography of Peelite Cabinet of 1855–58), Paddy Ashdown (Aurum Press, 2009) W.E. Gladstone (then Vice- President of the Board of Trade Reviewed by Duncan Brack in Peel’s Tory administration) voted with the majority (211– 76) in the House of Commons he only real problem with sixteen) cover Ashdown’s politi- on 8 March (1843) against Fox this book is that its readers cal career, from 1976 to 2001, Maule’s motion, although it was Tare likely to end up feel- and much of the material in the supported by a majority (25–12) ing a little inadequate. By the three chapters dealing with his of Scottish MPs present and time he was my age, Paddy Ash- leadership will be familiar to voting. The Disruption of the down was on to his fourth main anyone who has read his Diaries Church of Scotland (with the career, having spent thirteen (reviewed in Journal of Liberal departure of 480 ministers to years in the Royal Marines and History 30 and 41). Nevertheless, form the original Free Church) Special Boat Service, four years the earlier chapters are of course was then inevitable and fol- as a diplomat and spy, another relevant to the story of Ash- lowed some ten weeks later on seven years in a variety of jobs down the politician, in help- 18 May (1843). (or unemployed) while trying ing to explain why he became W.E. Gladstone published to win Yeovil, and a further the MP and leader he was. His his own views on the Disrup- The huge seven years as an MP, includ- father, for example (ex-Indian tion in 1844, stating that as ing almost two years as the first Army, argumentative, politi- all Presbyterians had rejected degree of leader of the Liberal Democrats. cally radical and never afraid to the prelatic ‘apostolic succes- energy and After standing down as leader in hold a minority opinion) was sion’ – the only true basis of 1999 (the only Liberal Democrat clearly a key figure in his life; ecclesiastical authority – none commit- leader to date to resign entirely indeed, he claims that ‘if there of them were capable of resist- of his own volition), he had has been a single driver during ing the Erastian doctrine that ment this another two years as an MP what I suppose has been a pretty authority over their churches’ before becoming, effectively, driven life, it has been to do spiritual functions lay ultimately demanded governor of Bosnia & Herze- things which would have earned with civil authority. The future shine out govina for four years – and he the approval of my father’ (p. Prime Minister had clearly not is still carrying out a variety 28). His upbringing in Northern understood the assertion that from this of jobs and roles while being a Ireland left him with a dislike the Presbyterian form of church member of the party’s team in of sectarianism (reinforced by a government is agreeable to the highly the House of Lords. period of soldiering in the prov- Word of God or that in the New The huge degree of energy ince in 1970–71), and his years Testament the words bishop, engaging and commitment this demanded at boarding school in Bedford presbyter and elder are used to autobiogra- shine out from this highly gave him self-confidence and refer to exactly the same office engaging autobiography. In self-discipline, together with an in the Church. phy. fact only five chapters (out of enquiring mind and a drive to

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 43 reviews

for the Foreign Office, mainly the family savings to the point at the UK mission to the United (in August 1982) where he was Nations in Geneva. virtually bankrupt; only a com- Ashdown only joined the pletely unexpected cheque from Liberal Party by a lucky chance. the Rowntree Trust saved him In January 1974, while digging from returning, in desperation, in the garden of his cottage to the Foreign Office (another in Yeovil, he was interrupted of the might-have-been by a Liberal canvasser, who moments of Lib Dem politics). ‘wore an orange anorak, looked Ashdown’s strategy for win- rather unprepossessing and had ning Yeovil assumed it would a squeaky voice to match’ (p. take three elections, including 156). Despite his scepticism, he beating Labour into second invited him in, and ‘two hours place in the first one, and con- later, having discussed liberal- centrating on local elections, ism at length in our front room, delivering leaflets, using the I discovered that this was what local press and developing and I had really always been. That using local, not national, mes- Liberalism was an old coat sages. All this is standard ortho- that had been hanging in my doxy now, of course, but was cupboard, overlooked all these much less common in the mid- years, just waiting to be taken 1970s (though not unknown; down and put on’ (p. 156). The Ashdown acknowledges his party has much to thank for the debt to Liberals in neighbouring fact that the unnamed visitor constituencies). The implemen- (Ashdown tried to locate him tation of the strategy included later, but never could) was not establishing weekly surgeries – one of its modern canvassers, to which Ashdown’s wife Jane’s learn and to compete; also self- trained only to identify existing free coffee and biscuits provided sufficiency and a dislike of club- or probable supporters and to an important enticement – set- bishness. His years in the army, move on, not to waste time dis- ting up a printing press and run- and the social structure behind cussing politics with them … ning auctions and discos. It also its officer class, reinforced his The most fascinating chapter, required targeting the Labour- progressive beliefs. All these for me, was ‘The Winning of voting areas of the seat – the characteristics were still strongly Yeovil’, the story of Ashdown’s reverse of the normal Liberal evident to those who worked seven years’ work to take what strategy – and recruiting work- with him in the party thirty seemed like a hopelessly unwin- ing-class activists. The strain of years later. nable seat – which did not fea- all this effort on Ashdown and In general Ashdown is frank ture, of course, in the leadership his family is clear. But it worked and open (and self-deprecating) Diaries. When Ashdown was – he took second place from in his opinions of himself, but selected in November 1976, the Labour in 1979, achieving the there are a few odd omissions; Tories had held Yeovil since highest Liberal vote since the for example, no reflection 1911, the Liberals had generally war, and the party won all ten is offered on his years in the come third in general elections council seats it contested on the Marines and the Special Boat and had only one councillor same day. And in 1983 – at the Service (including combat in in the constituency. The sheer second try, not the third – he Borneo and Northern Ireland) hard bloody slog of the fol- won the seat (a result which was upon leaving them in 1972. lowing seven years ought to be misheard by someone at party Rather more explicable is his compulsory reading for every- HQ, which then issued press lack of comment on his activi- one who thinks MPs are in it releases claiming the Liberals ties as a spy from 1972 to 1976 for their own personal gain; had won ‘The Oval’). (or perhaps later, who knows?) having given up a promising Several of Ashdown’s char- – as he says, he ‘undertook a civil service career (a decision acteristic features become clear lifetime obligation never to he describes as ‘naïve to the in this chapter. First, his self- reveal in public either the name point of irresponsibility. It just belief and love of a challenge, of the organisation for which happens also to be the best deci- perhaps fuelled by not thinking I worked or anything beyond sion I have made in my life.’ (p. about it too clearly ahead of the barest outline of what I did’ 162)), Ashdown had to find a time – exemplified by decid- (p. 151). Instead, this chapter succession of jobs, and spent a ing to fight Yeovil in the first focuses on his public activities year unemployed. He ran down place; as he says, quoting David

44 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reviews

Penhaligon, he won because ‘he national party politics, prefer- outsider compared to the older was too naïve to know it was ring to concentrate on Yeovil. MPs … I had, in my rush to impossible (p. 166). Second, his Nevertheless, he opened the – create the new party, failed penchant for plans – as in his successful – debate on a motion to understand that a political three-election strategy for the against cruise missiles in 1981 party is about more than plans constituency. Third, his politi- (which led to one of the party’s and priorities and policies and cal courage; he cites a couple peers asking ‘Who is this bloody chromium-plated organisation. of instances where he took by scout, Paddy Ashdown?’ It also has a heart and a history principled positions (over the (p. 200)), which gave him an and a soul …’ (p. 246). It is also siting of a care home, and over unwarranted (as he warned the clear how much he relied on his sales of Westland helicopters party radicals at the time) repu- predecessor, David Steel, to help to Pinochet’s Chile – Westland tation as a unilateralist. him manage the parliamentary was the largest local employer) The next chapter, about party in the early days. which were unpopular locally. Ashdown’s experiences as an He does not discuss whether Although his comments caused MP from 1983 to 1987, is rather ‘the project’ may itself have some local difficulty, they did sketchier, though it reveals one been an error, though this has not appear to damage his pros- more characteristic – his ten- been a case argued by many, pects in the long term; ‘Many dency to sound self-righteous, including, for instance, Tony voters want their MP to do and sometimes rather shrill, Greaves (‘The “what if” ques- what is right and often respect when speaking in the Com- tion must be how much more those who do, even while dis- mons, which stemmed, he could have been achieved if all agreeing with them. The scope believed, from his dislike – and that time at the top and per- for a bit of courage in politics is perhaps fear – of the parliamen- sonal energy had been spent far greater than we think it is.’ tary style. It also describes his on something other than “The (p. 199). And finally, his love for early planning, which started Project”.’1) The sheer number of the party and his respect for its in late 1986, for the leadership times that Tony Blair claimed activists – not a universal char- election which was expected to he needed more time, after acteristic of leaders: follow the general election. his election in 1997, to deliver The three chapters dealing major constitutional reform and … all my life I had, I thought, with the leadership, from 1988 to a closer relationship with the gained satisfaction from work- 1999, will be much more famil- Lib Dems, with Ashdown effec- ing among the elites – from iar to Journal readers: the struggle tively powerless to press him to mixing with those who were for survival post-merger, as move faster, must lead the reader the best of the best of their membership, finances and sup- to question whether Blair was profession. The Liberal Party port all crashed disastrously; after ever serious about the relation- and its members, then and that was successfully overcome, ship. In retrospect, Ashdown now, do not pretend to be the beginning to establish distinctive ‘The Liberal reckons he should have pushed elite. They are, for the most positions for the party, initially for a coalition immediately after part, the very ordinary in the over Hong Kong and the Gulf Party and its the 1997 election: best sense of that word. And War (which Ashdown reckons yet, somewhat to my surprise, was the key event crystallising members, It is my experience that far I have felt a greater sense of his own public image), later over then and more mistakes are made in life privilege working with them, education, the environment, by being too careful than by and been more humbled and Maastricht and Bosnia; the care- now, do not being too bold … I have come inspired by what they were ful attempts to edge the Liberal to deeply regret the decisions able to achieve through dedi- Democrats and Labour closer pretend to both of us took that morn- cation, sacrifice and a refusal to together in the wake of Labour’s ing, and I suspect that Blair accept the odds, than I ever felt third election defeat in 1992; be the elite. has too. For what we lost in amongst the elites of my previ- ‘the project’ with Blair, and its They are, the very early hours of 2 May ous careers. (p. 170) ultimate failure in the light of [1997] was, I think, a unique New Labour’s electoral landslide for the most opportunity to do something One other characteristic of in 1997 and Blair’s inability or really historic: to enter into these early days was a reluc- unwillingness to deliver any- part, the a partnership government at tance to appear on the national thing much of substance. the optimum moment – not stage; Ashdown was, he admits, Along the way Ashdown very ordinary because we have been forced ‘far too frightened’ to speak at freely admits his mistakes, in the best to do so … but on the high his first Liberal Assembly, in including most notably the ground of principle and in the 1976. This one didn’t last, of decision to back the short name sense of that aftermath of a great victory. course, although he deliberately ‘Democrats’ for the merged This could, in my view, have avoided getting too involved in party in 1988 – ‘being a relative word.’ led to a complete realignment

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 45 reviews

of the Centre Left in British that the best chance for a coali- book. There is also a little extra politics … and a partnership tion had gone by October 1997, material, most notably a com- with the Lib Dems might, I but in the event it took another ment by Robin Cook (kept out also allow myself to believe, twelve months for it to disappear of the Diaries because he was still have prevented some of the entirely: it was Labour’s response alive at the time of publication) worst aspects of the Blair gov- to the report of the Jenkins after the Cabinet debate on the ernment … (p. 303). Commission on electoral reform Jenkins report that ‘he was really in October 1998, which failed to worried about Blair’s lack of In the end, Ashdown thinks that set any timetable for a referen- leadership and inability to make Blair was sincere, but did not dum, and Jack Straw’s rubbish- decisions sometimes’ (p. 322). care about it enough – so that ing of the proposals in public, The rest of the book is John Prescott or Gordon Brown which led Ashdown to conclude mainly taken up with Bosnia, were able to talk him out of the that ‘the project’ had failed and where Ashdown served as High coalition strategy. The result was that his time as leader should Representative and EU Special that the two leaders spent much end. (He had already decided, Representative from 2002 to of the following three years ‘try- before the 1997 election, that he 2006. I could have done with ing to blow as much heat as we would stand down at some point more detail here – Ashdown could into the dying embers of a in the next parliament.) All of paints a broad, and often per- partnership that had lost its fun- this is explained in more detail sonal and moving, picture, but damental purpose: to “change in the Diaries, of course, but they without explaining at much politics and heal the schism”, were in many cases so detailed length the actions he took – as Blair himself had put it’ (p. that readers will gain a better but perhaps that’s waiting for 304). Ashdown now recognises overall picture from reading this another book. Special offer forJournal subscribers

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46 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reviews

Paddy Ashdown is the most Liberal Democrats and to the led him to the books he bought significant Liberal leader since study of Liberal leadership. And and read? What was it about Jo Grimond. It is probable that more than that, it is a highly him – his personality, aspira- the party would have collapsed engaging and readable record tions, anxieties – that made entirely without his leadership not just of a remarkable politi- him read?’ (p. 3)), and partly – instead, it recovered from a cal career but of an entire life historical, such as the author’s standing in the opinion polls lived at a furious pace – as Ash- systematic and usually suc- within the statistical margin of down himself says in conclu- cessful attempt to decipher the error of zero to win a higher sion, quoting Lao Tse, ‘with the way specific books influenced number of Commons seats speed of a galloping horse’. Gladstone’s attitude to political than at any time since 1929. and social problems, such as the Although his ultimate aim – to Duncan Brack is the Editor of the Pope’s claims to infallibility or change the system of govern- Journal of Liberal History, and Irish Nationalist demands for ment in Britain – failed, it was the author of ‘Liberal Democrat Home Rule. Her analysis of the worth the attempt (and some Leadership: The Cases of Ashdown GOM’s annotations and diaries aspects of Labour’s constitu- and Kennedy’, Political Quar- is revealing even when applied tional reforms would probably terly 78:1, 2007. to apparently unpromising not have been implemented works: for example, his collec- without the pre-election 1 Tony Greaves, ‘Audacious – but tion of travel guides discloses agreement with the Liberal fundamentally flawed’, review of that ‘Gladstone was an inquisi- Democrats). The Ashdown Diaries – Volume 1: tive, independent-minded, and This book is of substantial 1988–1997, Journal of Liberal History interactive traveller. His read- importance to the history of the 30 (spring 2001). ing and use of tourist guides and maps … reveals both his desire to be informed about the foreign environments in which he found himself, and also his determination not to be pas- Reading the man through his books sively reliant on such informa- tion’ (p. 75). Ruth Clayton Windscheffel,Reading Gladstone (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) Reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini

he Grand Old Man riches, and even this substan- (GOM) has inspired so tial monograph does not fully Tmany biographies and exhaust the subject (indeed, monographs that writing some- Windscheffel herself has thing new about him is – one recently produced a further would be justified in believing – important paper on a related pretty hard. Yet, Dr Windschef- topic, which she delivered at the fel deserves to be congratulated Chester Bicentenary Confer- on producing one of the most ence in July 2009). original and thought-provoking According to the entries in books to have appeared on this his diary, by the time he died subject since Colin Matthew’s in 1898, Gladstone had read 1998 masterly biography. Her about 20,000 volumes, written strategy is simple: ‘read’ the man by over 4,500 different authors. through the books he read. Such His personal library included method would not necessarily 30,000 titles, many containing work with politicians who were his annotations and comments less intellectual than ‘Mr G.’ – (which were often refreshingly although the reading habits of, frank, such as ‘A “rollicking”[,] let us say, Thatcher or Major impudent, mendacious book’ might yield enough materials in William Cobbett’s Protestant for interesting short articles. By Reformation). The questions on contrast, in Gladstone’s case which Reading Gladstone focuses there is an embarrassment of are partly biographical (‘What

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 47 Reading Gladstone

by Ruth Clayton Windscheffel

October 2008

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48 Expires Journal of 31/12/2009 Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reviews

Windscheffel covers the She has managed to recast his own to the ‘pastoral’ care of his whole span of Gladstone’s career public image and, indirectly, flock, including a ‘magisterial’ as a bibliophile, from his earliest produced a the standards by which states- approach to their instruction steps in book-buying as a child perceptive, men should be judged. First, he for the purpose of leading them to his endowing and building of asserted himself as the ‘scholar- along a narrow path, through St Deiniol’s Library at Hawar- sympathetic politician’, the Chancellor of fiscal responsibility and political den (in North Wales) at the end the Exchequer characterised liberalism, to a fuller sense of of his life. St Deiniol’s became and brilliant by an undisputed mastery of citizenship and humanity. a centre for theological and Treasury facts and figures. In Windscheffel’s central argu- historical studies, Anglican in reconstruc- order to cultivate such an image ment is that ‘[r]eading was for spirit but open to all. It was per- tion of an he encouraged the portrayal, in Gladstone not merely a matter haps the first ‘residential library’ photographs and watercolours, of hermeneutics – the interior in the country and became a intimately of himself at work surrounded art of interpretation – it was sig- model for other similar estab- by books, whether in Downing nificantly also the springboard lishments which were founded and yet Street or at Hawarden. Thus for his exegesis – or expository in the twentieth century, such as ‘[h]is library was represented discourse – to others’ (p. 236). the Ancient India and Iran Trust publicly as a place of useful work rather In this superbly researched book at Cambridge. important than as a symbol of privilege she has fully established her St Deiniol’s replicated some or a scholar’s ivory tower. The case. In the process she has pro- of the features, and certainly dimension “Grand Old Bookman” was duced a perceptive, sympathetic the spirit, of Gladstone’s own continuing the work of popular and brilliant reconstruction of ‘Temple of Peace’, his study at of the per- liberalism albeit from inside a an intimately and yet publicly Hawarden Castle. The latter Castle library’ (p. 234). This important dimension of the was designed and conceived as sonality and strategy of turning his alleged personality and career of one of a space of intense academic and career of one clerical shortcomings to his the greatest Liberal leaders of all intellectual engagement, and in political advantage was further times. this respect contrasted sharply of the great- developed in later years; by the with the spirit and function of late 1870s ‘the People’s William’ Eugenio Biagini is an alumnus of the conventional ‘gentleman’s est Liberal emerged as the semi-revivalist the Scuola Normale Superiore of library’, where books would statesman. He confused the crit- Pisa, and has taught at Newcastle- not necessarily be used, but leaders of all ics of his monk-like habits by upon-Tyne and Princeton, NJ, rather displayed ‘as a matter of times. developing what John Vincent before joining the Faculty of History form’ (as Gladstone lamented described as a ‘semi-Episcopal’ at the University of Cambridge, (p. 148)). His being so much out approach to leadership, and where he teaches British and Irish of step with convention was at asserted his moral entitlement history. first a political disadvantage: at the time ‘gentlemen’, and espe- cially politicians, were expected to be faintly anti-intellectual and actively ‘practical’ in their approach to the public sphere, A neglected party and Gladstone’s scholarly relationship with his library David Dutton, Liberals in Schism – A History of the National seemed more appropriate to Liberal Party (Tauris Academic Studies, 2008). a ‘monk’ than a statesman. In fact, it attracted embarrassing Reviewed by Malcolm Baines comments on his masculinity. In a fascinating section of her book, Windscheffel studies how ollowing the publication Liberal Party in 1931 over the Gladstone responded to such of A History of the Liberal extent to which the National characterisations, especially in FParty in 2004, Profes- Government could abandon the the aftermath of the 1846 Con- sor David Dutton of Liverpool traditional Liberal support for servative Party split over the University has now turned his international free trade to deal Repeal of the Corn Laws, when attention in this new publication with the economic and fiscal cartoonists contrasted his ‘intel- to the party’s neglected ugly crisis that marked the onset of lectual’ and ‘feminine’ attitude sister. In doing this, he has shed the Great Depression. to the crisis with the prag- a perceptive and sympathetic The Liberal Nationals have matic and ‘masculine’ motives light on the Liberal Nationals been written out of the history displayed by his colleagues. (after 1945, the National Liber- of liberalism in the twentieth Over the 1850s and 1860s he als) who broke away from the century. Indeed, many Liberals

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 49 reviews have argued that they were not Liberals in this well-researched for most local Liberal associa- liberals at all, being in effect and well-written book cover- tions their loyalty was to the crypto-Conservatives from ing the whole of the party’s local MP and not to the official the moment that they failed history. It starts with its gen- Liberal Party nationally. Indeed to follow the Liberal Cabinet esis as a group of Liberal Party the Liberal Year Book contin- ministers, Samuel and Sinclair, MPs in the 1929–31 Parliament ued to include pictures of MPs in resigning in September 1932 who thought Lloyd George too from both camps well into the over the creation of a formal sympathetic to Ramsay Mac- 1930s. system of imperial preference. Donald’s Labour government, The Second World War In part, this is because history and ends in 1968 when the party changed the political land- is invariably written by the formally wound itself up, some scape dramatically by bring- winners, and in this instance twenty years after the merging ing Labour to power in 1945. neither the present-day Liberal of the constituency organisa- At one stroke this removed Party nor the Conservative tions through the Woolton- the Liberal Nationals’ role as Party have had much reason to Teviot pact with the Tories had leaven to a National Govern- remember them. It is, however, led most outside observers to ment whilst at the same time not often realised that Clem- conclude that it had lost what making a Liberal–Conservative ent Davies, leader of the Liberal little independence it had left. rapprochement more impor- Party between 1945 and 1956, Dr Dutton astutely picks up tant to the Tories if they were was a Liberal National MP the different themes that char- to create a united anti-socialist throughout the 1930s, nor that acterised the Liberal Nationals front. Simultaneously, Conser- well-known former Cabinet during the period, starting with vatives in the areas of former ministers such as Michael Hes- the extent to which they could Liberal National strength were eltine and John Nott began their be contrasted with those Liber- becoming increasingly restive political careers as candidates of als who supported Sir Herbert at having to defer electorally to joint Conservative and National Samuel’s decision to leave the a junior partner whose organi- Liberal associations. National Government. On pol- sation, never robust to begin David Dutton has writ- icy grounds the Liberal Nation- with (as Dutton explored in ten the first balanced account als stood for a willingness to the Journal last year in relation of the history of the National abandon the Liberal shibboleth to Wrexham), was ceasing to of free trade in favour of sup- exist. The Woolton-Teviot pact porting greater government of 1948 marked the formalisa- intervention in the economy in tion of the merger between the response to the Great Depres- local party organisations of the sion of the 1930s. More impor- Conservatives and the National tantly, the Liberal Nationals Liberals, although the parlia- were characterised by a convic- mentary group continued to tion that Liberal MPs could do meet separately. more good inside a National Dutton then looks at the role Government than outside it. of the National Liberals once Dutton powerfully argues the the Conservatives returned case that the Liberal National to office in 1951. He struggles leaders – including such rela- to find much evidence that it tively well-known figures as Sir had one, other than as a quaint John Simon, Walter Runciman relic of previous political his- and Leslie Hore-Belisha – not tory. Much reduced in size only held a disproportionate and influence and including number of ministerial posts some members with a Con- but also enabled Baldwin, the servative rather than a Liberal Conservative leader (and prime background, Dutton sees the minister from 1935 to 1937) to party acting as something of a exclude the Tory right from pressure group against Butskel- both power and office in the lism and the willingness of the 1930s. Moreover, it was not Tories not to challenge the con- until the failure of the Liberal– sensus put in place by the Attlee Liberal National merger negoti- government rather than as an ations during the Second World independent political party. He War that the permanency of the goes on, however, to highlight split was acknowledged by the in an interesting way both the two groups. Until that point, extent to which the National

50 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 reviews

Liberals could be regarded as British liberalism were it not The debate present reviewer to find such proto-Thatcherite and the con- for Samuel, Sinclair and their heavy use made of the exten- nections they had with figures followers. The book deals with about sive Cardiganshire Liberal such as John Poulson, who later an area that had been largely whether Association Records in the became better known for rea- neglected by Liberal historians, custody of the National Library sons other than his support for who have tended to follow lead- Liberals have of Wales. Strangely, those of the National Liberals. ing politicians from all parties in the Montgomeryshire Liberal The party finally came to writing off the Liberal Nationals more influ- Association, equally extensive, an end after Labour’s electoral as ineffectual and self-serving. have been quarried far less fre- victory in 1966, unloved by Dutton’s study therefore makes ence through quently. As far as the personal both its erstwhile partner, the interesting reading for Liber- membership archives of Liberal politicians Conservative Party, and the als as to what might have been: are concerned, especially effec- Liberals who, under the leader- after all, the debate about of a wider tive use has been made of the ship of Jo Grimond, had begun whether Liberals have more Lloyd George Papers and the Sir their move from being a right- influence through membership ‘sympa- Percy Harris Papers at the Par- of-centre, pro-small-business, of a wider ‘sympathetic’ political liamentary Archive, the House free-trade party to a left-of- grouping or through a pristine thetic’ politi- of Lords, and those of Sir Wil- centre, socially radical party independence is one that has cal grouping liam Beveridge at BLPES (the concerned with constitutional continued to the present. British Library of Political and reform and local government. or through a Economic Science). All these This is a good, readable yet After reading history at Selwyn sources have clearly yielded scholarly history of the National College, Cambridge and the Uni- pristine inde- much significant and fresh Liberal Party throughout its versity of Lancaster, Malcolm material. short but eventful life. To any- Baines completed a D.Phil. at pendence is Thorpe’s text is divided into one fascinated by the reasons Exeter College, Oxford, entitled one that has eight discrete chapters which for the Liberal Party’s survival ‘The survival of the British Liberal examine in turn the manage- in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s, Party 1932–1959’ in 1990. He now continued to ment of the political parties it provides an experiment in works in taxation for a hotel, prop- nationally (particularly their what might have happened to erty and retail group. the present. leaders and headquarters), those who stood as parliamentary can- didates and became MPs, those who served as regional and local agents and organisers (especially their numbers and changing How the Liberal Party fared 1939–45 roles), the membership of the parties, and the events and Andrew Thorpe, Parties at War: Political Organisation in activities (or sometimes con- Second World War Britain (Oxford University Press, 2009) spicuous lack of activity) which took place in the constituencies. Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones Social as well as political activi- ties are considered here in three fine chapters. A short discus- he fine reputation of many surviving local records of sion of the parties’ funding and Andrew Thorpe, Professor the political parties, scattered finances precedes a brief con- Tof History at the Univer- in numerous record offices and cluding section. sity of Exeter, as a top-ranking libraries throughout the realm, The author presents some political historian was made by and a deep-rooted wish to re- interesting material on the role such seminal works as The Brit- evaluate the development of of Liberal politicians in helping ish General Election of 1931 (1991) these parties during the Second to bring about the fall of Neville and, more recently, A History of World War. Chamberlain and his succes- the British Labour Party (2008). Dr Thorpe’s intensive sion by Churchill in May 1940 The present, even more impres- research unveiled no fewer than and the extent to which some of sive work, based on meticulous 106 groups of records deriv- them were then rewarded with research throughout, examines ing from the Labour Party, ministerial positions. He tends the internal organisation of the 96 for the Conservatives, and to be critical of the leadership three major political parties in just 26 emanating from the of Sir Archibald Sinclair, who Britain between 1939 and 1945. Liberal Party. For regional remained at the helm from 1935 It arose from the author’s self- party archives, the survival until 1945, and was anxious to confessed ‘double curiosity’ (p. rate was much more equal (p. continue the coalition govern- vii) – a desire to research the 9). It was gratifying for the ment even after the end of the

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 51 reviews war in Europe in 1945. This Anglesey since 1929, who impact of the famous Beveridge reflected both a fundamental broadcast to the nation no fewer Report, escalating calls for post- ‘hunger for power’ and a belief than fourteen times between war reconstruction and the real that such a post-war adminis- October 1942 and October impact of the dynamic Radical tration would be ‘essentially 1943, was also increasingly in Action group saw the launch liberal’ (p. 51). Much space is the public eye. Yet all too often of a renewed recruitment drive given to the role of the National the party failed to act in unison which achieved some, if patchy, Liberals during the war years in the lobbies of the Commons, success. There was certainly and their relationship with the conspicuously failing to ren- an inflow of new Liberal Party mainstream party. There is also der consistent support to the members in 1944–45, some of a fresh reconsideration of the government and exasperating whom were destined to play a Liberal campaign in the July Churchill, who even formally key role during the 1950s. 1945 general election, their complained to Sinclair about his More space is devoted to humiliation at the polls and unruly followers and threatened constituency associations and the party’s generally positive, to reduce the number of Liberal activities than to any other upbeat (possibly ostrich-like) MPs who held ministerial office. theme; a whole chapter is response to electoral defeat. In Dr Thorpe’s words, ‘But little given to each of the parties. George Grey, the MP for changed, and the continuing Many Liberal associations had Berwick, was the only Liberal inability of the LPP [Liberal floundered during the 1930s, MP to be killed on active ser- Parliamentary Party] to act as and only a partial success was vice during the war years. It was a unit did little to improve the achieved during the war years his death which led to the elec- party’s image or profile’ (p. 71). in the attempt to revive them. tion of Sir William Beveridge Thorpe has also undertaken The relatively paltry total of to the House of Commons, a some fascinating research work 306 Liberal candidates in July much-needed boost to the flag- on the role of women within 1945 was partly a reflection of ging morale and fortunes of the organisation of the Liberal this failure. Thorpe’s detailed the Liberal Party. Even so, both Party during the war years. He research found evidence of Sinclair and Major Gwilym concludes that, although there local disagreements, financial Lloyd-George apparently had had emerged ‘some prominent difficulties and a deep-rooted their doubts about the course women’ within the party by this political malaise. The Meston of events (p. 54). Megan Lloyd time, it was generally woefully reforms of 1936 had not been a George, the Liberal MP for tardy to select women parlia- great success. But lively Liberal mentary candidates. Twenty campaigns did surface on the Liberal women were eventually rising cost of living in 1938 and nominated in 1945. old age pensions the following Turning to the role of the year. Grassroots activity was full-time salaried agent within generally unimpressive, but at the Liberal Party, the author least continued to exist in most finds that the number of such areas, laying the foundation for agents had declined mark- revival in the 1950s and thereaf- edly during the 1930s, and a ter. In north Wales, predictably, scheme launched by the Man- the influence of Lloyd George chester Guardian whereby party (the MP for the Caernarvon agents could earn commission Boroughs ever since 1890) by enrolling new subscribers remained potent. When he to the newspaper tended to proposed a negotiated peace flounder. During the war years with Germany in October 1939, there was no improvement, and uproar erupted in the proceed- many agents joined the armed ings of the North Wales Liberal forces. There was no new drive Federation. Just a week earlier until after 1945. Dr Thorpe’s old LG had felt compelled meticulous researches into party severely to water down a speech membership found that the in his constituency as a result experience of each of the major of repeated warnings about the political parties was broadly strong pro-war views of his similar: generally the period audience (p. 223). of three years from May 1940 The final chapter examines was one of sustained decline. pecuniary matters. The author Thereafter a renewed political probably exaggerates the extent polarisation in the wake of the to which the Liberal Party had

52 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 archives been dependent on the sale of and 1945. Professor Thorpe has Overall this correspondence, which covers honours and the infamous Lloyd made use of a very wide range the whole of his ministerial George Fund during the inter- of disparate source materials most impres- career from 1809 until 1865, war period (p. 268). After all, to illuminate with impeccable sive tome accounts for most of the 40,000 there were times and general scholarship the role and organi- items in the archive. elections when the ‘Welsh Wiz- sation of the political parties has given The semi-official papers ard’ had been most reluctant to throughout these crucial years. are divided into a number of share it. Although by 1945 the The regional aspect of his work us a fuller sequences. The royal (RC) Liberal Party was not as impov- is also striking, with regional and general (GC) correspon- erished as is often suggested trends and differences always in picture than dence are the most significant and indeed spent a considerable the foreground of the analysis. ever avail- in terms of both content and sum on the general election Although the timespan of the size. The royal section includes campaign, for the first time in analysis is relatively short, there able before correspondence with William that year its candidates were are constant references to the IV, 1830–37, Queen Victoria, outspent by those of the Labour backdrop of the inter-war years of the story 1837–65, and Prince Albert, Party. The total of only 307 Lib- and to the development of the 1840–61, as well as their private eral candidates was partly the political parties during the long of the major secretaries, Victoria, Duchess of result of financial pressures. 1950s too. political par- Kent, Edward, Prince of Wales Overall this most impres- and the Dukes of Cambridge, sive tome has given us a fuller Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior ties between Edinburgh and Sussex. By far picture than ever available Archivist and Head of the Welsh the largest sequence is that of before of the story of the major Political Archive at the National 1939 and general correspondence (GC), political parties between 1939 Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. which is arranged alphabetically 1945. by correspondent. Although it covers the period 1809–65, the general correspondence is concentrated in particular periods. This material is sup- ported by a number of smaller sequences, which for the most part have a more subject-based arrangement. archives Palmerston gained especial Palmerston’s papers at the Hartley Library, University of renown in the field of foreign affairs. The widely held con- Southampton temporary image of him was of by Karen Robson the staunch defender of Britain, who would ‘uphold old Eng- land’s glorious fame’ and would use any means to achieve this. enry John Temple, fifty-eight years later in 1865. It is perhaps fitting, therefore, third Viscount Palm- In 1809 he accepted the post of that of the collection as a whole, Herston, born in 1784 at Secretary at War, declining that about three-quarters consists of Broadlands, Hampshire, was of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Palmerston’s papers as Foreign the elder son of Henry Temple, He was to remain in the War Secretary. A substantial quantity second Viscount Palmerston, Office for nearly twenty years. of this material, to be found in and his second wife, Mary Mee. Palmerston was a long-serving the GC series, is composed of Palmerston was educated at Foreign Secretary, filling the his private correspondence with Harrow and then sent to study post on three occasions: 1830– British diplomats, although with Dugald Stewart in Edin- 34, 1835–41 and 1846–51. He there are also five hundred let- burgh before finally proceeding subsequently served as Home ters to Lord John Russell, the to St John’s College, Cambridge Secretary (1852–55) before being Prime Minister, for the period in 1803. In the previous year, at becoming Prime Minister, 1846–51. The breadth of this the age of seventeen, Palmer- 1855–58 and 1858–65. correspondence provides a ston had succeeded to the title. Palmerston’s papers form testament to the range of Brit- Palmerston secured a seat in part of MS 62. The archive ish global interests and to the Parliament in 1806, through is predominately composed volatility of the international the offices of his guardian, Lord of correspondence relat- scene. Subjects range from the Malmesbury, and remained ing to Palmerston’s politi- formation of Belgium and Italy, an MP until his death in office cal career. This semi-official the 1848 revolutions in Europe,

Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 53 archives

British interests in and dip- and notes on the defence of foreign business. These last The Palmerston Papers lomatic relations with India, Mexico. While the miscel- include papers and minutes Database, an online cata- Afghanistan and China, and laneous and patronage cor- circulated to cabinet (CAB), logue of the collection, is relations with Canada and respondence (MPC) covers papers relating to national available at www.south- the United States of Amer- a much broader time period, defence, including coastal ampton.ac.uk/archives. ica, as well as piracy in north the majority of the letters fall fortification, the army, navy, Summary descriptions of Africa, the Eastern Ques- within the five years 1836– militia and Ordnance (ND), the semi-official correspon- tion and British attempts to 41 and concern applications and subject files relating dence, together with that of reform the Turkish navy and for posts in Palmerston’s gift to home affairs (HA). The the family correspondence military. as Foreign Secretary. papers are more fragmentary of Lord and Lady Palmer- The communications Some of the official min- than those for the years as ston, form the first section from William IV, within utes and working papers in Foreign Secretary, with a of the database. The detailed the RC series, are to Palm- the collection are similar to notable absence of general catalogue descriptions are erston as Foreign Secretary. those surviving in the For- correspondence. The most a work in progress, at pres- They relate to Belgium and eign Office records (TNA probable reason for this is ent concentrating on two the Eastern Question, civil FO 96/17–22, FO 800/382) that Palmerston’s death in series of correspondence, wars in Spain and Portugal and the drafts of despatches office involved a hasty sort- the first of British diplomats and liberalism in Germany relate to a series of entry ing of the papers and consid- stationed overseas, the sec- and Italy. Early letters from books and precis books in the erable destruction. ond of British government Queen Victoria to Palmer- British Library (Add MSS The main Palmerston ministers. The diplomatic ston seek his advice on mat- 48439–577, 49963–9) which archive is supplemented by correspondence, which cov- ters of diplomatic protocol. were once in the collections family correspondence of ers the period from 1830 By the 1840s, however, the at Broadlands. An important Viscount Palmerston and until 1864, includes material correspondence engages sequence of Palmerston’s cor- of his wife, Emily, formerly on Belgium, Turkey and more fully with foreign respondence with Sir George Lady Cowper, 1791–1869 Greece, Prussian foreign affairs and the Queen con- Villiers has been published in (MS 62 BR 22–30), a volume policy, Sardinia and Austria. cerns herself particularly the HMC Prime Minister’s of correspondence between The focus of the ministerial with European sovereigns. Papers series, Palmerston I: Palmerston and John Wilson correspondence is predomi- A number of small series Private correspondence with Sir Croker, 1810–56 (MS 273), nately on home affairs. of papers on foreign affairs, George Villiers (afterwards fourth and letters from Constan- and mainly for Palmer- Earl of Clarendon) as minister to tine Henry Phipps, first Karen Robson is Senior Archi- ston as Foreign Secretary, Spain 1833–1837, ed. R. Bul- Marquis of Normanby, Brit- vist at the University of South- supplement this royal and len and F. Strong (London, ish ambassador to Paris, to ampton Library. general correspondence. 1985). Palmerston, July–August These comprise of: (BD) The papers from Palm- 1848 (MS 376). The last, despatches, 1822–51, and erston’s long service as Sec- written at a time of unrest Contact details: (MM) memoranda, 1801–65, retary at War (1809–28) are and revolution in Europe, web: http://www.south- arranged alphabetically few in comparison and the concerns the French propo- ampton.ac.uk/archives/ by country; (SLT) papers correspondence generally is sition for joint mediation in email: [email protected] and letters relating to the meagre prior to 1830. The Italy. tel.: 02380 592721 slave trade and slavery; and deficiency is partly made (FO) letters and papers on up by the survival of politi- foreign affairs, arranged by cal journals for 1806–07 and subject. Amongst the MM 1828–29 (D1–D2), by other History Group website: help needed series are: a Foreign Office diaries and journals (D3– The Liberal Democrat History Group is looking for volunteers to help memorandum on commu- D24), and by the autobio- with work on the group’s website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. nications with the United graphical sketch that he wrote Originally established to carry news about our activities, the website States of America relating for Lady Cowper shortly has since grown substantially through the ongoing Liberal History to Cuba; a memorandum before their marriage (D26). Online project. Nothing anywhere else on the web makes available by Palmerston on ‘certain For Palmerston’s years as such a wide range of pages, links and electronic documents covering circumstances connected to Home Secretary and Prime major topics and personalities in British Liberal history. the Coup d’État December Minister there is royal corre- We need volunteers to help us develop Liberal History Online by 1851’ in France; notes by spondence, correspondence reviewing and editing the existing material, and working with us to Palmerston on diplomatic with Cabinet colleagues identify and fill gaps and additional material required. proceedings in 1830 relating – in particular 450 letters A background in modern British history would be helpful, but even to Algiers; a memorandum between 1859 and 1865 with better would be experience in editing and proof-reading internet on the political state of Per- his Foreign Secretary, Lord publications. No special technical knowledge is necessary other than sia, 1835; one advocating John Russell – material basic familiarity with computers and the web. military action in Afghani- relating to Cabinet mat- Please send your contact details to Duncan Brack at stan rather than Persia, 1838; ters and to domestic and [email protected].

54 Journal of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 Mark Oaten hit the headlines It is also a compelling and often in January 2006 when, shortly humorous account of life inside after announcing he was the real world of Westminster withdrawing from the race – from Mark’s dramatic 2-vote to succeed Charles Kennedy election win to being thrown as leader of the Lib Dems, he out of Parliament, from terroism negotiations with Tony Blair was caught up in the biggest folowing the London bomb- political scandal of the year, ings, to life working for Charles when the News of the World Kennedy and the often hilarious told the country he had been world as a constituency MP. seeing a male escort. His world collapsed. Until the Far from being just another story broke Mark had been self-serving political biography, the Lib Dems’ home affairs Screwing Up is the most honest spokesman. account of life in Westminster in a decade. This is the very human story Special of a man concerned with offer price £15 losing his youth, fearful of for Journal of turning 40 and feeling out of Liberal History his depth at Westminster. subscribers

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[email protected] of Liberal History 64 Autumn 2009 55 www.bitebackpublishing.com A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting a delicate balance The long-term decline in popularity of Labour and the Conservatives, and the growth in the number of ‘third-party’ MPs at Westminster – including mostly notably those of the Liberal Democrats – means that a Parliament with no single-party overall majority is now arithmetically much more likely.

Any third party holding the balance of power in Parliament finds itself facing both opportunities and threats. It may be able to influence events to ensure elements of its own programme are implemented, either through coalition government or other, less formal, arrangements. Or it may find itself relegated to impotence, prone to internal divisions and squeezed in the following election.

Over the last ninety years the Liberal Party and Liberal Democrats have lived through both types of experience. This meeting is designed to discuss how the party handled the situations it found itself in, and whether, in retrospect, it could have done better (or worse).

Speakers: Professor Martin Pugh (hung parliaments in the 1920s); Lord Tom McNally (Lib-Lab Pact, 1970s) and David Laws MP (Scottish Parliament, 1999). Chair: Duncan Brack (Editor, Journal of Liberal History). supported by 6.15pm – 7.30pm, Sunday 20 September Franklyn Suite, Connaught Hotel, Bournemouth

Liberal Democrat History Group at Lib Dem conference Visit the History Group’s stand in the exhibition in the Bournemouth Conference Centre – stand 32 in the Solent Hall. There you can:

• Take part in our annual Liberal history quiz. Exciting prizes to be won! • Buy a copy of our new publication, Liberal Leaders since 1900: £5 to Journal subscribers, £6 to every- one else. • Buy a copy of Mark Oaten’s Screwing Up (see ad on p. 55): £15 to Journal subscribers, £18.99 to everyone else. • Buy our pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise his- tory of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Demo- crats. 300 years of party history in 24 pages – £1.50 to Journal subscribers, £2 to others. • Buy a copy of our latest book, the Dictionary of Liberal Thought: £28 to Journal subscribers, £35 to everyone else. • Renew your Journal subscription – all subs are now due for renewal (unless you subscribe by standing order).