Socialism in Canada

SOCIALISM IN CANADA

s*«* DEPOSITED BY THE COMMITTEE ON (Sraouate StuMes.

UNIVERSITy LIBRARY

SOCIAUSL IF CA:T;.PA.

fcy G. R. F. Troop

A thesis presented to the Graduate School of McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of M.A. TABLE OF CONTENTS page References, etc la,lb lc Table of Abbreviations. 2

Introduction # 3_9 Early Period, Origin and Growth of the Socialist Party of Canada 10-21 The Socialist Party of Canada 22-42 Disruption of the Socialist Party of Canada; formation of Social Democratic Party. . .42-47 Socialism to the War - 1909-14 48-58

The War, 1914-1917 59_69 Revolutionary Propaganda an.I Government Action against it,1918-19 70-82 . Socialism in the West - Direct Action. 85-90 Calgary Conference and after - The Winnipeg Strike. . .. 91-105 The One Eig Union - The Present Situation 106-114 Appemdix ,.,,-, 115-120 /Or

REFERENCES. ETC.

The best sources of information for the Canadian Socialist movement are the various Labour and Socialist weeklies published in the Dominion and the publications , pamphlets, etc., issued by the different Socialist parties* The"Canadian Annual Review" is valuable as a summary of general newspaper opinion, and as a reference for Socialist activities in the early years. The "Report on Labour Organization in Canada", issued by the Depart ment of Labour, is the best authority for the activities of The One Big, Union. For the Winnipeg strike, the strikers1 case is presented in "The Winnipeg General Strike", a pamphlet issued by the ^inni-peg "Defense Committee". The findings of the Manitoba Court of Appeal (Dominion Lav/ Reports, vol. 51,1920.) give a good statement of the other side. While I am not permitted to make specific reference totham,I nay say that I have been given access to num erous files of the Department of Justice and of other Government branches at Ottawa. The following is a table of references•*-- 1. Periodicals "British Columbia Federationist" Vancouver "Cottons Weekly" Cowansville, Que. (1908-15) "Industrial Banner" Toronto "Labour World" Montreal "Red Flag" Vancouver,1919 ^Winnipeg "Voice" Winnipeg (1908-18) "Western Clarion" Vancouver - official organ of the s cial «w c+ TV rT „ ,, ? ist party of Canada. Western Labour News" Winnipeg (1918 - ) "Workers Guard" Toronto u

Government Publications Canada Gazette "Information respecting the Russian Soviet system and its propaganda in North America".Dept.Labour,1920- "Labour Gazette. Report on Labour Organization in Canada, 1911-20 Annuals t Pamphlets, etc. American Labour Year Book (Rand School of Social Science) ///*-•**?. Canadian Annual Review. Dominion Law Reports (Vol.51,1920) New Review (vol. 1,1913, IT.Y.) O.B.tJ. and Socialist "Bulletins" Publications of the Winnipeg Defence Committee. 1. The Winnipeg General Sympathetic Strike 2. W.A. Pritchard's address to the Jury. 3. Dixon's address to the Jury. Socialistic Pro^asLnda in Canada (G.H. Cahan,K.C, Montreal, 1918) Thes£s and Statutes of the Zrd (Communist) Internationale. General References Consulted. Brissenuen,P.F.,The "Industrial Workers of the World Brooks, J.G., The I.W.W. Coats, R.H. , "The Labour Movement, in Canada and its provinces", vol 9. Cole, G.D.H., The World of Labour. Cox, Eerold, Economic Liberty Eillquit, Morris Socialism Theory and Practice. Eughan,Jestie,W., American Socialism of the Present Day. .Katftsky, Karl, "Dictatorship of the Proletariat". Macy, J.A., Socialism in America. Mailock, W.E., "Critical Examination of Socialism " Marx .Karl, Capital. Menger, Anton, "Right to the Whole Product of Labour Postgate, R.W., The Workers Internationale Bolsjievik Theory Russell, Bertrand,Roads to Freedom, BolshevisPrinciplesm oinf SociaTheorly anReconstructiond Practice . /c

Skelton, O.D. , Socialism, a critical analysis Spargo, John, Socialism Spargo & Arner, Elements of Socialism Tawney, R.E. , The Sickness of an Acquisitive Society, Walling, W.E., Socialism as it is. The Socialism of to-day. Wells, E.G., New Worlds for Old. Withers, Hartley, The Case for Capitalism. Table of Abbre.viations.

B.C.Fed "British Columbia Federationisty Vancouver, C.A.R "Canadian Annual Review."

C.W "Cottdm's Weekly." Cowansville, ?.•„• R.L.O "Report on Labour Organization in Canada," publishea annually by the Dept. of Labour. Voice "Winnipeg Voice" now the "Western labour News." V/»L.N "Vestern Labour TTews." T,innipeg. w-c* •• "Western Clarion," official organ of the Socialist Party of Canada. #

Introduction.

In the development of the International Socialist move ment, there lias gradually become apparent a somewhat curious oaradox. There is, at the present time, no mode of speech more common than that which characterizes America as the new and Europe as the old world, which speaks of daughter nations and mother lands, which contrasts the young progressive, vigorous peoples of the West with the old, conservative, de cadent races from whence they sprang. How comes it then that this most radical embodiment of "extremist" opinion has won its greatest triumphs among the most backward and reactionary peoples, and has fared worat in the youngest and most progressive states. That, for ex ample, the establisljnent of a Socialist republic in mediaeval Russia has coincided with the arrest and imprisonment of the Socialist candidate for the presidency of the United States? Today the new world brings up the rear of the Socialist pro cession. The very wcrd "Socialist" stilly carries with it a slight stigma of reproach, the"Bolshevist"is.quite beyond the pale, and even the old Englsih term "radical" is now more or less suspect. The great war, and the startling sequence of events which, within a single year, saw the three greatest empires of lurppe replaced by three Socialist republics has, however, merely accentuated the apparent conservatism of the new world. Even before the war, the Socialist vote in the United States could not compare proportionately with that in any of the leading European nations, while the'Socialist vote in Canada would not even compare with that in the United States. (1). It is in the hope of arriving at some understanding of the reason for the comparative failure of the Socialist movement in Canada thaTo tappreciat I am attemptine the naturg thies obrief thfe outlinprobleem ofacef itds by t£e origiSocialisn antd partprogressy in .Canad a and to estimate fairly the measure of success which it has had, it is necessary in the first

(l) see comparative vote on page $"£". 4*

place to give some little eonsideration to the environment in which Canadian Socialism has found itself. There are certain features of its economic and social life in which the Dominion may be almost said to be unique, and which have to a large extent shaped the development both of the Canadian Labour movement, and of its adjunct the Canadian Socialist movement. r2he most immediately striping characteristics of the Dominion are its vast size and its sparse population. Can ada has a land area larger than the continent of Europe, but an area with a population of only two to the square mile. Without some idea of the distribution of the people, the picutre given by the map is apt to be delusive, for the greater part of this immense Dominion is uninhabited and perhaps uninhabitable.(l) To obtain a more adequate notion of the country, one should imagine a strip about 100 miles broad, extending along the northern border of the United States. It is as if a fringe of the great American repub lic had been cut off and arbitrarily constituted an independ ent economic unit. Eut as yet Canada is far from being an economic unit. Geologists, economists and historians agree in dividing the country into four well marked divisions, each of which has its^own geological formation, its own economic characteristics*, ?nd its own distinctive atmos phere and traditions. Passing from east to west, we have first the three mari time provinces, conservative and individualistic - in the industrial race, the provinces "that have been passed by"; then the St.Lawrence valley, Ontario and Quebec - one English, the other French, together the original "Canada", provinces which divide the bulk of the population and of the manufactur ing industries of the Dominion. Separated from Ontario by the barren territory north of Lake Superior, the Canadian portion of the great continental plain, now divided into the three "prairie" provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Al berta, provinces predominently agricultural. Finally there is the Canadian section of the Western Cordillera and the Pacific coast line - the province of British Columbia. Each of these four sections has its own distinctive his tory, its own economic life and its own peculiar viewpoint. (1)The butmai nsee division Stefannson^, however iu2he, an dFriendly that whic Arctic".h is for the purposes

of this essay sufficient, is the cleavage between East and West, between the old Dominion and the new. During the greater part of her history, Canada lias been a country of slow development. For this there are three factors primarily responsible; her northern position, her vast forests, and her great distances. Even today her popu lation does not equal that of the United States of one hundred years ago. The early 19th century passed Canada by. The reactionary governments of the period, the comparatively small area of land that could compare in desirability with that furtlier south, the scandalous alienation of the richest sections of crown land, the fact that early settlers had literally to hew their farms out of the forest - these were sufficiently barriers, without the added handicap of the bleak northern winter. The result was that immigrants to the new world for long looked to Canada only as a lan& last resort. Farming, fishing, lumbering, were almost the sole occupations of the people in these early years, agriculture being, of course, predominant. Canadian manufactures date from the final establishment of protection in 1878. This date may be taken as roughly indicating the commencement of capitalism in Canada. The infant industries, fostered by protection, grew, however, but slowly. The census of 1881 showed a papulation still 86% ruralh though this had decreased to 69% ten years later, and to 6Z)o in 190? 1901. The Canadian proletariat had at first but a slow development. Distance has been a powerful factor in retarding Canada's growth. The C. P. R.t the first transcontinental, dates only from 1885. Before this time the "West" was merely a name. It has ultimately cost QZ ,000,000,000..0 to equip'Canada with an adequate railway system. Eut if the first 30 years of Confederation saw little but stagnation, the new century saw a startling change. The re ward of waiting had come. International capital, having temporarily exhausted American fields of investment, turned to Canada, and the result lias been the industrial awakening of the Dominion. The development of the last 20 years has been of an almost hectic intensity. The new period has been characterized by the opening up of the rich agricultural land of the west, with an"accompanying- flood of immigration; by the vigorous exploitation of the national resources of the country; by the reckless extension of transportation facili ties; by the growth and consolidation of Canadian manufac ture; and finally by a disproportionately rapid expansion of Canadian cities, and of an urban element which now numbers al most half the population. It is this last feature of Canadian prole tar iathiCh ^ ^^ possll)le the mergence of a Canadian % 2he peculiarities of the Canadian labour•situation are I< niain a efle inJj- ;- nf etion of underlying economic and climatic r«fn 5 v^6."1^176 importance of seasonal trades is the MohlLo^n^ i^ i.ea^re?eBV, lTmiBration has given rise to f'blf, /Canadianization < and has created a class of float- mg labour wmch, to some extent, is drawn upon to meet the" af iî^Si d^ndS °f the V'?Gt at ** haêst tine* the so-called "basis" industries (lumbering, mining etc ) owe ed tor tvT^'^06^0 tL^ fact that Canadian industry s devot- fîished^fods^w10! °£ r&W materials rather than toateh xinisnea goods; wîle tê reasons for the primary position of the transportation employees is apparent! * P°sitl°* ne ., A? development of the "class-consciousness" of t^ Canadian proletariat has been retarded by certain ----

elsewhere. The free homesteads of 'tie vttt' AtV°Jl;atl0ns tunities offered to prospectors t a new la*

surroundings. The comparative absence of class distinctions, the presence of self-made millionaires, who started "without a dollar in their pockets", has acted as a spur to lift the worker out of his environment. American business, always on the look out for ability, has,by tempting offers deprived the working class of many of its leaders. The organized labour movement has, perhaps in consequence, been marked by a certain timidity and conservatism on the part of the older men, while its revolutionary wing has been influenced by the bitterness of youthful doctrinaires, and characterized by an absence of sustained effort andîmpulsiveness of action. Two underlying factors remain to be mentioned. The first is that of the influence of the United States. We have divi ded Canada into four contrasted sections. It would hardly be too much to say that each of these has as much in common with the neighbouring states of the American Union as with its adjacent Canadian provinces. In discussing the various aspects of Canadian Labour organization^ we shall see to how great an extent the boundary is ignored. Cne of the results of American propinquity calls for special mention. During the 30 years of virtual stagnation which followed the Act of Confederation, Canadians grew to realize what it meant to have inherited the northern rather than the southern half of a continent. A bitterness against all things American grev; up, which is still a curious feature of some of the older parts of the country, and which has left its impress on the Canadian character. A second factor to be kept in mind is the influence of Quebec. The province of Quebec is conservative, agricultural, French and catholic. Economically, it has, up to within the last 15 years, been perhaps the most backward portion of the country. The bulk of its people, semi-feudal in spirit, have barely emerged from the "domestic system" of industry. The last decade, however, has seen the steady and increasingly rapid development of capitalism. The traditionsof Quebec have left their mark on the Canadian Labour movement. To Canadian Socialism, the province, embracing as it does, one quarter of the Canadian people, presents an as yet unsolved enigma. The Trades Union organization of the Dominion is a re markable example of a somewhat modified international BII ism. nationatinentThe bul.lk ounionThfe organizettp£&s coverin ofd thi labougs thgreaer wholitn movemenCa.nade of ath ti es iNortsembrace theh Americad in intern con Federation of Labour, a body with headquarters in ê United States. For purely-Canadian purposes, aM?8^0^ for matters connected with Canadian legislation^njthe inter ests of the workers, the Federation delegates its powers to the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada - the recognized mouthpiece of Canadian labour. The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada dates offic ially from 1885. In its early years it came under the dom inance of one of the most remarkable organizations ever formed in America - the so-called "Knights of Labor". The organization of the "Knights" was an attempt to include all workers in one vast all-embracing organization. Its methods were in strange opposition to those of the Craft unions of the A. F. of L., yet under its control, and under the humanitarian and moral influences which dominated it, the Canadian movement had, for a time, a rapid growth, reach ing a maximum in the early 90's. From that time on, how ever, the power of the "Knights" declined otirici li ily, while the influence of the craft organizations grew steadily greater. The Trades and Labour Congress was the scene of violent conflicts which culminated in 1903 with the expul sion oFrof mth e190 elemen3 dowtn affiliateto the presend witt h tinthee "Knights"the Congres. s has maintained substantially the same form. The membership in affiliation, as Indicated by the following table, has steadily grown, (l). Memb er - Member- ship Yea190r1 8,38ship1 Yea190r6 27,676 1902 13,465 1907 32,295 1903 16,108 1908 40,728 1904 ^c ,010 1909 36,071 1905 2,004 1910 51,000 Year Llembership 1911 57,259 1912 66,128 1913 80,801 1914 80,094 1915 71,419 1916 •66,573 1917 81,685 1918 117,498 (1) 1919 160,605 (1) R.L.O. 1919, p.133. The "'Knights of Labour" had a mildly socialistic tinge. The American Federation of Labour and the Trades and .Labour Congress of Canada are strongly anti-socialist. The Canad ian Feaeration, hand, mfeêr shown any socialistic tendencies, while the national Catholic Unions reflect the traditional hostility of the Roman Catholic Church. The antipathy of official organized labour has been the greatest obstacle faced by the Socialist Parties of the Dominion of Canada. It may suffice, in closing, to mention ohe fufcther factor, which may, in a somewhat paradoxical sense,be called a barr ier to socialist hopes in the new world.. In Europe, Socialism has always stood for the twin causes of political and of economic revolution. It has attracted both the followers of Rousseau and the followers of 1.5arx. In America, in Canada, the work of political revolution has been already accomplished. In the new world Socialism has been forced to rest its case upm economic arguments alone. Period, Origin and Growth of the Socialist Party of Canada.

The year 1890 marks the beginning of Canadian Social ism. In that year a little group of enthusiasts, turning their backs on the old time parties, met in Montreal and organized a "local" of the Socialist Labour ^arty of the United States. The early nineties were a period of unrest in Canada. Everywhere there were signs of change, and hints of impending development. In politics the Conserva tive machine, which had ruled the.Dominion for fifteen years, was slowly crumbling away, menaced by internal dissenSions and by a re-organized opposition. Labour was distracted by the duel between the Knights of Labour and the American Federation. Even in agriculture there was unrest. The revolt of the Patrons of industry was something which was not again seen in Canadian politics for a period of near ly twenty years. The action of the Montreal Socialists was soon follow ed by the establishment of locals in Winnipeg.and Toronto. The S. L. P. was an American organization. English influenc was seen when, a few years later, branches of the Fabian Society appeared in Montreal and Toronto. Neither of these early organizations appear to have pursued an aggressive policy and for several years the movement remained quiescent. Tov/ards the end of the decade, however, dissatisfaction began to appear in the ranks of the S. L. ?. with the ir responsible and doctrinaire attitude assumed by the cen tral executive of the organization. Those in control it appeared,where more concerned with heresy hunting and'with preserving the "purity" of the movement than with sweadins the doctrines of Spcialism. In Canada there was also the natural desire to have an independent national organization This last may have been the reason for the fact that tbe first signs of the collapse of the S. L. -. occurred in' Canada In 1896 Messrs. George and G. W. TTrigley the publishers of a little socialist paper entitled "Citizen and Country", together with several others, me? in -Sonto and organized a "Canadian Socialist League". Branch i*?f.f* ]Je*e ??°n estab^shed.at various points iS Ontario British Columbia and the Northwest Territories. In 1899 the year which saw-t-he-final breaking up of the S. L. P. the Montreal local of the S. L. P. became the Montreal branch cf the new organization. The movement progressed with considerable rapidity. By 1901 over 60 leagues had been formed. In the same year the Vancouver league was converted into a provin cial executive committfcjta and took the name of the "Socialist Party of British Columbia". A donation of §50.00 having been received from the Ontario societies, an organizer toured the province of British Columbia and established some eight or ten locals. (1). Shortly after the British Columbia movement was organized, the socialists of Ontario held a convention at St.Thomas and in the Fall of 1901 organized the Ontario Socialist League. About 50 delegates were in attendance and between #200.00 and $300.00, no small sum for a Canadian socialist meeting, was collected for organization purposes. (2). This convention probably marks the high water mark of the league movement. These early societies were of a semi-Fabian or public ownership character. They were also influenced by the idealism or the"sentimentalism* (as disrespectful socialists later dubbed it) of the Knights of Labour. The official platform of the British Columbia Movement may be taken as typical: 1. Direct legislation. 2. Proportional representation. 3. Abolition of the property qualification for voters and for candidates in municipal elections. 4. Abolition of election deposits. 5. Adult suffrage(presumably equal suffrage). 6. Minimum wage law of $2.00 per diem. 7. 44 hour week. 8. All coal mines to be owned and operated by the province. 9. A graduated land tax as in New Zealand. For this 10earl. yFre perioe medicad seel thattendance "Westere nto Clarion all. " for Jan. W. C. Dec11. 2/05Scientifi. c and practical management of forests, fisheries and waterways in the interest of the province. 12. The employment of unemployed labour in productive work. 13. Extension of the powers of municipalization. 14. Education of children under 14 to be free, secular and compulsory, with free books, meals and clothing. 15. Municipalization and public control of the liquor traffic. 16. Abolition of the poll and personal property tax. 17. ITo more bonusing private individuals or corporations with land grants and cash subsidies. By the end of 1901, the Canadian Socialist movement was represented by a nominal central organization at Toronto, two provincial organizations, and from some 70 branch "leagues" about one half of which were in Ontario. From the very beginning the British Columbia move ment showed a greater vitality than that in any other part of the country. It had been the first to establish a provincial organization, and this was soon followed by the acquisition of an official organi- the "Lardeau Eagle" published by H. P. Pettipiece, at Lardeau, B. C. On the other hand, the Ontario movement, after its auspicious start, appears not to have been pushed with sufficient vigour. Interest began to flag, and the membership to fall off. Finally, in 1902, it was decided to move the central executive to Vancouver, and to merge the "Citizen and Country" with the Eritish Columbia paper. The new publication appeared in July, 1902, as the "Western Socialist". In the more radical atmosphere of the West, there soon develped a dissatisfaction with the original plat form of the league.. The influence of the organized mine- workers of Vancouver Island began to be felt. Many of these were of European origin, and among them it was gen erally agreed that something more in line with the Inter nationaW. C. Janl Socialis. 12/07.t movement was necessary. The idealistic basis of the league appeared to be "too indefinite a pro position upon which to,, build a party to cope with the more highly developed capitalism of British Columbia." (l). With the transfer- of headquarters from Toronto to Vancouver, this new development became active. The Nanaimo local of the Socialist Party of British Columbia seceded from the main body and formed a "Revolutionary Socialist Party". Branches were rapidly organized and the Nanaimo "Clarion", a former labour paper was secur ed. The strength of the new movement was soon put to the test. In the Autumn of 1902, a bye-election was held in the constituency of North Nanaimo. Against the Government candidate, one of the leading Liberal stal warts of the province, the revolutionary socialists nominated Parker Williams, an unknown Nanaimo miner. To the surprise of everyone, the Socialist candidate, although defeated, succeeded in obtaining over 40^ of the votes polled. But though its first candidate wafi. defeated, Social ism was soon to obtain a voice in the legislature. Early in 1902, there had been formed a provincial labour party, the "Provincial Progressive Party of British Columbia", with a platform largely influenced by that of the social ist leagues. Tnis organization had already electest one member, J. H. Eawthornthwaite, to the local house. Real izing the growing strength of the revolutionary social ist movement, Mr. Eawthornthwaite first tried to bring about a socialist-labour alliance. Then, finding this impossible, he went over to the new organization, and on Labour Day, 1903, announced his adherence to the platform of the Revolutionary Socialist Party. Socialism had ob tained its first representative in a Canadian legislature. The North Nanaimo bye-election and the conversion of Eawthornthwaite brought matters to a head between the Socialist Party of British Columbia and the Revolutionary Socialist Party. A conference was agreed upon and was held in the Fall of the Year. The two organizations agreed to unite under the name of the Socialist Party of British Columbia, but the platform the "League" was thrown over board, that of the revolutionary group was adopted, and (in the words of the official organ) the "Fabian fogginess" was finally cleared out of the movement. The revolution ists aad triumphed, and from this time on the disciples of Marx were in control of socialism in British Columbia. Before continuing to trace the progress of the re organized S. P. of B.'C, it may be well to relate briefly the first effects which this new orientation had upon the socialist movement in Eastern Canada. It soon became apparent that the revolutionary developments in the West, particularly as set forth in the official organ, the "Western Socialist", were hardly as yet adapted to the consumption of eastern workers. The effect of the new style of propaganda was still further to weaken the Ontario movement, while the existing "leagues" in Eritish Columbia either dissolved or were transformed into locals of the British Columbia party. Finally in 1904, a direct attempt was made to capture the Ontario movement as a whole/ On Thanksgiving Day of this year, a convention was held at St.Thomas, Ont. It was a very small affair, consisting of delegates from but four leagues, together with a few individual socialists. In the face of opposition, the platform of the British Columbia party was adopted, but this appears not to have been followed" by any further action. This convention was virtually the last gasp of the league organization. By 1906 the movement was extinct. (l). To return to the Socialist Party of British Colum bia. In the Spring of 1903, the party pressfconsisting nov/ of two small weekliesfdecided to economize by Joining forces. The result was the establishment of the "Western Clarion". With intervals of suspended animation the "Clarion" has remained the backbone of the western soc ialist movement down to the present day. In the same year came the first organized socialist participation in a Canadian election. For the British Columbia provincial elections of November, 1903, nine socialist candidates were nominated. The difficulties faced by the new organization were enhanced by the ex istence of a rival labour body, the "Provincial Progress ive Party", above described, and by the active opposi tion of many prominent Vancouver citizens. W. C. Dec. 2/05. Nevertheless the S. P. of B. C. succeeded in elect ing two of its candidates, J. H. Eawthornthwaite of Nanaimo, and Parker Williams for Newcastle, 7/hile only >**»

nine votes separated a—t-hir-d candidate from election. The total vote polled by the party was 3,959. That this was a better showing than at first appears will be seen when it is realized that in none of the con stituencies lost (with the exception of the cities of Vancouver and Victoria) did the winning candidates poll more than 350 votes. (l). The effort put forth in the election seems to have temporarily exhausted the party treasury, and at the end of the year the "Western Clarion" suspend ed publication. The movement was also weakened in other ways. During 1903, there had been a series of bitterly fought strikes in the Vancouver Island mines. Investigation of the causes of these disputes was un dertaken by a Dominion Royal Commission, and as an indirect result of its findings many of the party workers lost their jobs. The effect of this was still further to deplete the party funds. During the next year (1904) some progress was made in organization in the west and attempts were made to spread, the Marxian gospel in the conserva tive East. One result of this was the final break ing up of the Socialist League movement in Ontario. Another was that following the League conference at St.Thomas mentioned above, the Toronto League with drew from the Ontario movement and joined the &. P. of B. C. (2). With the progress of organization outsixLe of British Columbia, the need was felt for sora/lbody which would coordinate socialist activities for the whole Dominion. It was obvious, moreover, that to all intents and purposes, the S. P. of B. C. w?..s the Dominion movement, for In none of the other* provinces was there anything but the rudiments of an organization. Accordingly, on December 31st, 1904, the S. P. of B. C. dropped its old title and assumed that of the Socialist Party of Canada, the Vancouver executive continuing in office as the Dominion Executive for the new party. In this way the organization which for SO years had been the (1). It is interesting to note that the socialist candidate in (2). W.Victori TradeC. Decs anda .v/a .2/05 Labous J. rC. Congres Watterss ,o afterwardf Canada.s President of the backbone of the Canadian-Soo-ialist movement assumed its final form. An understanding of the idiosyncrasies of the Socialist Party of Canada is, of course, essential for any understanding of Canadian Socialism, but before discussing the principles which have dominated the party during the period of its existence, I have thought it better first to trace the outward development of the movement up to the point, some four or five years later, where its Canadian organization v/as virtually complete. To return again to British Columbia. In the same year, 1904, occurred the election for the Dominion House of Commons. Though the finances of the party were at a low ebb, and the election deposit law meant a virtual fine of §200.00 for each candidate who failed to poll one half the vote of his successful opponent, candidates were nevertheless nominated in three British Columbia constituencies (Nanaimo, Vancouver and Victoria) and though, in each case, the Socialist ran third, in one case (Nanaimo) the deposit was saved. The total Soc ialist vote polled was 1894. (1). In June, 1904, the Western Clarion made a valiant thoggh unsuccessful attempt to resume publication. In the British Columbia legislature, the session of 1904 saw the first appearance of the newly elected socialist^ legislators. The little contingent of two was soon joined by the sole labour nominee who had survived the election - William Davidson, labour re presentative from Slocan. The political situation was such as to give this little group an influence out of pro portion to its numbers, for the Conservative government at the time in office had a majority of but two in a house of 40. The Socialist representatives felicitated themselves on holding the balance of power between "the two great wings of capital, the Conservative^ and Lib eral parties, both of which stand for the perpetuation of the capitalistic system of production, the continua tion of wage slavery and the exploitation of human labour by a master class". (2). Despite their principles a,.d their strategic (l). Canadian Parliamentary Guide, £QT$ 1905. (2). J. H. Hawthornthwaite at Convention of S. P. of C. Dec. 31/04. a

position, however, the Socialist-Labour "bloc made but little show of independence, and indeea generally sup ported the Government. They were influenced in tnis by the personal friendship which existed between J. h. Hawthornthwaite, the Socialist leader, and the taen ^ -orime minister, Mr. McBride. (2). The Liberal opposi tion not unnaturally denounced the new movement and its representatives and accused the latter of being "servile supporters of the Government and mere putty in the hands of that master manipulator - the premeer".(3) Between the Government and the Liberals", said Parker Williams, the second Socialist member, "I mwelfe much prefer the former". It must not be thought, however, that these early Socialist members were content merely to echo the policies of the existing Government. Such a course would not have been tolerated for an instant by the membership of the party. For the present, however, we shall postpone consideration of the work of the British Columbia representatives in the local House, merely remarking in passing that their influence was occasionally «^k«»l such as to cause the McBride Government to be denounced by its opponents for submitting to the "dominating influence of Socialism!1 (3B). The formation of the Socialist Party of Canada and the creation of a Dominion Executive was followed by a vigorous attempt to extend the organization of the movement. In January, 1905, the "Western Clarion" resumed publication. In the same year organizers were sent through Manitoba and the N. W. T. Finally, in September, the first provincial convention was held by the Ontario locals of the party. At this meeting delegates were present from Toronto, Guelph, Gait, Preston, Ingersoll and Hamilton, and a provincial executive was established. During the year the Ontario movement had made steady progress. The Toronto "local" though consisting of only 20 dues paying members, nevertheless nominated four candi dates for the provincial elections of January, 1905. A Socialist candidate was also put forward in Manitoulin. £?=f. While, with one exception^none of its provincial (3(2)(4(3a)) )CFor .candidatelaboThiVictorirelationshi A .sa r R exceptio.singularlysuppor a1905s Timepollept, npssean . wade d(Lib.370 smor_e_jthaCotton'unflattering-(tora i.nn ) second WFeb. sYor n.Weekly a.21/05k barwhere,. eDechandfu thHawthornthwaite).e 14/11Sol aoCuo^uc fCa .votes w *(>tiu*uobtni, lj consldJttat>&account of this /r

the Toronto looa-l tad »««, success. lrit*• -^^^."iS of 1905. The Socialist vote Uûu; 01 ^7 *": . +. over 8000 and Jas. Slmpson Sociallôandxlat. for th. rg_ •Roarr* of Education.was electeo. to olnce.u;. .. .+TT +1_nin -ult was more a tribute to Mr. Simpson's personality than to thl Platform of the Socialist Party was proved by the fact thS the vote for the next year 1904. when he was not a candidate,fell off to some 5400. 12J. In November, 1905, a local of the S. P. of 0. ™s ^ tablished in the far north at Dawson City Y. ^ • a^ ûary • 1906, witnessed the beginnings of organization in Quebec; fin tfe 17th of that month the "German Working Man's Club of Montreal constituted itself the first Quebec local of the S. P. of C (3). In February 1906, the noted American Socialist leader, Eugene V. Debs, toured Ontario and delivered a series of addresses. He found Canadian labour "in a more^healthy state than in the United States" (4). His opinion of the S. P. of C. which,as we shall^see/nad little love for the organization he represented is not stated. Later in the year Ramsay MacDonald, the English Socialist, also visited Canada. Ee regarded Socialist prospects as distinctly fav ourable - particularly in the West. (5). The same year witnessed the first attempt on the part of Canadian Socialism to capture the Canadian Labour move ment. Circumstances doubtless appeared more than usually favourable in that the 1906 convention of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada was held in the stronghold of the party - Victoria B. C. The Socialist assault, however, was decidedly premature. The Congress did decide to organize by provinces a Canadian Labour Party, but it turned down the appeal of the Socialist ârty for recogni tion by a vote of over two to one. The Socialists had their revenge, however, for when, a month later, a con vention of the newly formed Labour Party of British Col umbia was held at Victoria, it promptly declared itself a supporter of the Socialist Party of Canada. 1906 also srw the election of Mr. Verville, President of the T. & L. C. to the Dominion House of Commons, and the return of Allan Studholne to the Ontario House as labour '1)[4) Intervieseemembe W.C.rw witfoMayrh Hamilton 20/05Toront o(2) ,Worl ".hiiW.d C.Febe neitheJan. 190 13/06r6 of(5 thes)(3) C.e A W..gentleme RC.. 1906Jann ,coul27/06 p. d30 4 /f

be considered as in any way revolutionary in their pendencies, their election waswelcoiaed in Socialist circles as evidence ofa growing spirit of class conscriousness in Canadian labor. In December, 1906, the Socialist candidate for ê Toronto mayoralty, Jas. Lindala, running on a straight Marx ian platform polled a vote of over 8000. (±J. In the words of the Canadian Annual Review, 1907 saw "a noticeable development of Socialist agitation'. Enthus iasm in Montreal reached the point of attempting to organize a "Red Flag" parade on May Day. This, however, was denounced by the clergy and forbidden by the police. While the early part of the year witnessed a scarcity in the labor supply, the movement of immigration, particularly the movement of American iBamigapsîen unemployed, caused by the New York panic of that year, led to considerable distress in the Autumn. This v/as reflected in several bitterly fought strikes, particularly the struggle waged (under American leadership) by the Western Federation of Miners at Cobalt, Ont. The enactment of the Industrial Disputes Act, Canada's most not taxable contribution in the field of labor legis lation, was a sequel to this period of unrest. Of interest as showing the growing spirit of group con sciousness was ¥Efe convention of the Alberta "Society of Equity"(Calgary, Nov. 14th,/07). This body pledged itself to "affiliate v/ith the Trades and Labor Congress if possible, and to do everything in our powers to wrest the reins of government from the ruling class, and to promote unity of purpose between the farmers and industrials of Canada".(2). Its programme included public ownership and similar demands. In February 1907 came the British Columbia provincial elections. 20 Socialist candidates were nominated, of whom three were elected. This compares with 9 nominated and 2 elected in 1903. Messrs. Hawthornthwaite and Williams suc ceeded in holding their seats. The total vote increased somewhat, thoggh this is to be explained rather by the greater number of seats tha-Hr-ky-aay contested than by any increase in the average vote per seat. The bye elections which followed the general election proved slightly more encouraging. (1). C.A.R. 1907 p. 265; U) . C.u.R, 1907 TJ. 287. The next year witnessed both the Ontario provincial elections and the elections for the Dominion House of Commons. In the former, 12 candidates were nominated, and the Socialist vote (in so far as I have been able to obtain it) amounted to 3857, an increase of less than 1000 over the provincial vote 3 years earlier. It was generally recognized, however, that as yet the Socialist candidature was mainly for advertising purposes. In the Dominion contest, 7 Secialist locals suc ceeded in raising the necessary deposit and put forward candidates for election, three in British Columbia, and one each in Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec. The Socialist vote ranged from 1977 in Winnipeg to 37 in Brome, Que. where W. U. Cotton of "Cotton's Weekly" a nev/ly fledged Socialist paper, had ventured to enter the field against the Minister of Agriculture. In all the vote totalled 7302, nearly four times that of the pre ceding election. The closest fight was in Nanaimo, B. C., where J. H. Eawthornthwaite, the British Columbia leader, came within 200 votes of capturing the seat. Two Sww Socialist conventions were held during 1908. A Dominion convention restricted, however,(apparently for financial reasons) to delegates from British Col umbia and Alberta met in Fernie, B. C. on May 23rd. Preparations were made for the impending Dominion election and a delegate was appointed to assist the Ontario movement in the provincial contest. A Russian paper, the "Red Flag'; was officially recognized, (l). The Ontario provincial convention met in Toronto on September 7th. The platform of the party was confirm ed and greetings were sent to "comrades in Russia, Japan, India, New Zealand and Australia". This expan sive attitude of the Ontario bod;/ v/as, as we shall'see, to have untoward consequences later. Other events of the year were the establishment of "Cotton's Weekly" as a Socialist paper for Eastern (1). CanadaC. A. ,R .an 190d th7e p Ma. 100y Da. y processions held in Winnipeg and attempted in Montreal. In the latter case the proeess- ioni was broken up and its flags were seized. A feature of the year was th^-âpparent awakening of the general public to the fact that the Socialist movement had reached Canadian shores. Socialist or so-called Socialist principles where the theme of much discussion, both in the pulpit and in the Canad ian press. The Calgary "Herald" published a series of articles attacking the movement, and the Toronto "World" a series in its favor. The "Socialism" favored by the press, however, was largely confined to the docfctines of the Public Ownership League, principles which soon found concrete expression in the provincial telephones of Manitoba^ the hydro electric system of Ontario. The preachers of the class war were still beyond the pale. Nevertheless the atmosphere of the time was one which appeared exceedingly propitious for the Canadian Socialist Party. Socialism was "in the air". Canada was in the full course of capitalistic development, and the class consc/iousness of the workers was advancing pari passu with-it. Immigration was increasing and among the newcomers v/ere many who looked to the Socialist Party of Canada to take the place of the Socialist parties they had left in the old land.fl). It was obvious, however, that the Socialists of Canada were far from being a united body and that in many sections discontent was rife within the movement. To understand the reasons for the appar ent failure of the Socialist Party of Canada to grasp the opportunities before it, it becomes ne cessary to consider the spirit of the party and the nature of the principles which have shaped its course. It will, of course, be understood that in the follow ing section we are speaking of the Socialist Party of Canada as it was before the war. The post war period has seen some interesting modifications of its posi tion. Still, in the main, the attitude assumed by the organization at the beginning has been maintained down to the present time. ). A feature of the period was the rapid growth of Western In 1901, the population of the six leading cities of the W about 98,000. By 1911 the single city of Vancouver had ov 370,000100,000., and the total figure for the six mentioned was ov The Socialist Party of Canada. "From its very inception the Socialist Party of Canada has been a revolutionary party. Its plat form is essentially and frankly a revolutionary platform. The propaganda of the party has been based solely upon the Marxian analysis of capital istic production and the materialistic conception of history. Uncontaminated by reform, patchwork and palliative ideas, it has hewn strictly to the line of the class struggle and has thus escaped the taint of opportunism and the poison of reaction".(l). In this brief extract are summarized the principles which have guided the Socialist Party of Canada from its creation in 1903 down to the present time. It is a revolutionary political organization with Marx as its prophet and Das Kapital as its bible. Its motto is "No compromise, no political trading". Its creel and its ultimate objective are set forth specifically in the party platform, an/ effectively v/ritten document which has remained almost without alteration from the beginning: "We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of' the revolutionary working class. Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong. The present econ omic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to pro tect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and their control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the cap italist an ever-swelling stream of profits and to the worker an ever-increasing measure xthsystemexploitatiothoofe accomplis miserworkindirectioTh, eundey interesgan nhrclasdn bwhicthioydegradationf st ths settin haeonecessitatet f abolitioi sth egcloakee poin.workinitsel ntd s of ogfth thf free thelaseproduction erobber etrans wagsfro lieem-y scapitaliso .fi n t formation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working- class property. The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and the worker is rapid ly culminating in a struggle for-possession of the power of government - the capitalist to hold, the v/orker to secure it by political action. This is the class struggle. Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as poss ible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.,) into the collective property of the working-class. 2. The democratic organization and manage ment of industry by the workers. 3. The establishment, as speedily as poss ible, of production for use instead of pro duction for profit. The Socialist Party, when In office, shall always and everywhere until the present system is abolished, make the ansv/er to this question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legisla tion advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against capitalism? If it will the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it. In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself to conduct all the public affairs iH placed in its hands in such a manner as to promote the interests of the working claws alone." There are two points about the party platform which should especially be noted. The first is its comparative brevityplatform. ofIt th ies lesSocialiss thatn Partone-sixty ofh th thee Unite lengtdh States of the. The second is its abstract quality. Save for the party name there is no in&ication in the platform that it has anyjt thing to do with Canadian conditions. It would apply equally well to economic conditions in Portugal or êru. ^ Both these qualities are easily explicable, -he brevity of the platform is explained by the fact that it was intended as a credo for propagandist purposes and hence required to be easily intelligible. The abstract qualities arise from the nature of the Socialist Party of Canada. Marxian Socialism may be defined as the religion of economics, and in no part of the globe has it found more fervent devotees than in the province of British Columbia. In all the eafcly pronouncements of the Canadian party there is a supreme indifference to the influences of time and place. The doctrines of the Class War, of Surplus falue, of the concentration of capital are expounded with fervent piety and as nearly as possible in the exact words of the prophet. Column after column of the "Western Clarion" is filled with the involved Marxian prose or with that of some equally prolix German disciple. Rarely is there any" attempt to elucidate, to expound, to render the dry husks of theory a little more palatable to fcfc*. eager neophytes. Truly when one considers the somewhat crude and elementary enviroimient of the British Columbia proletariat this is a rather remarkable phenomenon. Yet it should not be supposed that there was any especial intellectualism in the British Columbia movement. Their orthodoxy, their strict adherence to the literal words of their gospel seem to spring more from timidity than from profundity of comprehension. There is- little that is original in the propaganda of the Socialist Party of Canada. No attempt is made to distinguish between these portions of the Marxian analysis which are sound, and those (such as the theory of surplus value) which are decidedly shaky. "In truth the Socialist Party of Canada has had guid ance most strange. It has been led by men who have gloried in being doctrinaire, scorning everything appertaining to current events and local experience, preaching that the last word of economic revelation was written by Marx whom theyworship with a fanaticism not excelled by priest'of monk, and happy only in expelling some comrade who has dared^to deviate from the strict line of their orthodoxy." (1) xhe doctrinaire period appears to be a necessary (1)stagtrouble 'Voice"e odf care-socialis Aug.r ot27th.f thgrowthe Socialis1909., an d ton Laboue hasr onlârty yto o frecal thel Unite the d *s

States to realize that Canadian conditions are far from being unique, ^ertainly in Canada the early movement was deeply marked by this characteristic aloofness from actual conditions, an attitude v/hich even reached a poi#t where with certain individuals, at least, it became good socialist docttine to say that, "the workers have no need to care what kind of government the capitalists give. Indeed the assertion was sometimes made that the more corrupt a capitalist govern ment became the better it was from an educative point of view Members of the Socialist Party openly bragged of their repudiation of all the principles of "capitalist morality" They even went so far as to say that if crooked tafctics could advance the working class cause such tactics should be adopted." (l) It must be kept in mind, of course, and this was one of the paradoxes that was to split the party in twain, that while the official socialist organization was preaching the pure doctrine of scientific necessitarianism its elected representatives were persuing a course which, to the out side observer, appeared very like that which the party was denouncing. Socialists outside the chamber might denounce as "hypecritical" labour parties, and labour platforms but inside the legislative assembly there was little to differ entiate the Socialists representatives from those of any other energetic Labour group. At the Vancouver Socialist convention of 1904, Mr. Haw thornthwaite, the political leader of the party, read a list of the legislation"initiated and carried by the Socialist group in their first legislative term. The list included such characteristic "hypocrisies" as the following:- 1. The conspicuous placing in mines of a plan of the operating ground for the better safety of miners. 2. The issuance of certificates for work on certain engines without cost to men who had proved their competency by years of experience. 3. The establishment of an eight hour day for miners, engineers, etc. (1) 4"Voice. A "measur Mar.e 13thmakin. 1916g it. compulsory for railroad and steamship companies to issue passes free to members of the Legislative Assembly. A little later the program for 1906 was outlined. It included such items as:- 1. The abolition of the $200 election deposit law. 2. The extension of the 8 hour day to various occupa tions. 3. A bill to prohibit lobbying. 4. The establishment of weekly wage payments. 5. Old age pensions. 6. Woman suffrage. 7. A revision of the franchise law to compel all voters to have a knowledge of English. Both Socialist members op-osed Japanese immigration and supported measures aiming at the exclusion of all Asiatics. (1) There is no need to detail further the legislative efforts of such few socialists as were^elected to office. The question will remain problematical as to whether the S.P. of C. would have modified its platform, and adopted a more sympathetic attitude towards "immediate demands" and "palliatives" if it had ever succeeded in obtaining a larger representation and winning a measure of respon sibility. As it was the Socialist Party did not accept responsibility for the acts of its parliamentary repre sentatives. Its ain being first ana foremost to create Marxian Socialists it put this educative function firwt and relegated all practical applications of its doctrine to a very secondary place. As a party its interest in prospective legislation was confined to one point,- would it help the working class in the olass struggle? Its emphasis was on fundamentals and for"palliatives" it had little but contempt. The official views of the party were faithfully reflected in the party organ,- the "Western Clarion" - in the words of one of its supporters, "the one and only socialist paper on the N rth American continent." (2) Not unnaturally, v/hen one con&iders its clientele and the nature of its propaganda the "Qlarion" has never been an overwhelming success. (3) Yet, though hampered by the chronic insolvency which afflicts all Socialist papers, it has managed, with occasional periods of suspension, to' maintain its existence down to the present day. (1)(2(3) C.A.R.C',7exceedeIts .circulatio Dec1903.d 6000. 14th .n . befor 1911.e the war appears never to have a?

The paper which undoubtedly had th%f^^f .^Son'B ence upon Canadian Socialism in P^-^^yL^^fit 1 Yteeklv" This was a small four page weekly P^i ^®* *„n+ p Cowanfville Que. by W.U.Cotton, a *'^\ll%^ of IcGill. who in 1908 had been converted to the prin citieby thse oS.Pf .Socialism of C and. ,Whil indeede neve, ofter officialln -currilously recognizey abusedd by "orthodox" sup-orters of the party, there can be+no doubt but that the editor succeeded, if not in preaching the "pure" gospel, at least in giving ft* his public what it wanted. The circulation of "Cottons" rose rapidly from its inception,until by the beginning of the war it amounted to nearly 30,000 per week. The aim cf the editor was, in lis own words, to "make socialists" and to make them not by preaching, but"by appealing to their reason. The propaganda of the party has taken various forms. "Clubbing"* offers have made possible the circulation of socialist periodicals, books and pamphlets at a low rate. In 1912, for example, Cotton's Weekly offered fonr yearly subscriptions for $1.00. A feature of Socialist propaganda has, of coursem always been the street preaching of "soap box" orators. This, by the way, has led to some interesting conflicts over the right of "free speech." (1) Other methods of propaganda may be briefly indicated by quoting from a series of suggestions given in "Cotton's weekly" for December 9th, 1909. Socialists are advised to: 1. Write clergymen, asking them to speak on Social ism. 2. Distribute literature. 3. Watch their local papers and criticize misstate ments about the movement. 4. Request magazines and newspapers to publish art icles on Socialism. 5. Convert existing debating clubs into Socialist discussion centres. 6. Distribute socialist papers, especially among non-socialists at election time. 7. Remain good natured while arguing and to abstain from "heresy hunting." 8. Remember that "the socialist movement cannot use muts, dubs, ignoramuses, old fogies, conservative minded people, religious cranks, idiots or (1) See, e.g. C.W. Aug. 8th. 1912. frivolous persons. -Concentrate your energy upon the most intelligent, the most radical, the most promising young men and women of your acquaintance." 9. Maintain effective local organizations, and especially the educational classes connected with them. As an illustration of the more effective sort of Socialist propaganda, we may quote the beginning of an article on the "Class War" which appeared in Cotton's Weekly for January 5th. 1911. The workers want high weges. The employers prefer to pay low wages. The workers want short hours. The employers insist on long hours. The workers want large,airy, well lighted san itary establishments.in which to labour. The em- pl&yers crowd their hands into dingy, badly ven tilated, ill smelling shops in order to keep down expenses. The workers want the lgachinery to be safe guarded. The employers object because safety appliances cost money. The workers wanrt the employers to compensate them for injuries received while at work. The em ployers refuse because profits are of more import ance to them than human life. The workers want all comrades to have work. The employers seek to flood the native labour market by promoting immigration. The workers wapit their children to be assured a libe ral education in the schools. The employers desire the children to be available for their stores and factories. The workers want labour legislation to protect their interests. The employers fight labor legislat ion, because it is contrary to them. The workers are determined to get what they want ^he employers are determined to orevent them. The workers organize into unions. The emplov- ers organize into associations. he r resort to h 8tri-p Tvf2 o^L - J 2 ooycott and the stride. The employers resort to the blacklist and the 34

the lookout* There is war, civil war,between these two wraat hos tile foroes in society. In this war the employers use a weaoon that the work ers have not yet learned how to handle. They use the legislatures to pass laws favorable to them and unfavorable to the masses. They use the courts to interpret the laws as they want them interpreted. They use the fudges to hurl in junctions against labour organizations, restraining them from Picketing, from paying strike benefits, from publish ing the names of unfair firms, from doing any of the things that lead to victory. They use the militia and the police to crush the strik ers and drive them beck to work. They are able to do these things because the wo-'ke^e have voted them into power. The Conservative and Liberal partier represent the interest8 of businesr men. Their members are mostly bus iness men. They deoe' d for their onnraign frid;? exclusive ly ftoon business men. Yet the workers rvj>< ort those ^rties at election tiiiies and then wonder why the government is always for the rich and never for the poor. It should be a8 olain as daylight that before we can have the enactment and enforcement of working class laws we must htsve administrators, legislators and judges who ht-ve the working class point of view, who have been elected to office under the auspices of a working class party and who are pledged to obey the mandate of a well disciplined working class organization." fo The Socialist rarty of Canada was a revolutionary party

(O e.to. iU~ sr/tt. %4

The revolution was to be brought about by 'the capture of the state by the proletariat." (1) On the question of the date at which this impending cataclysm was to occur, the party, in its pre-war days at least, took a strictly orth odox attitude, and was accordingly denounced by its critics as holding, "that conception^ of things which regards human life and destiny as something which will right itself by a process of -nethematical fatalism In the dim and distant ultimate." (2) Was the inevitable revolution to be attended by blood shed? "Violence."said Cotton, "is not a necessary part of the revolution, yet, when we consider that the unemployed of modern cities cannot so much as peacefully assemble to confer and declare their needs without imki&g being attacked by the police of the mling class ..there is little to base prophecies of peace upon when the blessed priveleges of the man on top are not only threatened but are actually being taken from him. It all depends how those now in the saddle will conduct themselves when they see th«ir advantages over the men who labour clipping away. If they make good their professions of loyalty to law and obedience to the will of the majority the change may oome without so much as a ripple on the surface, but if the masters of the wage slaves refuse to abide by the will of the majority as the masters of the chattel slaves did when Lincoln was elected, it will be necessary to make them behave, even if it requires the use of a shillalah." (3) And what was socialism to accomplish? What was to be the nature of the change when the three points of the Socialist ""arty platform had been put into effect and Industrial Demo cracy ushered into being? On this point, it must be con fessed, the utteranoes of the official ' Clarion'' are some what vague and indecisive. "Cotton's Weekly" however, has no such hesitation. Socialism, it says, will give to every worker:- 1. The full value of the product of his Irbour. 2. It will reduce the hour« of labour "in pro portion to the increased powers of production?

(1) W.C. Mar. 16/07. (£) B.C.Fed. May 6th. 1915. (3) C.W. June £nd. 1910. 3/

"3. It will abolish child labour.

4. It will abolish the landlord, the "lendlord" and the capitalist. 5. It will give employment to all who desire, and will pension the old. 6. It will abolish charity and give the people justice

7. It will abolish want, destitution, and the poor house.

8. It will permit every member of society to develop the highest and best that is in him. 9. It will abolish classes. It will abolish strikes and lookouts. 10. It will make possible a government, "of the people by the people and for the people." 11. It will abolish the trusts by making them the property of all the people to be operated democratically for their benefit. 12. It will do away with orivate ownership of the means of life. 13. It will make labour-saving machinery a blessing instead of a curse. 14. It will abolish the poor tramp and the rich tramp. 15, It will abolish rent and interest, profit and every form of usury. 16. It will organize armies of construction. It will abolish armies of destruction. 17. It will enoour&ge competition in study, science, ex ploration, invention and the arts. 18. It will abolish prostitution. It v* ill abolish graft.

19. It will abolish crime and criminals. It will abolish competition for bread. "£C. It will break up some of the shacks today oalied homes. £1. It will make possible for every man a good home. It will abolish desertion tnd cruelty. It will introduce love and harmony. If you are in favor of this program you ore w ith us.

If you desire this, and want it right in our time you will join the Socialist Party and work for Socialism."(1)

In its work in the Canadian field, the Socialist ârty of Canada, despite its air of aloofness, has found it necessary to adoot a definite attitude in segard to oe-tain outstanding pro blems which are more or less peculiar to the -Dominion* It becomes of interest, therefore, to consider separately its attitude, first to the agricultural element, which me toe UP more than one halff the population, second to the ohuroh, sinee religious considerations dominate the second largest Canadian province, and finally to Canadian organized Labour. I propose briefly to consider these in the order given. The presence of a copulation predominantly agricultural, As, as results in Prance and Tenmark have phom, no necessary obstacle to the Interactional SooiaUst movement* In Canada, however, the situation presents^ mewhat diffcrent^from that in the old world. There is here no ouestion of enlisting the sympathies of a down trodien peasantry, or of gaining the cooperation of class con- scioue tenants. Kinety per cent of the Canadian farmers own their own farms. The farmer is, by tradition, a self-reliant individual ist who. far from being conscious of any identity with the pro letariat of urban life, has but recently, in Canada, become con scious of the interestr of his own class. It is true that eome of the earlier farmers' societies had a semi-socialistic tinget We have flready mentioned the Alberta "Society of Ecuity" as an example, and in the early years of the socialist movement there v£8 sooie attempt to include the farmer within the scope of the proletarian party. A long article in the lectern Clarion" for /oril 4th. 1908, may be instanced as a sample of muoh similar Dpooegande. After declaring that, "racialists in Canada have, (1) C.?r. Oct. 7th. 1909. to an almost unpardonable extent been guilty oz withholding from the farmer the knowledge which their study of industrial affairs has placed at their disposal/' and that the movement has neglect ed an opportunity to "reinforce the revolutionary battalions," the writer proceeds to point out that only by ehovdng the faraer that his interests are those of the proletariat will it be poesible to enlist his aid, "for the movement does not thrive on hum- anit&rianism, nor will any bond, other then a common material interest prove an effective tie." (1) The farmer, he says, occupies a dual role, that of worker and employer. But he is an employer ;"ust as is the plumber or the coal worker who employs assistants, ""hen the farmer has his grain in the bin and his cattle or pigs are rolling fat, he is in a oos it ion tqsay 'these are mine, I own them.' whereas the wage earner oannot lay any claim to the things which are the result of his labor. The wage worker sold his power to produce. The farmer's labour is crystallised in the grain, pigs or beeves. The dissimilarity, however, is only 'n eppearanoe, for the actual position of both is this: they are both in possession of an exchange value,- something to sell, the farmer the grain, the worker his labour power." To satisfy his wants, the farmer must take his goods,(like the worker^) to the capitalist owner of the machine and surrender them. He receives in return an amount that on the average rerves "to keep and reproduce him as a farmer." The farmer is at the mercy of the capitalist owner of the storage machine,- the elevator; of the transportation machine,- the railroad; of the finan cial mnohine,- the ba.ik. Only in cooperation with the proletariat can he ever hope to control these. The article concludes by pointing out that the increased migration to the cities has ^'impoverished the intellect of agricultureln and by maintaining that while the dootrine of the conservation of capital had not yet become true when applied to ag riculture, this is no guar ntee, "that farming will (1)nosot 1 ultimatel 7?.C.will bAprile ya hirereac 4th,dh mana 1908.stag, ae wag wheen slave. the tille" r of the Ingenious adaptions of Marxian theory proved, however, to be of little avail. The Canadian farmer, when he thought about Socialism at all, which was seldom, simply regarded it as a movement which was "after his land" and therefore tabu. Class consciousness did arise among the western farmers, and was even welcome! by some Socialists as showing the growing forde of the idea, but it has had other than revolutionary developments. Most socialists would maintain that the raove§> ment, as such, is not directly concerned with relig ion. The program of the German Social Democratic Party, the prototype of most succeeding socialist platforms, declares that religion is a private matter. This, too was the attitude of the Socialist ârty of the United States, and of many individual socialists in Canada. (1) The existence of such bodies as the Christian Socialist fellowship(2) would seem to show that the principles of Christianity are not necess arily incompatible with some form of Socialism. As in other things, however, the attitude adopt ed by the S.I. of C. does not reflect the general spiiit of the movement. The Socialist Party of Canada is materialistic to the core. Its standpoint, the official standpoint of Canadian Socialism, is clearly shown in a pamphlet entitled, "Religion, thy name Is Superstition." Fromnthis document the concluding sentehc may be quoted. "Human society moves in obedience to laws as rigid as those which govern the movements of the planets cause and effect obtain as necessarily and unerringly in the brains of the human race and in human institutions as in the heavens. The modern working class... no longer looks to heavens of brass for a supernatural saviour or to the classes above it for a Moses to lead it out of the house of bondage." fl^h)e Thi lighs wat so fth scientifie attitudce researcadoptedh bhay sth beee Socian turnel d"DP o™n the dark places.... and Ood and the Devil are rolling- id) xhis organization, founded in Chicaeo in 190ft their blankets." & appears to have be n active in Toronto fn 1912 The party attitude towards the preachersôf relig ion was in no way more favorable. "Sometimes," said Cotton, 'people ask me if I am a Christian. I say no. To be a Christian in this Christian land, would cause you to starve, or to be hung as a rebel, or to be shut up in an insane asylum. I do not desire any of these fates, so I am not a Christian. What about the Christian ministers, you ask. In my opinion, I can speak for myself alone in this question, they are Pharisees." (1) The situation in Canada is given a peculiar cast by reason of the dominating influence possessed by the Roman Catholic Church in the rovince of Quebec. The Church has here, as everywhere, set its face resolutely against the socialist movement. (2) "re have already noticed how clerical influence was partly instrumental in procuring the prohibition of the so-called "Lay Day" parades in the city of Mnntreal. The words of Archbishop Bruchesi, uttered on the first of these occasions, are typical of the consistent attitude^ of his church. Ee opposed the parade as be ing an expression of "false and pernicious doctrines, condemned not only by the church, but by reason and the experience of centuries asj well." (3) Among the Protestant churches, while there has been considerable discussion, more or less intelligent, of SocialisThe socialist principlest partie, sther ofe moshast neveAnglo-Saxor been nan countriey s havdefinite beee nstan sharpld takey differentiaten as regardsd thfroe movemenm thoset oafs Europ a wholee . in their relation to the Organized Labour movements in their respective areas. In Europe, as a rule, the Soc ialist Party and the Trades Union movement have been but two different aspects, the one political, the other economic, of the revolutionary movement of the "class- conscious "proletariat. In England, In Australia, and, above all, in America, the relations between the Soc ialist party and the Labour movement have been on an (1) CIV. Oct. 13th. 1910. (2) See, e.g. C.T,7. Oct. 28, 1909. (3) The official attitude of the Church finds full expression in. the Encyclical of Leo XIII, May 15 1891 and in that of Pius ::, Dec. 18th. 1903. entirely different plane. The class consciousness which in the English-speaking nations has expressed itself in the economic field, appears as yet to have barely reached the domain of politics. In England the British Socialist Party and the Pabian Society are tolerated as allies, but in Australia, the straight Socialist movement, in pre-war days at least, was almost negligible. In orthodox American Labour circles, Socialism is unknown. The hostility to Socialist doctrines which has always characterized the A.P. of L. (the "American Fossilization of Labourers it isiunkindly called by Socialists) has been reflected from the beginning by its offshoot, the Canadian Trades ancL.Labour Congress. In its ea^rly days the expulsion of the Knights of Labour is said to have been partially inspired by a desire to strike a blow at Socialism in the west. (1) Vie have already seen how the Socialist attempt to capture the Congress at Victoria B.C. in 1906 was deciseively re pulsed. 'The effect of this audacious attempt was for a time to increase the opposition to the revolutionary movement. "Six years ago," said a prominent Winnipeg labour man, speaking in 1914, "you darenft so much as breathe the word'Socialism' at the Congress unless you wanted to be howled down." The process of time, however, softened this anti pathy. A peaceful process of "boring from within" was carried on. Socialists were elected to Trades Union offices, and by their continued activity attained a great er influence than their numbers might appear to warrant. Finally a Socialist, (Mr. J.C.Watters) became president, and later.another Socialist, (Mr. Jas.Simpson) vice- president of the Congress. By 1914 Socialism, seemed, in the words of the speaker mentioned above, to be "coming into its own." The various "Labour Parties" set on foot, in pre war days by the T.&.L.C. of Canada made little headway. In the east they merely served as stumbling blocks in the way of the different socialist bodies7. Sometimes they formed working alliances with locals of the Social Democratic Party^'( a course of procedure which the S.P. of C. vigourously opposed) In British Columbia, where (1)th"Canade SeeS.Pprovinciaa. R.H.Coats,anofd Cit.ls thefederatio P^pvinces,y "Themade n n Labouro"o f progres vollabou .Movement r9s. WP. atS alldominate in. Canada,"d by in As would naturally be expected ^/ÔBition of the A.^.of L. and the T.& L.Congress* was repaid Jth interest by the S.P.of C The "T/estern Clarion was never tired^f denouncing the "organized gang of Labour fakirs/' and "hired tools of the capital ists" who kept the workers in eubjeotdon. Cotton s Weekly found consolation irireflecting that the &.--. of C. is the party of the whole working class, while the unions represent but that small portion of the workers who are members of them." (1) Towards the workers themselves the preachers of the Marxian gospel tended to assume an arrogant and, indee4, somewhat patronizing attilude. They were "plugs',' "poor hicks," "easy marks," too cowed and unintelligent to realize , where their own best interests lay. Such ^<)4*$Ctffy9>l§did not make for Socialist progress. There remains to be considered the attitude adopted by the Socialist Party of Caxiada to other radical movements, to other Socialist parties, and to the International Socialist Bureau. The cooperative movement, feeble as it has al ways been in Canada, has, so far as I can find, met with little welcome from Canadian Socialists. The position taken by Cotton's Weekly, as expressed in an article dated July 25th. 1912, is that while cooperative societies may benefit a few workers, the working class_as a whole can not be benefitted, since if the cost of lining is lowered, wages will be proportionately reduced. The 3ingle Tax societies, which have obtained considerable support, particularly in Western Canada, arr criticized by Socialists as only going half way. To quote the "Socialist column" in the Winnipeg "Voice" "Single taxers say the workers must confiscate land. Socialists say both land an(1d) capitaC.Wl. musOctt b.e 26thconfiscated.. 1910. " (2) (2) "Voice" January 28th. 1916. The Fabian Society, and Pabians generally, are of course, anathema to revolutionary Socialists, since they repudiate the idea of the class struggle. The Revolutionary American*Socialist Labor PartyV which has always had a few scattered members in this country,is denounced for attempting to combine political with economic action.(1) and' when Daniel DeLeon, leader of the S.L.P. toured Canada in 1905 he met with little but abuse from western "Comrades." Most vitriolic of all, however was the condem nation of the "moderate" Socialist Party of the United States. To quote the Western Clarion,- "The platform of the Socialist Party of the U.S. is a ridiculous composition of inane platitudes and meaningless lucubrations that not only do not sound the revolutionary note, but so completely obscure it in the discordant iangle of blatant reforms that it is lost to the ear of the class the revolutionary movement must reach if it is to flourish." Prom the Canadian standpoint, the most important American Socialist organisation has always been that known as the Industrial Workers of the World, or,more familiarly,**the "I.7.W." Organized in Chicago in 1905 as the economic or trades union wing of the Socialist Labor Party, the I.V.'.W. was abandoned by its "moderate wing"(*) in 1906, and by DeLeon and the S.L.P. in 1908. Since this second division it has pursued a fair ly consistent policy. The I.W.W. is a purely industrial movement based solely and simply upon the "class war." It knows no distinction of race, creed, colour or sex. Its' object is "the abolition of the wage system." Its weapons are sabotage and the strike. Its ideal is the "general striked a tie-up of industry so complete and far reaching as to bring ^bout the revolution. Beyond this it does not look. In its methods of "warfare" it is akin to the European Syndicalists, and it has also shown traces of Anarchist influence. It may.even be (1)groupdefined W.C. ,$*fAp,W somewhat paradoxically, as an Anarchist -he organization of the I.W.W. is on industrial rather than on craft lines, and it is the inveterate foe of the International craft unions. Its work is spasmodic and its membership fluctuates greatly from year to year. The I.W.W. entered Canada in 1906 and during the next few years founded many branches in Alberta and in British Columbia. An early attempt v/as made to organize a local council at Toronto, but the effort fell through and the organization has had little influence in eastern Canada.(1)In 1911 over 10,000 Canadian members were claimed, but by 1914 this had sunk to" a mere 465. GLfr this latter date,locals were to be found only at Amherst,U.S. Edmonton, Alta. and Vancouver B.C.(2) By 1915 even these had disappeared and the influence of the I.W.W. so far as Canada was concerned, was at an end. This movement owed much of its early strength to the conditions which prevailed at that tine in the Canadian west, especially in the lumber and rail way construction camps. The position'o" the men engaged in these was often deplorable. Por the most part ignorant illiterate foreigners, they were ### huddled together in unsanitary "bunks', fleeced right and left by the contractors, forced to buy condemn ed goods at inflated prices from the company stores, a# process which often left them In debt at the end of their working period, charged mail fees when they redeived no mail and medical fees without the corresponding medical attention and finally obliged to face the inevitable hazards of their job without the possibility of compensation for injury or death. Amon(1) g Brissendenthese foreigner, The sI.W.W the .I.W.W page. 163foun.d a fertile field(2) . Thdeo earlpy. 35strike8 s fomented by the organization (3) wer1907e unparallele, among thde Vancouvefor the rbitternes lumbermen,s wit; h1909,(May which ) they werPrince efought Huper.t Whillumbermee soon n ;replace 1912, dB.C by. morconstructioe n camps on the C.N.R. stable forms of unionism the movement served to implant in the minds of the British Columbia workers some practical appreciation of the advantages of industrial action and of the realities of the class war. The attitude of the S.P.of C. towards the I.W.W. has been rather curious. The new body was heartily denounced at its inception (i) and much space was taken up in pointing out the impossibility and absurdity of a purely industrial movement. Later, however when the I.W.W. has shed its Socialist Party members and its class conscious revolution ary character had become apparent, the S.P.of C. took up a position of neutrality. (2) Canadian Socialism, in its pre-war period, at least, has always taken the position that industrial action is only half, and the less important half, of the class struggle. The party press was never tired of pointing cut the impossibility of the General Strike as a revolutionary weapon while the powers of the state remained in the hands of the "master class." "Pew of the syndicalists realize,"said "Cotton's" "the tremendous force the armed state can wield. It is rkprt vurposely out of sight as much as possible." In the light of post-war de Finally we come to the relations between the velopments these early criticisms of industrial Socialist Paoty of Canada and the International action make curious reading. Socialist Bureau,- the Second Internationale. As the Socialist Party of B.C. owed its origin to the desire to establish an organization "more in harmony with the international movement" th®n the old Socialist Leagues one would have expected the Canadian body to have been prompt in its affiliation with the Pureau. Yet the fact remains that the S.P.of C. was never a member of the Second Interns.tionale and deliberately rejected all invitat ions to join it. (1) W.C. Sept. 23, 1905. (2) W.C. June 9th. 1906. The earliest excuses for this rather curious attitude were, apparently, that the Canadian movement was ssmll in numbers and was unable to raise the necessary funds. Then when it was pointed out that many smaller bodies actually we're in affiliation the answer v/as that the Canadian comrades did not approve of the "opportunism" of the Bureau. Finally a suitable occasion arrived and the Socialist Party Executive announced to the world that "in consequence of the admission of the .Labour Party of Great Britain #to the International Socialist Bureau, the latter has justified and encouraged the policy of compromise with capitalism, and therefore the pure socialists of Canada must hold aloof." (1) Truly if the Canadian party was weak in numbers it could at least lay claim to possessing the quintessence of the movement.

(1) "Voice" Aug. 2nd. 1909. Disruption of t]je Socialist Party of Canada; Formation of4Social Democratic Party.

By 1909 the organisation of the Socialist Party of Canada had been extended to cover all of Canada except the three maritime provinces. The popular vote, though small as yet, was rapidly increasing and prospects seemed fair for a continued increase, particularly in British Columbia where the party completely dominated the local federation of labour and had virtually displaced the Liber als as official opposition. For some time it had been apparent, however, that discontent was grov/ing within the movement. The reasons for this follow largely from what has been said as to the nature of the party. They were,- 1. The ultra "scientific" nature of the party press and propaganda; 2. Heresy hunting within the movement. The columns of the "Western Clarion" were more and more becoming filled with squabbles between different members of the party; i0 3. The desire of the "foreign language" organi zation* for tactics more on a par with those of the European parties, particularly for the inclusion within the platform of certain"immediate demands" for social reform; 4. The unrepresentative nature of the Dominion executive. The British Columbia executive still controlled the movement. Ho national convention had ever been called and the excuses offered (questions of expense,etc.) were * deemed unsatisfactory; 5. The refusal of the Dominion executive to submit certain pressing questions (notably that of "immediate de mands" to a vote of the party; 6. The growth of a desire for political action in labour circles; and the competition of the "labour" parties; 7. The refusal of the executive to affiliate with the International Socialist Bureau. The earliest attempt at secession appears to have been the formation of a"Social Democratic Party"at Vancouver in May,I907. This,however,seems to have come to nothing, and it was not till two years later that signs of a definite cleqvage within the movement appeared. In July,1909, Toronto Local No.l passed a resolution to affiliate with the International Socialist Bureau. Similar Dominioorganizationresolutionn executivs swer ien eOntariopasse definiteld b.y Ithyn e Augustturne Finnish,d ,dow asGerman,ann w eth ehav invitatioed seeLettisn nthh eo f the Internationale, and this was followed by the expulsion of the Toronto local. These acts of the governing body caused widespread dissatisfaction in the rank and file of the party, (l) The protests of the Winnipeg organization were especially emphatic. Definite action did not cone,however,until the Spring of the next year. On May 24th, 1910,forty-two dele gates of Ontario Socialist locals met in convention at Toronto in response to a call from Berlin, Gait and Guelph. The outcast Toronto local was also represented. A resolu tion was pas*sean{that while the convention would do all in its power" to maintain unity within the party, nevertheless they were resolved that "absolutely no confidence was to be placed in the Dominion Executive Committee owing to its recent arbitrary and unconstitutional administration of party affairs."(2) The convention asked that the party constitution be amended making it compulsory for the Dominion Executive to submit any question to a referendum when called upon to do so by five or more locals. It was recommended that a Dominion convention of the party be held as soon as possible. Ao yet there was no direct break. In October,how ever, the Manitoba "foreign language" locals,which made up the bulk of the membership within that province, met in convention at Winnipeg, broke with the Socialist Party of Canada, adopted a program bristling with "immediate demands", and formed the Social Democratic Party of Canada. The platform adopted pledged the new organisation to affiliation with the International movement and declared its objects to be:- 1. To educate the workers of Canada in the knowledge of the causes which determine their position in society, and the means whereby they may secure economic justice; 2. To use all possible means for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the working people, and 3. To organize the working class of Canada for the more efficient struggle for its absolute emancipation from economic bondage. The(1) Winnipe"immediateg "Voice" demands", Sept.24th included,f1909 . (2) C.W.1 Jun. Sicknese l6th,1910s insuranc. e and old age pensions; 2. Universal eight hour day. Rest period of one and one-half days a week; ,„*„„-. 3. Prohibition of child labour, ,.„„_. 4 Sanitary and safe conditions of ^our * PrnHibition of the use of the police ana ox ^ nilitaVfn law deputes. Abolition of the use of the inJUi!15SliS»SlbWf5S: Abolition of property .uali- fications and election deposits; _ ,., 7. Initiative, referendum and recall, ft Abolition of the Dominion Senate; 9*. ^eeaomSf speech, of the press, and peacable assemblage; . ,,.. 10. Public ownership of monopolies. The action of the Manitoba locals «" «?°» ^J?*6* ne *y those in Ontario. On April l>th andJ^^'J the Ontario Finnish branches met at pronto and or^nizea ''Canadian Socialist Jederation. ™* **r*n°™ ? convention eggsi sisfe^?-

from êSocia^Lsx, raruy ti platf0rm was adopted A Socialist Federation. |en*a ^ tt x noVement all n f ° - S+ ^„rllv tne initiative, referendum and recall, ei h r y ^c ^nd it «fs reso!ved t£t negotiations should be enter ed into with toe newly formed Social Democratic Partj of Winnipeg. in the meantime a referendum had been held by the *M dL5«»S.»t »«S=r. ID their n.olutton to f»m 4 n«„ organization. The attitude of the Socialist press towards the new movement calls for passing mention. J^^J^^™ Clarion" of course, there was nothing but "threatemngs and slaughter", but the Winnipeg -Voice", the oldest labour paper in the Wast, strongly supported the seceders. "Cot ton's Weekly" at first was inclined to support the old narty. In an article dated June 2nd,1910,it spoke of the Sus bility of the movement for "immediate demands", but v-r reminded its readers that the Socialist Party of Canada was first and foremost a revolutionary party, and there was nothing which the old capitalistic parties would so desire as to see its aims weakened. "The one great beauty of the present platform", it said, "is that there is not one plank or paragraph in the whole document which would not gag an old party politician to attempt to swallow. There is not one plank which an old party could incorporate into its platform". The platform of the Manitoba Labour party is quoted as an example of "what a labour platform should not be." Later, however, the attitude of the paper began to change, It conceded that "immediate demands" might be necessary,- 1. To whet the appetites of the rising tide of workers; 2. To offset the Independent labour Parties; 3* To obviate the inconsistency existing between the theoretical position of the Socialist Party of Canada and the action of its elected members, (l) Finally, partly no doubt as a result of ferocious attacks made upon it by the S.P.of C(£)it went over com pletely to the new organization, and when at the end of 1911, the Manitoba Social Democratic Party and the Canadian Socialist Federation united to form the Social Democratic Party of Canada, "Cotton(s Weekly" became the official organ of the new party. - The formation of the Social Democratic farty of of Canada was the result of a "unity convention" held at Port -Arthur, Ontario, on December 30th, 1911, between representatives of the Manitoba S.D.P. and the Ontario C.S.F. The organization of the new party provided for a Dominion executive committee, provincial executives and local organizations. Provision was also made for the holding of annual conventions and the submitting of questions to the members of the party in the form of a referendum. .Among the by-laws adopted was one providing 1) C.W. May 4th,1911. 2) " Dec.14th,1911. that "Ho section of the S.D.P, shall act in conjunction with any body of men not recognizing the class struggle and the necessity of abolishing capitalism". -Another provided that all candidates for any legislative or administrative bodies should sign a resignation paper first,to be placed in the hands of his local. The local and the provincial executive committee were to take joint action for any resignation. The platform of the new organization (largely an echo of that adopted by the Manitoba S.D.P.)is given in an appendix. (*** Nova Scotia,as well as <*? several locals in British Columbia. The S.D.P. of Manitoba had some six hundred members, largely confined to this one province. The old S.P.of C. membership was reduced to thirteen hundred. From this time on until almost the end of theÊuropean war the influence of the Socialist Party of Canada was more and more confined to British Columbia and the West. C**^C<^ JU<^î^J ftof- 't'<±

It can well be imagined that all these internal bickerings contributed -Hrttle to the growth of the movement as a whole. Socialist converts were little edified by the spectacle of columns and columns of the party press devoted to wholesale abuse of some "heretic" for what were, to the newcomer, almost un intelligible reasons. There is little edification in reading even expurgated reports of conventions where the sytle of debate was such as to justify the naive reporter in exclaiming in parenthesis "of all the abusive language you ever heard they certainly used it", (l). The general effect of such washing of dirty linen was to confirm a somewhat apathetic pub lic in its view that no matter what their doctrines, Socialists are a disagreeable lot to get along with and had better be left alone. For several years the movement virtually marked time, and it had only just begun to move forward again when it was faced v/ith the overwhelming blow of the European War. There are, however, various items of more or less interest as showing the strength or weakness of the movement in the immediate pre-war period, em£ which may be briefly mentioned. In the Eritish Columbia election of 1909, the total Socialist vote amounted to 11,000. This com pared favourably v/ith the 7,000 polled in 1907. The Socialists, however, lost one seat, reducing their representation to 2, out of a total of 19 candidates. Even this was better than the Liberals, however, for the latter party only succeeded in electing Z candidates out of 35. Outside of Vancouver and Victoria, the Socialist vote totalled more than the Liberal. Out oil n., of the internal disputes already men tioned, there is little to record for 1910. In the Spring of that year, however, an event occurred which showed Socialist strength in an unloosed for quarter. The Independent Labor Party of Nova Scotia voted to dissoi^e itself and to join the S. P. of C. (£). ITova Scotia Socialists were active during that year in disputes in the Cape Breton steel industry and with the Cumberland Railway and Coal Company of see Cotton's Weekly, Dec. 14/11 report n-r "R n ~^ *. "Voice", June S/lO. reptrt of B. C. conventi Springhill, N. S. In Springhill two out of three Socialist municipal candidates were elected. A phenomenon of the year was the rapidly growing strength of the Grain Growers' movement in the V/est, an organization menacing enough to force its will on the government of the day, and, inci dentally, to wreck that government and its own hopes in the ensuing general election. The farmers' demand for public ownership, freer trade relations, etc. were welcomed by some Socialists, who thought tae£ saw in the new movement an aspect of class consciousness which might aid their own cause. The more considered view of the party was, however, reflected in an editorial in"Cotton's Weekly" dated December 29/10, part of which reads as follows: "The farmers want government ownership of railways, government ownership of the chilled meat industry, terminal elevators, telephones, etc. They also want free trade, an efficient and ample law for the formation of cooperative societies, and eventually cheap credit. These things are good so far as they go. The bankI dso arnoet parasitsee anye intimatioinstitutionsn tha. t Cheathe p farmerereait swoul stand dpu fotr thethem oucollectivt of businesse ownershi. Cop of agriculturaoperative societiel landss are good, but they are liableSuppos to meee tth wite Ch. strenuouP. H., thse oppositioG. T, P.n, and the C. N. R. to be government-owned, and the railroad workers all struck, just as the grain was being moved out in the Fall. Would there not be great commotion among the farm owners? Would there not be great commotion at Ottawa? The industrial workers of Canada are moving in the direction of mass action and the general strike. At present a successful rail road strike means less profits for the railroad owners. The farmers and merchants no?/ sympath ize with the strikers tc beat the railroad owners -*-^_ .but under government operation, without profit, a successful strike would mean higher railroad charges. Therefore the farm owners and manufacturers would swing all their influence against the railroad strikers, and brutal methods would be used to put the strike down Let us quite realize that the farmers' move ment is something different from Soc ialism. " The leading- event of the year 1911 v/as the reci procity election. On the question of Reciprocity, Socialist opinion varied: some (particularly in British Columbia) denounced it as a red herring devised to draw av/ay the awakened proletariat from its pursuit of Capital. Others maintained that the question was so unimportant to as to be unworthy of discussion. Others, again (chiefly Social Democrats) favored it as a step in the direction of free trade. This was the view taken by Cotton's Weekly. Candidates for the election were nominated in 10 constituencies', by provinces, as follow*: U.S. 1; Que. 1; Ont. 1; Man. 2; Alta. 2; B.C. 3. All, with the exception of 2 Social Democrats in Manitoba, were members of the S. P. of C.' The Canadian Socialist Fed eration of Ontario did not see fit to nominate any candidates. The vote v/as disappointing, totalling some 6,600, as compared with 7,300 in 1908. In no case did a Soc ialist nominee succeed even in saving his deposit. The difficulty of raising this virtual fine of $200.00 was given as the reason for the small number of Socialist candidates. The small vote polled reflects both the uosdisorderet the dSocialis state to fPart they movemenabout t$1.~00~~forTver> and the publivc vot indife thaferenct ite polledto it.. The vote ffffmfrb y individual candidates September, 1911, witnessed the commencement of what has since proved to be one of the—most effective species of Socialist propaganda. In this month the four "foreign language" locals of Toronto formed a Board of Education, appointed teachers and opened the first Socialist Sunday school in Canada. Lectures in science, botany, zoology, history and"natural phenomena"were featured. The mater ialistic conception of history was impressed on youthful minds. Socialist songs were sung and their meanings ex plained. The meetings generally closed v/ith the singing of the 'Internationale". The Sunday schools proved fair ly successful. Early the next year one was opened in Victoria and a little later one in Winnipeg. October, 1911, saw a convention of the distracted Socialist Party of Canada. The immediate motives for its holding were the parlous state of the party organ - the "Western Clarion", and the difficult relations ex isting between the party and its chief parliamentary re presentative, J. H. Hawthornthwaite. The Nanaimo local, to which Hawthornthwaite had belonged, had expelled him' for allege! "insubordination", and had thereupon been itself expelled by the Dominion Executive. It was also alleged that Eawthornthwaite, by reason of his coopera tion with his political opponents, had become rather more v/ealthy than was seemly for a class censorious representative. The convention decided, after orolong- ed rebate, to reinstate the Nanaimo local and to ex clude Hawthornthwaite from the party. It was also resolvea to continue the "Western Clarion'', and to transform it into an instrument of propaganda pure and simple."without the virulent "heresy hunting" which had previously featured its pages. The debates at the con vention were marked by much bitterness and occasional scurrility. Shortly before its close about one-third of the delegates walked out of the meeting. This group held a separate convention about a month later and de cided to join the Canadian Socialist Federation. Other incidents of the year v/ere the breaking up of the Montreal May Day parade, and a "free speech" fight in St.John N. B., where certain "zealous* members of the newly formed local had been forbidden to speak in the streets. **

February, 1912, saw another British CoMiE^ Pô- ial election. As in 1909, the result was a further tn ump* for Mr. McBride and the Conservative fjernment The Liberal opposition of two was annihilated and the two Socialist constituencies were barely held. .he total Socialist vote was slightly lower than in 1£09. -He two elected Socialist^ members (liessrs. barker ^11:L^S aJ* J T. Place, the latter replacing' J. H. Hawthornthwaite) soon deserted the S.P. of C. and joined the Social De mocratic Party. Despite the loss of both its members, the teachings of the Socialist Party had had a marked effect upon the trade union movement in British Columbia. This was made apparent when in May, 1912, a referendum was taken by the British Columbia Federation of Labor on the question of the endorsation of the principles of Socialism. Socialism was endorsed by an overwhelming majority, (l). This was some compensation for the collapse of the "Western Clarion" which took place early in the year. Its circulation, about 5,000, was taken over by .the British Columbia Federationist, the weekly publication of the British Columbia Federation of Labor. On May Day, 1912, the socialists of Montreal succeeded in finally holding their parr.de. Some thousands of people assembled in the Champ de Liars, and listened for Several hours to in.passioned speeches. A feature of the period was the general public interest in the question of naval defence and the necessity for "preparedness" against a possible German menace. On this subject one would naturally suppose that Socialists wou:d be # bound by their internationalist and pnti-militarist principles. It comes with somewhat of a surprise therefore, to find the Social Democratic representatives in the B.C.legis lature supporting the little Liberal group in its advocacy of a "Canadian Navy" Other sections of the "arty were more orthodox, and a serio-comic incident occurred towards the close of the following year(V. The new minister of militia, Col. Sam Hughes, had been making a series of re doubtabl(1) B.C.Fede speeche. Masy i6thn a.n 1912 effor. t to touse the country to a(3) sens 4<ê o>f -*thWe .///need* s of national defence. Toronto Local No. 29 of the S.D.P. had its attention aroused to the matter, Si£SfieTand as1 $îfeSits contributio:iSS0fSJfo^:n iItoOB &rtha ebox cause of, tinsen tsoldiers the minister- The, s

Dear Sir:- I have much pleasure in return ing your letter. You may want it as a model for the future. It displays such a splendid spirit, such a grasp of public affairs that one might expect it to emanate from a lunatic asylum or possibly from some worse place. I never saw an engineer yet reach his goal who stopped to sling chunks of coal at every puppy who yelped at him as he passed along. Faithfully, Sam Hughes, There is little of importance to tecord dufcing 1913 and the fttst half of 1914. In the Alberta provincial elections of February, 1913, the one socialist seat, held by CM.O'Brien of the S.P. of C.,was (Lost. The party accounted for this by alleging that the boundaries "had been specially altered to secure just this result." (1) August saw a strihe at Nanaimo, B.C. attended by riots, in connection with which the local socialist II.L.A. was arrested. The I.W.W. were active among the wc rkers on the Canadian Northern and a strihe was called at Lilooet B.C. in November. An instance of the grov/ing strength of Socialism among Canadian organised workers was eeen when the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada adopted,by a vote of 135 to 100 a resolution providing "that all officials and members of the T. & L.C. of Canada be requested to inform them selves on the commodity theory of labor power, and also on the theory of value." (2) In the east the Social Democratic Party v/as making headway. The strength of the Toronto movement was shown in the municipal elections of 1914.when Jas. Simpson the party nominee for controller was elected at the head of the poll with a large plurality. This result was, of course, largely due to Socialist cooperation v/ith labour, Mr. Simpson being editor of the local Labour paper, and one of the most prominent men in the Canadian Labour move ment. Yet the vote for the other socialist candidates also shov/ed considerable ' ncrease. In its issue of Nov. 1 (1)(2)i21stthan ToronttWalling,Hesolution. "durin191o3 hagthe sth^i^JSSe&&+€*** Industrial"Banner'o moreadopter pase that yean atdoubled.r ththee +gZSnUjmembershi T."f &Toront L.C." pjo. o o in 9l3estimateth23?.e S.D.Pd . In February, 1914, District 18 of the United Mine Workers endorsed the platform of the Socialist Party of Canada,(l). and the same year the Western Federation of Miners, a recent entry into Canadian ttammunis^, adopted a platform along essentially similar lines. (2). During the early months of 1914, there was much talk of healing the breach in the Canadian Socialist movement. This came to nothing, however, as, according to the Social De- mocratfcWrinnipeg "Voice" "the Socialist Party of Canada will have submission or nothing". The bitterness between the two factions was shown in the Manitoba provincial election of February 13/14. The Social Democrats,.working- in conjunction with labour by means of a"Labour Representation Commit tee,* nominated a candidate for one Winnipeg seat, the labour candidate for the other seat being a non-Socialist (F. J. Dixon). The Socialist Party of Canada, however, which did not recognize the Labour Representation Committee, put forth a can didate against Dixon and succeeded in polling just enough labour votes to defeat him. This action on the part of the Socialist Party of Canada infuria ted the Winnipeg Social Democrats, and union was farther off than ever. In the Autumn of 1914, Philip Snowdon, the well known English Socialist, visited Canada. Re garding the labour movement in Montreal he spoke as follows: "The principal Socialist organization there works on the lines of the I. L. P. of Great Eritain, but its work is hindered by the presence of a small but aggresive body of ex tremists who frighten people by their violence and intolerance."(3) In July, 1914, the Socialist Democrat*Party (1) B.Cby. aFed nationa. Feb.20/14l referendu. m elected Jas. Simpson of (2) C.A.RToront. 191o t4o p.8 represen4 t the Canadian party at the In (3) "Voiceternationa" Septl 25/14Socialis. •&*t ^/Z^^^ttcongress0, whictorn,h */tha c*^~~,t year wa s?u*.&f>fC. to be held at Vienna. The war, however, intervened, and Canadian Socialism has not yet been represented' &}"

at any Internationale. In the 1914 Ontario provincial elections the Social Democrat/cParty nominated 14 candidates and polled over 6,000 votes, a fair increase over pre vious contests. The result v/as regarded in some quarters with satisfaction, as indicating that the party was dm its feet again and recovering ground. In the Manitoba elections of the same year the vote polled was about 4,000. It cannot be denied, however, that the period from 1911 to 1914 witnessed a growing- dissatisfaction in Canadian Socialist ranks with a policy which con fined their efforts mainly to political action. The vote polled by the various Socialist groups in the Dominion election of 1911 and in the provincial elec tions since that time, while perhaps respectable was certainly not a matter to become enthusiastic over. It v/as becoming apparent that to build up a political organization powerful enough to make its influence felt in Canadian politics would be a matter^ not of years, but of decades. The alternative was, of course, industrial action through the existing labour organizations, and there is reason to believe that the beginnings of the movement for "direct action", a movement which cul minated so strikingly in the One Big Union of the post-war period, can be dated from this time.(l). In this connection it may not be without in terest to consider some of the reasons -p; .^"^ for the comparative failure of the pre-war Socialist Party as a political weapon. The first and the one most universally given is the provision of the Dominion Elections Act which requires every candidate for election to deposit $200.00 with the returning offi cer as evidence of good faith. If he fails to poll a vote equal to one-half that of the elected candi date his deposit is forfeited. The same rule (with (1) see aWinnipe smallegr "Voicedeposit" )Jul iys i2l/lln forc; eearl iny al parl tth eo fprovince 1912, etcs . except Ontario. As the average Socialist local would find it r*

difficult to raise £20.00, let alone $200.00, it can be easily seen tliat (in the" v/ords of one commentator) "these rules practically keep us out of all elections, except in the larger centres, where the locals are stronger and can raise the amount of the fine. Even then the loss of the deposit is a serious matter and often cripples propaganda work for months afterwards." \ i / • A second reason is found in the nature of the Socialist electorate. A large percentage of the work ers in the West are of the seasonal or transient type. Miners, lumberworkers, construction hands, often do not remain in the same place long enough to get their names on the lists. If, as is usually the case, several years elapse between the compiling of the lists, the number of omissions is, of course, greatly increased. A striking instance of this occurred in 1911 when, just before the Ontario provincial elec tion, a deputation from Northern Ontario interviewed the provincial premier and alleged that owing to the fact that the lists to be used were 3 years old over 5,000 men were disfranchised.(2). A third alleged grievance, in the words of the Dominion Secretary of the Socialist Party cf Canada is to be found in "the action of the large employers of labour in the mining centres of the province in shutting down their works about a month"previous to the election in order that our supporters might be compelled to leave the district in search for other jobs. This has been done repeatedly with - to them - satisfactory results." (3). It is further clai led that in cases where Socialists have been elected the boundaries of their constituencies have been subsequently altered to bring about their defeat. The defeat of C. M. O'Brien in the Alberta election of 1913 has been mentioned as an alleged instance of this. More obvious obstacles in the way of the party were the presence of various provincial "labour parties" (though before the war these had little S&2£fnt itself!1 divisions ^ting in the Socialist [P* n\?' ?*r*enl>ure '"Socialism in Canada") New Review -eb 2/l<5 (2i(3) WallingCotton's, pWeekly. 236,. No' v 2l/ll. ^/1 2 3 *.•*»!

Canadian Socialist organizations have not, as a rule, laid much stress oh municipal politics. The attitute of the S. P. of. C. is quite clearly stated in the "Western Clarion"for November 21/'08. "The Socialist Party is not keen to enter municipal poli tics. The matters which come before a city counsel in any year are purely bourgeois." Cotton's Weekly considered that municipal Socialism v/as bound to be a failure since civic organisations had hot suffic ient power to put Socialism into effect.(l). Yet in Ontario municipal affairs the Social Democrat party obtained some slight success. We have already noted its activities in Toronto. Aldermen were elected in certain smaller places, and in 1912 a Socialist was elected mayor of Lindsay. Statistics regarding the strength of Canadian Socialism are difficult to obtain. The following table compiled for the "Western Clarion" purports to give the average Socialist vote from 1903: 1903 3,507 1909 9,688 1912 15,857 1907 3,670 1910 10,929 1913 17,071 1908 8,697 1911 15,852 1915 16,800 Some indication of the distribution of Social ist strength by provinces may be given by a table showing the circulation of "Cotton's Weekly" for 1909 and 1912. 1909 1912 Nova Scotia 404 1361 Prince Edward Island 3 18 New Brunsv/ick . . . .152 417 Quebec 788 1261 Ontario 1029 9093 Manitoba 177 1388 Saskatchewan 212 2651 Alberta 167 2988 British Columbia . . . 479 4779 3411 25956 (1) C. Wj. The8/8/12 official. party membership varied widely. At the time of the formation of the Social Democratic aoou? ^oflft8 estimated that the new organization had aooux £,uuu dues-paymp-members, while the old Socialist Party of Canada -retained 1300. (1). At the close of 1914 the Social/ Democratic Party consisted of 230 locals divided as follows:- Ont. 82; B.C. 46; Alta. 45; Sask. 20; Man. 28; Que. 8; N.S. 1. The membership is given as 5,380.(2). That of the S. P. of C. was probably rather less. In concluding our study of pre-war Canadian Socialism and at the entrance to a period which Y/as so radically to alter the whole position of the Canadian movement, it is not uninteresting to com pare the Socialist vote in Canada with that of sev eral other nations where conditions were, supposedly, more or less similar. The following figures for 1914 are prepared by the Information Department of the SocialisCountrt Partyy of the PopulatioUnited States:-n Soc. Vote Percentage Argentina . 8,000,000 48,000 0.6 Austria 28,500,000 1,053,000 3.69 Belgium 7,700,000 483,241 6.27 Canada 7,300,000 15,857 0.22 Denmark 3,000,000 107,412 5,58 Finland 5,300,000 310,513 9.41 France 35,000,000 1,590,771 3.C6 Germany 65,000,000 4,250,000 6.54 Great Britain 45,000,000 378,000- 0.84 Italy 55,000,000 TT ^ - o. 6,000,000 997,000 2.84 New Zealand 1,000,000 uniteu. States America 95,000,000 44,960 4.49 Sweden 229,554 3.82 931,406 0.98

(1) Cotton's Weekly Dec 14/ll (2) American Labour Year Book, 1917-18, p. 291. Canadian Socialism and the War. 1914 - 1917.

Then came the war. The Canadian people entered the European conflict with a light-heartedness and an e'lan which carried everything before it. Both political parties in the Dominion Parliament, gov ernment and opposition alike, the puShptt, the press, every element in the country seemed to vie with one another in enthusiastic devotion to the Imperial flag and to the allied cause. Even the Trades and Labor Congress, which in 1911, and again in 1913 had passed resolutions declaring for a general strike in the event of war decided to accept the the great struggle as a fait accompli and to coo'perate in "hurling despotism in Europe to its final destruction." (1) By one month after the declaration of war Canada h&d under arms 43,000 men. By the end of 1915 this had been increased to 200,000. Industrial conditions in the Dominion, which after the optimism of a decade had begun, by the end of 1913 to show somes signs of stagnation, were, after a first inevitable dislocation, re markably stimulated by the new conditions of the war. The equipping and transporting overseas of such numbers of enlisted men would in itself have great ly tightened up the labour market, but in addition the shortage of workers was enhanced by enlistments from the ranks of organized labour itself. In the light of war time prosperity any antagonism which the bulk of Canadian tradeB unionism might have felt CZM^L, #I* the war faded rapidly away. In the chorus of Canadian patriotism,] soon swelled by news of the gallantry of the overseas contingent, discordant voices were few and far between. "Enemy aliens," naturally; "unassimilated" foreigners; the "Nationalists" of Quebec; and, perhaps feeblest of all, the Canadian Socialist parties." In the enthus iasm of the first war years the note of dissonance was overwhelmed. (1) Report of Executive Committee. T.&.L.C. 1914. The overthrow of the Second Internationale, the dissolution, alrnos^n a moment, of all its elaborate ly worked out plans^maintehanee of peace, the spectacle of supposedly anti-militarist "comrades" engaged in the v/ork of mutual annihilation, the sudden emergenc of racial hatred in the very home of internation alism, all this, even in the neutral United States, was sufficient to wreck the Socialist movement. How much the more so in a country which, in almost single minded devotion^was bending every effort towards the successful prosecution of war. Yet Canadian Socialism made some attempt to remain true to its internationalist principles. Both Canadian parties, immediately on the outbreak of the war adopted a whole hearted pacifist sttitude. The manifesto issued by"the Social Democratic ^arty puts the Socialist position clearly, and is perhaps worthy of quotation:- To the Workers of Canada. Ever since the war terror began its march across Europe the capitalist press of Canada, acting on behalf of the capitalist class has done its utmost to create a war spirit and arouse a patriotic cry, calling upon the workers o& Canada to go forth and spill their blood in the interests of the Master Class. We desire to emphasize the fact that this war, as all modern wars, is being waged be tween international capitalists, representing ajs it does a struggle to" Secure markets for the'disposal of the stolen" products of labofc it can therefor^ be of no real interest to the working class. Since capitalism is based upon wage labor and capital, the working class receiving tn the Bhape of wages but"sufficient to maintain a bare existence,"and the ever increasing surplus product taken from labor strengthening as it does the position of the capitalist as a social parasite, we appeal to the workers of Canada to refrain from lending any assistance in this'war. Let the MASTERS fight their' own battles. We further wish to emphasize that the pre sent is an opportune time of getting a larger measure of knowledge as to your true position in society. This is being pointed out every where by the Socialists, on the street corners, in halls and through the party press. This knowledge is of vital interest. It will un fold to you the difference between social existence and social progress. Yours in the revolution. Executive Committee, S.D.P. (1)

The time had passed, however, for dispassionate, argument, for "appeals to reason" and for a calm study of the position of the worker in society. The questions nov/ at issue cut too deep for that. A split soon became apparent in Canadian Socialism. On the one hand were those who proposed an abandon ment of the internationalist position, and a read- mission of the idea of patriotism into the principles of the party. The Winnipeg "Voice" supported this view. An article dated Oct. 30th. 1914 contains an apology for the position taken by European socialists on the war. "It must be frankly admitted," it says, "that the socialists have not been able to live up to the theories they professed. It used to be argued that the workers of any country had absolutely no interests in common with their capitalist rulers and therefore no incentives to defend the integrity of their nation. Events have shown this doctrine to be unsound...... Workmen starve when their employers lose control of markets, and they die from wounds, pestilence and famine when their country *s invaded." Canadian socialists who took this view tended to v/ithdraw from the old organizations and if they took any part in politics, to cooperate with labour "moderates" rather than wtth their old associates. The other wing of the Canadian movement was that represented by the executives of both Dominion (1) This is quoted in the Winnipeg "Voice" Aug. 28th. 1914. Also in Cahan, "Soc. propaganda in Canada," p.5. parties. **e h^ve Quoted the laanifesto of the ôoiel lemocrets. In the Socialist ârty of Canada pro-wrr sentiment found abort shrift. In a post mortem article after th© collapse of the Winnipeg local in 1916, the Winnipeg "Voice" remarks, "in our opinionjaothing ha~ retarded the growth of Socialise in Canada more than intolerance within the morement # Sinee the war broke out there hare been several exrulsi n« from the ".".of C. for 'nationalism* Members have ben excelled for expressing pro sily sympathies Yet Sngel s in 1871 desired to join the French army to resist "ruseia. Marx advised the French workers thot their first duty in the crisis was to support the national government." In the face of the public enthusiasm for the war, the uropaganda of the Son ialist8 foiand but little acceptance. The movement dwindled. The S.P.of C. ac ears to h; ve been reduced to little more than o skeleton organization. Its propaganda was la êly driven uhderground. Conditions in the social Democratic "ârtywere somewhat different. Itr English speaking mem bership, strongest in the loyalist province of Ontario, fell off even nore raoidly than that of th© °.P.ofC. But among the "foreign language" locals, and the S.T.". was always the arty of the non English eueaklng socialist, its work was les? hindnred. Ag a 8 ecimen of the anti-war propaganda of the"Sooi&l Democrats, i$ay be ouoted the following:- They hive opened Hell. The rude god of war gallops acrosi the world in a sad le of ate 1, and ®neer& and laughs in srage glee. Be wa'es in blood. His own &

sweet music is the rattle of rifles and a million sobs and groans from broken hearts. Brute force rales sup reme, and, to the roar of Christim cannon,\thrusts brotherhood off the stage. Morally, capitalist civil ization stands fessxxxxx ragged bankrupt before the world• mockingly mumbles a prayer for help and grinds its sword for the throat of 1 bor. The Hague ^eace Conference is a drooling stutter ing bankrupt. The Christian Church is palsied, stag gering in its peverty of influence to stop the blood gushing from a million wounds, while 8hristian cannon are battering down the Christian spires and altars of hurone. Capitalism wallows in the stinking filth of its own chaos. Atttly rasy we sneer at the pomp and parade called civilization now in sudden and shemeful collao se. These are the saddest and the bitterest hours in all the upwerd climb of the human family from savagery to the dawn of the HET TI.'-iE. A few millions of the proletariat, (workers) scorning creed,color race and national boundaries,, in this sublime new day, were learning to utter a ory, an international call, "Comrade." These are indeed the saddest and :nost shameful days in human history. Jealous groups of greedy parasites in Europe are quarreling fiercely, ferociously quarreling - to hold stolen lands, to get more lands, to have more subjects, to have more creators of wealth, to secure more wage slaves, to secure more markets, to get more profits, to get more honors, more wealth, more power,place and plunder. Crowned ruffians and greedy Caesars of Industry have given the order, the foul and cruel order. Millions are in arms for the honor and enrichment and fattening of these jealous groups of social parasites. Millions more are steeling their soul* for the carnage. Millions ere shaking the earth with their heavy tread as they rush across the world in ferocious lust of blood. What shall we do? 4tf

These are awful hours and at such a time the supreme question is: What shall we do? We must not s sit in dumb silence and in stupid selfishness. Hever was the pfcblic mind so ^ide as it is How. Hever were the average working man and woman more easily sppsoaeh- able and reachable than How. Hever v/as the worker more eager for interpretation of the meaning of war and militarism. Let the Socialists everywhere hold street meetings and hall meetings. Unfold to the workers the true meaning of war. Let those who make war - go to war."

Mu:nerou8 pacifist pamphlets from ^nerican sources .perhaps the best knownof which wae"fhe Good Soldier" by Jach London, (1) were wideiy distributed. Cottonfs Weekly, which was transferred to Toronto in 1915, and renamed the "Canadian Forward" served as a medium of publication for many of these. As would be imagined, the political activities of the Canadian Socialist parties fell off rapidly. In the Manitoba elections of 1915 three socialist candidates were nomineted; two Social Xemocrfts^ in Winnipeg North, (where there was a heavy foreign vote), and one member of the v. .of C for one of the two seats in Winnipeg centre. Mr. R.A.Rigg, Social PemocraMc candidate in Winnipeg north, a labour "moderate" was elected and the other member of the S.T-.~. also oiled a good vote. The P.^.of C. ,vote was small. In the British Columbia provincial elections of 1916 there were, so far as I have been able to ascertain, but three socialist candidates, of whom one was re-elected. This eledtion marked the final overthrow of the Conser vative (Bovser) government, but where the Socialist Party had at one time hop^d to be the only possible alternative, they were now obliged to give piece to the Liberals. In fact, the Socialist members in the House, realizing the impossibility of their party mustering by itself suff icient strength to overturn the Bowser government appear tib have joined forces with the liberals in a campaign (1) See appendix % This pemphlet has always been a favorite with socialist propagandists, end was circulated in Canada long before the war. m%

of opposition. In the course of this campaign, llr. barker V Illiaras , Soc. Pern. M.L.A. made an interesting summary of fourteen years of Sooialist political activity in the rovince. He sai4. in part, "While I have to step outside the Socialist party I am not in any sense repudiating its theories. Its uncompromising attifude is, however, not satisfactory and partioulerly so when that attitude har %eea such a weapon in the unbui ding of the Conservative party. It was not the Tfcry party that smashed the Liberals, it was the Socialist patty The Bowser government swept the field, (191£) simply because the Socialist "^arty s-nlit UP the opposition voters throughout the province. The Socialists of this province have for the past few years been the victims of every conceiv able outrage at the hands of this government . They have been black-listed, jailed, ill treated and scorn ed throughout the length and breadth of the province. And the Socialists by their uncompromising attitude were actually building up the machine wMeh was so effectively to be used against them." So the old Socialist parties sank :nto the back ground, end the word "Socialism" became a popular synonym for "pacificist" and "pro-German." In the mean time the great war dragged on its weary pace. For the gallantry of the Canadian con tingents the Dominion paid a toeafry price. Voluntary recruiting was pushed to the utmost but there were limits, end by the third year of the war the stream of new reoruits was ebbing steadily. There was no ebb tide in the Casualty lists, however, and conscript ion, which had once seemed impossible, became the quest ion of the moment . Since the war began, each successive convention of the Trcdes and Labour Congress of Canada had de nounced conscription. In 1915 a resolution was carried reading, in part, as follows: "without &n£ qualification conscription is antagonistic to the labour interest an(1d) is "Voiceeouali"y Marat varianc. 3rd. e1916 wit.h the fundamental prin ciples of constitutional freedom. It is a veiled serf dom, a mere reducing iihe free and independent citizen to th© level of the slaves.Consequently the T.&.L.C. cannot too emphatically register it-* disapproval of even the remotest attempt at fogroed enlistment." In 1916 this resolution was reaffirmed. The so-called "National regisrstion scheme" of this year was largely opposed 6n the ground that it would lead to conscript ion, and it was only on# receipt of a pledge fron the ^rime minister that the National Registration oarde would not be usod for such a purpose that the officials of the T.jb L.C. gave the plan their approval, Zv&n then, however, they were sevei&y criticized by the Trades &n& Labour councils of Montreal and 7/inuiueg, trid hj the eocialist cov.noil of Vancouver. On May ICth. 1917, the prime minister, Sit* Robert Borden, announced his intention of introducing a compulsory service act. On the same day Mr. Jas. Simpson, in hie c^paoity as vice-president of the T.« L.C. issued the following statement. "The gov ernment has not co remanded the respect and confidence of the labor organizations of Canada in Its admin istration of the country's affairs during this crisis...... He, (the orine minister) has not taken the organized labor monement into hie confidence, nor has he conferred with Labor's chief representatives and until such time as he does we are justif ied in assuming thct oo; soription is unnecessary." Meet ings of protest against the proposed act were held in great numbers in labour circles.(particularly in the "est) On June 14th. the Socialist president of the T.^.L.C. issued a further manifesto: The g estest service that Canada c^n ren der the Allies is to conscript (not borrow) the wealth of the nation, to take over and operate the ^ines, railroads, munition works and other e-fstablisbmentsnecoRsary to the pro secution of the war, (including the Banking system) to eliminate the last vestige of pro fiteering, thus giving the nation the bene fit , instead of the profiteer,of the work done. I consider it my duty to sound e v;aming vetos th teo organizebe schackled workerd withs thnoet chainto permis otf themsel conscription." In the meantime the Trades and Labour Councils of Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg and Montreal had denounced the premier's action, the position taken by the Vancouver council end tie British Columbia Federation of Labour being that a general strike should be called in protest. In June 1917 the Military Service Act was passed bylthe Dominion Parliament and immediately put into effect. The passing- of the M.S.A. was an event of consider able importance to Canadian socialism. It may even be regarded as the first of the series of incidents which have ovif ?JhEQQd te tbrans format he Canadian movement from one of evolution to one of revolution. Conscription brought many Canadian socialists for the first time face to face with the lav. The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada met in convention at Ottawa on Sept. 12th. 1917. It soon became apparent that the bulk, of the trades union membership in the east were not prepared to go as far in opposition to the government as were those of the west. Resolutions were passed in favor of the "conscription of wealth as well as men" and recti eating representation for labor on all tribunals set up under the M.S.A. but further than this the Congress wo Id not go. It contented itself with enphatically opposing " any development in the en forcement of this legislation which will make for industrial conscription." A resolution proposing that no supoort be given to the act until the principle of conscript ion of wealth had been recognized was vote^d down. On the Other hand, when a straight vote was taken to'*get the feeling of the convention" on con scription, all but twenty of the delegates rose in oppos ition. But from£the standpoint of Canadian socialism the most important action of the Congress was its decision to imitate the British Labour movement in the formation &¥

of a Canadian Labour Party. In 1906 the Congress had committed itself definitely to the principle of provindial autonomy in political action. It was now generally recognized that this had not brought about the desired results. At the 1917 convention the Executive committee,in a report on political/action, expressed itself as follows: "all are of the opinion th&t the time has arrived when the workers of Canada should follow British prededent and organize a labour party on such a basis that trades tnioniets, socialists, fabians, cooperators and farmers can unite to promote legislation in the general interests of the wealth pro ducers of the nation." It so happened that on July 1st, 1917, at a con vention held at Hamilton Ont. a "Provincial Labor Party" had been organized by a group of independents. Ihis example on the part of the Ontario workers, said the Executive committee, should be followed in the diff erent provinces. This action on the part of the Congress was largely determined by the knowledge that a Dominion general election on the question of conscription was to be held within a few months. Before the end of the year branches of the Canadian Labour ?rrty had been formed in Saskatchewan, (Hov. 9th. 1917,) anft,wjith the cooperation of the local Social Democratic org anization, in Quebed. (Nov.3rd.1917) On December 17th. 1917 came the elections. The position of the Labour and Socialist candidates was one of straight opposition to conscription. But in fche contest they were severely handicapped 1. By lack of funds and organization. £. By the fact fchat almost without exception the Canadian press supported the government. 3. By the "#ar Times Election Act." a special franchise act passed for this election which, while 6fy

it gave the franchise to female relatives of enlisted ^nen, withheld it from naturalized aliens of enemy nationality, v/hoee oitisenehis had been secured since 19&E. In all, some 36 labour *.n& socialist candidates were nominated, eight of these being Socialists or Social Democrats. The total socialist vote was a mere 9,700, but even this was no indication of the feebleness of the party. The vote these eight candidates received was a labour rather than v. cooialist one. Two "labour" candidates were elected. All the "Socialists" were dif&vted. Conscription was overwhelmingly endorsed. The 1917 election had t?o important effects UP on the Canadian Socialist Tiovement. In the first place it showed that Canadian Organized Labour, despite a membership ht over 100,000, ( as compared with 136,000 in lfcli ) was still politically a eioh*r. It ^as from a growing realization of this fact that the late : movement for "direct action" was largely &ua&. In the second place the election saw the creation of a Canadian Labour Tarty, a party which w calculated to win and which did win the allegiance of mmy of those who before h the war had sup ortfrd the Social iam °* ^^e Social Democratic Tarty. (1) Deprived of Its "moderate* v

Social*.* collective ownership and de mocratic operation of the means of wealth production". (1). Officially the Socialist Party of Canada did not recognize the new organization. Indeed some of the leaders of the Federated Labour Party talked as if its purpose were to supersede, the S. P. of C. Speaking at South Wellington, V. I. early in March, 1918, J. H. Hawthornthwaite said: "Yfhen the Socialist Party of Canada was organized I fell in line with it, but at the time ventured the prediction that it would not fill the bill. It has performed a useful educational func tion, but politically has been a failure". In the meantime the S. P. of C. quietly continued its cam paign of education. On March 29th came the organization of an official Ontario branch of the Canadian Labour Party.(as dis- tince from the 1917 organization previously referred to). An attempt made to include in the platform a declara tion recognizing the class struggle and aiming at "the abolition of the capitalist system and the establishment of a Socialist commonwealth" was, however, defeated by 129-60, and the convention contented itself with vaguer declarations.(2). But the true secret of the revival of Socialist ac tivity and the mainspring of the movement from now on was the enthusiasm generated by the Russian Revolution. The overthrow of the Eerensky Government and the estab lishment of the Soviet regime had two effects on war time Socialist propaganda. In the first place the Soviet Government stoodE for the "dictatorship of the Proletariat for the triumphant issue -e-f the class war, and'for the (1) B.C.- Fed.(2) C.A.R Feb.. l/l81918 p. 343. immediate realization of all that revolutionary Socialism had looked forward to as the millenium. Bolshevism meant "Socialism now:" "Bolshevism is revolutionary preaching translated into revolutionary deeds". Theeffect of this was greatly to strengthen the class conscious revolution ary propaganda of the party. For the first time thoughts that perhaps the revolution might not be so far. >-J of. f as had once seemed began to rise in Socialist minds But Bolshevism, particularly after the Treaty of Brestlitovsk, had a second meaning. It stoof for peace, for the end of the war and in this sense alone it had a powerful effect upon the Canadian movement, and more particularly upon the foreign language locals which were comprised within it. During the first half of 1918 the effect of the Russian revolution appears to have shown itself more in the intensification of Socialist activity, particularly among the foreign language bodies than in any attempt to adopt the principles, as yet unfamiliar, of the Soviet system. Almost the only news concerning conditions in Russia v/as obtained through the medium of the bitterly hostile "Capitalist" press. This, to be sure, soon led to the not unnatural reaction among Socialists, that since the capitalists were continually attacking the Bolsheviki there must be good in the movement. Speak ing for the newly organized Federated Labour Party in Vancouver, J. H. Hawthornthwaite declared that "the hope of'the world today is in the Bolsheviki. Russia is one country where the red flag of labour floats from the summit". And on March 8th the British Columbia Federa- tionist spoke as follows: "The intention of the Russian Bolsheviki to repudiate the debt contracted by previous governments of that country has caused quite a flutter of alarm in the dovecotes of ruling class thieves. And the alarm is amply justified for if such a precedent were once established and carried out to its logical conclu sion, the 6H^3?ie entire superstructure of bourgeois flim flam and swindle would crash to the ground, and the soft soap of living on the plunder taken from slaves un der the pretense of payment and the humbug of moneylbe brought to an end." — v But the direct influence of Huesian examples is more clearly seen in the rapidly mounting stream of foreign language propaganda which now began to circulate in Can ada. „he general tone of this literature was of hither to unmatched violence. ?his is test seen from one or Xa ple A Eut rr^+t ? !:^ henian specimen distributed from tn^âl pitied "fountains of bodies and rivers of blood" reads in part as follows: >ionITv'SnJ:y"th^& millions of the most beatttful +« E- humanity are led out on to the battlefield million^terel - to unavoidable death; These millions are for the second year already killing each tt^tAAmUSeAhe or0wnea kiaely heads; to eatieS tt lnfc ca Au^tr^ »" S ^ Pital*istB, Germans English Austri-ans Hussians,.French and other nations ' ^he soldiers are piercing,, one another's chest* e ln€ adS f r neW explo it^ ?1 ° °^sea6 marFets for têir So I,™?*'" and tlngs- fcr new crowns and *f °?eS' £Cr honoure of generals, for h^niness of rr 7 he g0ds the Nations of°tr - ^ ' working Ba^ an! popu- one another t?tAT. ?f •*"'^rope. Ire murderinf one another!" 7 h° ^ never barrelled with B Another extract from the same pamphlet continues: crowing about the bodies of ouV Sr^r^*" be a ti-.ie of s^tti «™^+ 4-. brothers. There will Judgment andêXfetariatVll llft^ ^ will use his o--.'n a™ wiiTC nd the war- Ee i-is tyrants a'd destroyers ^v o^ i:lm' againSt f the working class, the tteoneTwill ?M ?v ••'ill be thrown from the heads \la lA ^ crowns creatures and tie anM.nt M^/ °ther iûman off the face of the earth Z&7 ll**™ wil1 disappear imprisoned ones r u 1*1 the heads of the don will wave and all wi?f £ *rot^rhood and free- the new powers ofsocialism. *PPy Md eClual in peoplf are'f triving^lind'which *£?,?""?*. suffering the semblance of a great I„if certainly come in Revolution." g holy war- nanel, Social 7*

A Ukranian example, also-published in Montreal, de nounces both religion and war. "The Eagle (representing War)" it says "tears the human body; and the priest the human soul.^ As to flags there are only two real ones in the war; -the red flag of Socialism and the black flag of Capitalism; therefore there are also two warring camps, the camp of the Proletariat and the camp of Capitalism. The Capitalists know well what they are fight ing for; they know that the victor will receive rich soil, cheap labor and a larger market to dis pose of their wares, while the Proletariat spills his blood for the Capitalist." Finally it may be sufficient to quote some sentences from a Russian specimen published at Toronto: "The capitalists are setting on the wGrkingmen of one country against the workingmen of another country, in order to strengthen their power against the v/orkingmen of the whole world. The capitalists are conducting war for conquests and for the weaken ing of workingmen by means of disrupting them. Therefore, they are lying, those who are talking about defence of freedom and Fatherland in this war. In order to defend the freedom and right, to defend the interests of working class in this war, there is only one way; accord between the workingmen of all countries and their common struggle against capitalists the struggle for establishing socialistic society.M{•!)-. "If the Russian, German, and the workingmen of all warring nations say so-, then there will be no more power in the world, which will permit the bloodshed to continue, then peace will come from itself. It is necessary only that each soldier at the war, every workingman in the factory would explain to him self, he is not my enemy, wfco like myself, in his country, is destitute of rights, who is oppressed by capital, whose life is a struggle for daily bread. My enemy is in my own country. And this enemy - is common with the workingman of all the countries. This enemy - capitalism, this enemy, the greedy, grafting class government, this lawless enemy of the working class. Comrade-workingman, the private of the enemy's army, I know that you are not my adversary. Shake hands, comrade.1 We are both victims of slander and backoppression. Let . us Outurr ncommo the n barrelchiefs enemof you ri s carbinebehinds ouanrd guns against our true, our- common enemies." (l). For all these people Russia was the new symbol of freedom and the autocracy of Czardom had been replaced by the autocracy of the Canadian government. The re sentment awakened when later in the year it was announ ced that a Canadian detachment would be sent to cooperate with the anti-Bolshevik forces in Russia can well be imagined . At length the rising tide of anti-war activity, and the, increasing virulence of the foreign language pro paganda forced themselves upon the attention of the Gov ernment. The first action taken by the Administration was under the authority of the War Measures Act and the consolidated orders respecting censorship.(2). By these regulations, objectionable matter was defined as includ ing "any false report or false statement concerning the. cause or the operation of the present war". A maximum penalty of $5000.00 fine or 5 years imprisonment were provided for infringement. Under these censorship or ders steps were finally taken to suppress "seditious" literature. Action was taken first to stop the importa tion of foreign publications into the Dominion, and later (July) a few individuals were fined and imprisoned for circulating them. The comments of the Socialist press were bitter. "In fact", said the British Columbia Federationist of May 10th, "it is seditious to think, speak or act as though you had ever a sneaking idea that you were anything above the level of a cringing crawling and servile tool, owned body and soul by those whom divine providence has appointed to rule over you, and direct your pathway to the cannon's mouth for the good of your country, as well as of your own immortal soul". Two weeks later the Federationist contained the fol lowing: "In the face of the already terrible world con ditions, conditions that are easly daily and hourly becoming worse, what other result than rebellion and revolt can be reasonably expected among the slaves of this ruling class regime whose sufferings (1) The foregoing extracts are taken from "Socialistic Propaganda (2)Canada, Canada" Gazettepp. 18,, 19Ja,n 2127, 191722. . 17

are becoming accentuate! each day. Can a mad 'ruling glass" world long continue the delectable process of murdering and destroying upon the present unprecedented scale without bringing down it s entire establishment of slavery, plunder md. piracy upon it8 own head?" July saw another significant development. At the end of this month the Winnipeg "Voice", a mildly socialistic lsbour journal, was taken over by the Winnipeg Trades and Labour Council, and was transformed into the "Eastern Labour HewsV A more radical policy was at once inetituted and a more radical editor,- the Rev. "'m. Ivens, obtained. On August 9th. one week after its first issue, the new jjourasl showed its quality. In an editorial entitled The handwriting on the wall" the editor ventured a somewhat veiled prophecy of the imnenenoe of a revolution. Soon, however, the government intervened. On August 6th, 1918 the Chief ^ross Censor informed the management of the BritishbColumbia Federationist that their paper ôuld be suppressed if the censorship regulations were not carried out. A few days later the same warning was given to the Western Labour ITews. In each case compliance was promised. But the wheels of state weê now moving with unwonted rapidity. Influenced, no doubt, by the drastic action which the Federal end. State governments of the United States /n \ were now taking against "unlawful as socistions" and part ly, also, by some reel alarm at the extent to itfciofc revolut ionary sentiment was developing in Canada, the Dominion Government on September 25th. 1918, issued an Order in Council, (Ho. 2384) to the effect that the followiz^ organizations should. "*hile Canada is engaged in w£r, be deemed unlawful associations, viz. (a) The Industrial Workers of the World. The Social Democratic Tarty. The Russian Sooial Democratic ârty. The Russian Revolutionary Grou-n. The Russian Sooial Revolutionists. The Russian Workers Union. The Ukrainian Revolutionary Gfcouo. •^ne Ukrainian Social Democratic ârty. The Social Labour Party. Group of Social Democrats of Bolsheviki. (1) On May 6th. the U.S. had banned the I.w.w. and "any changorganizatioe unlawfully.n which " purposeR.L.Od. 1&18by physica, p. 36l. force to brin* about ?r

Group of Social Temocrats of Anarchists. The Workers International Industrial Union. Chinese nationalist League. Chinese Labour Association. and any subsidiary association branch or committee of either of the said unlawful associations by what ever name called or described; or (b) Any association, organization or cor oration which, while Canada is engaged in the war, should have for one of its purposes the bringing about of any governmental political, social,industrial, or economic change within Canada by the use of force, violence or physical injury to person or property, or threatened such injuryîn order to acoomolich such change. (1) The penalty was a maximum fine of £5,000 or imprison ment for five years. A word may/t e said as to the aature of the different organizations referred to in the Order in Council. With the I.r.W. and the Social lemocratic vi rty we are, of course, familiar. The Russian Social Democratic Party and the Ukrainian Social Democratic ârty were two of the "for eign language" branches of the ?.D.r. The "Social Labour ârty" is the American Socialist Labour "ârty of whom there were still a few members in Canada, while the Workers International Industrial Union is the S.L.P. or "Detroit" branch of the original I.T".w. At the time of its prohib ition there was but one local of the W.I.I.U. in Canada. The Russian Workers Union appears to have been a foreign language organization, claiming some £0 branches and with an alleged Canadian membership of £0,000 which had sought affiliation with the Trades and Labour Congress In 1918 but which had had its renuest refused. 7/ith the other Russian organizations I am not frmiliar. The "Anarchist" group and the two Chinese organizations were not, strictly speaking, socialist organizations at all. A curious feature is the absence of all direct reference to the S.P.of C. Following hhe order in council further action was taken against "seditious" literature. On October 5th. (1) For a copy of this section of the Order in Council in its final form see Appendix.~E, a pamphlet published by the Alberta S. P. of C. entitled "A reply to the press lies concerning the Russian situa tion" was prohibited, (l) , and on the same date the "Can adian Forward", the official organ of the S. D. P. was banned. A fortnight later (October 19) the"Western Clarion", official organ of the S. P. of C. was also pro scribed. In the meantime a further step in the war against sedition had been taken by the Government. On October 7, 1918, an^[ order in council (TJo. 2476) announced the creation of the "public safety branch" of the Department of Justice, to be presided over by a "Director of Public Safety". The order in council constituting this new body defined the duties of the Director in the following words:- "Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the director, subject to departmental authority and direction, to admin ister, direct and supervise the enforcement of the laws, orders and regulations respecting aliens, unlawful pub lications, and unlawful associations, assemblies or meet ings, r.n<± the laws, orders and regulations intended or designed to suppress or extirpate enemy, revolutionary or seditious propaganda, espionage or any malevolent activ ity, whether conceived and directed by the enemy or otherwise, whereby public order or safety may be endangered or prejudiced " Mr. C. H. Cahan, K.C. , of Montreal, was appointed Director of Public Safety. The purpose of the new branch was undoubtedly to co ordinate the Government's activities against the "forces of disorder". In his work, however, the new director found hi-self somewhat handicapped by the conflict of juris diction between provincial authorities (whose duty it was to administer the orders in council above referred to) and the Dominion Government; by the lack in Eastern Canada of any organization similar to the Royal North West Mounted Police of the V/est, and by the very width and vagueness of his prescribed powers. In the face of the gathering storm, a last minute attempt appears to have been made to patch up the differ ences existing- between the different Socialist grouns and to present a unite! front. In September, 1918, the""Marxian n-Crn^St orPantr°J the__little"Revolutionary Society -arty (1) Can.of nort Gaztftep.h Americ a1295. of Toronto , urged the calling- of a convention to unite tne various revolutionary bodies then existing. Instead of localizedr-spasmodic efforts", it said"we need a country-wide effort, instead of mere philosophizing we need political action". Resolutions favouring sucn a conference appear to have been passed by the Manitoba and Alberta provincial executives^ the S. P. of C. and by many locals of the

t lat t( save th s On octnWi?H r° ? \ ^ - D. P.. however. ??• ™2+ 19JhA,lB?ao Bainbridge, assistant secretary of on crtrles o?dh^.°ther 5°cialists were arrested in Pronto on charges of belonging to an unlawful association and of sa^nf "bjeCti?mble mtter in their Possession" On ?he

o-«t» „£ f? . -oreigner8) were sentenced to an aearre- Ssewhfre ?uv Jr*'18?™"* aad flned *" ,700.00^ sf6" edZp'r'r t + e r?re EOne co^iotions, those arrest ed were .or the most part remanded pending word from Ottawa. „,.+,• „In the ?eantir,!e Protests against ti.e Government'*

loud in condemnation. Besides the l^our A AAA 'All' 6re said the CitiSf "are or ehoJia8? * «A^ "A*™^*™". ^Social Democrat,Party'ae treyare to *n^r+? *S •'0in the K XJL-S.- mey are to „,oin tne Conservative (1) S. I. B. Oct. 4/18. (2 K. I. 5. ITov. 8/18. (S) I quote from one pf the circulars issued. 0 0

party or the Nationalist- party. The Director of Public Safety should, of course, arrest agents of sedition^, whether Socialistic or Clerical, but no British community can be expected to tolerate a Prussian policy of arrest ing people because of their political opinion". "Whether capitalism should be or can be abolished", said the "Star" "is not the question at issue. What is certain is that it is not a crime to propose such a change or to form a party for the purpose of bringing it about, and if it is made a crime by order in council that is a flagrant usurpation of power". "One of the worst features of the order in council is that its enforcement is left to local prosecutors, policemen and magistrates, who are not acknowledged legal authorities and are often governed merely by prejudice. The victims are left without the protection of a jury or of a judge whose standing as a jurist qualifies him to decide upon a question of great importance involving the liberty of opinion". Influenced, doubtless, by such criticisms, the Govern ment decided upon a modification of its policy. Instructions were issued that all cases wheifethe accused were charged merely with being members of an unlawful association were to be dropped. Prosecutions were to be based solely on the charge of possessing prohibited literature. As a result most of those arrested were, after long remands, discharged from oust ody. In Toronto, for example, only 6 out of the 24 arrested finally came up for trial. In the sentences awarded, a rather invidious distinction was Lade between the English speaking and the foreign members of the S. P. P. The three English speaking menbers charged with having forbidden literature in their possession (1) were released on suspended sentence, while the three foreigners received sentences ranging from 3 to 12 months. On November l£th the Government, amended the original order in council re unlawful associations by stril ing out the name of the Social Democratic Party of Canada and including in its place the Finnish Social Democratic Party and the Revolutionary Socialist Party of North America.(2). On November 16th the Toronto "Marxian Socialist" pub lished by the Revolutionary Socialist Party of North America, was banned. As the year went on, there were numerous arrests (1)(2) SeAmonge orde whichr in counciwas a lcopy 2786 ofin Plate'sappendix .Republici and convictions under the order in council in various parts of the Dominion. ~ In concluding this section, a word may be said as to the final effect of the action of the Government on the Social Democratic Party of Canada. As we have seen, the order in council of November 13th, restored its freedom to the S, D. P. The benefit of this was more apparent than real. The strength of the S. D. P. had alv/ays been in the "foreign language" locals and these (the Russian, Ukranian and Finnish S. D's) were still prohibited. Among the Finns alone there were over 60 branches of the party, and among the Ukranians even more. The effect of Government proscription was to break up these organizations, and with them to destroy tne S. D. P. The Englsih speaking remnant of the party, joined by members of the defunct Revolutionary Socialist Party of North America, appear to have revised their pre-war platform, struck out the "immediate demands", and to have made overtures to the S. P. of C. with a view to union. Further than this I have been unable to trace them.With the passing of the Sr- Df-organization and the growth of moderate labour parties, revolutionary socialism was reduced to a number of more or less isolated groups, without a common platform or policy. co clu ion U be ,.v *JL ?r 5 ^^ briefly noted that on January * l?19i r* Cahan* the Erector of Public Safety, resigned and the branch was abolished. On April 12/19, the order in ' council re unlawful association was repealed, Socialism in the West, 1918 ~ 19 Direct Action,

ôvenenfiSateirfeSL8^8 F fdch the Socialist zation broken *~ toe aStftn^? êc*ed.and its organi- nion Go It is now necessary to turS 0L»tA°''^ ^rnSent. t tlon to the what different fate which at2SLi!(J £? some- Socialists in the West! tended the activities of ite effectsôHhe^radeÛn^4 ^fi^ °PPOs- êstern Canadf. I^t^KÊS^^*" a"d nora conservative th« 4^7.,- ûp becaEie more and izations ^riarg4lyhLstrove2 lA/A^ S?clallst or^»- noderate labour parties Int^ *heir teken hV »»« the other hand, theSoIialiat P^?0'6^^1^1 West» « retired somewhat into the Wv^y,°'f 0anA^. though it influence upon Western ifWr S r?di "»ln*aiae« anong Socialists a discontlnt wit^ttf " ^"adian. political action! The evtntan? ft**? re6ulta of Purely the election of £917 could LAAÂ^' oulninating i„7 ten if such f el It was not unnaturalSmt the o ) 0V? f ? * *nf its influence in the ranks of fiL'Sf Cl ?hould contrast *- impotence in CanadfanôlitiL ^'?? U^r with "• tion had always teenoLofMH !ts ofrlcial posi- dioalism and to a policy tesed «,r.?ntag0?laB to »&"• or direct action. But ioStiti J? °n industrial peared so hopeless as in tt» , } a°tlon tod never a;:- opex-ss as in the late war period of 191; o~t,

*~fa**i there was now onlv one MH»„ „„„ ^ . executive of t>,« ~=~ * policy open to the (1) Winnipegf th STrial*, Party+ " tCrown0 ^1 exhibit™ its principle 384. s and to make use of the weapons immediately at hand. To quote the Dominion Secretary of the party, (l) MAs a means of voicing the aspiration of labour, parliament ary representation is, at present, anyway, a failure, but the issues at stake today are too vital for our movement to stand aside impotently, while all the resource of the bourgeois state are wielded ruthlessly to stamp it out. - So we must use what means we can and make the very best use of them." This change of face was rendered more feasible by the bitterness engendered bjr the Government's policy of censorship and suppression. A manifesto of the party issued late in 1918 bears witness to the new attitude. Extracts from it are as follows:- "The politics of the working class are com prised within the confines of the class struggle, and conversely, the class struggle is necessarily waged within the political field. By this statement we do not imply that the political action of the working class must be limited within the bounds of constitu tional convention or of parliamentary procedure, nor that the means employed in waging the class struggle must everywhere be the same.w "Political action^ we define^ as any action taken by the slave classes against the master class to obtain control of the powers of state, or by the master class to obtain control, using those powers to secure them in the means of life. For one country it may be the ballot, in another the mass strike, in a third, insurrection. "These matters will be determined and dictated by the exigencies of time and place.M And in further elucidation of th£ general attitude the comment of the Western labour Hews is instructive, (24th January,1919.) f,At one time we thought that the constitu tion of Canada allowed us to come under the first cate gory "{i.e. those countries where the ballot alone was necessary) "but nowadays we are in doubt. Our masters (1) Winnipeg Trial, Crown exhibit 98. make it illegal for us to own Socialist literature, to take part in Socialist meetings, or to talk Socialism. It has practically made it unconstitutional to be a Socialist, hence other methods will have to be evolved; and while we would like the old ballot way, if we cannot h have it we will again turn to our grand old guide, the "Communist Manifesto", The alternative to revolution by the ballot is "one in which the working class will wrest; power from the present ruling class - a revolution which would culminate in a proletariat dictator ship". To attain this end the method now to be adopted was, in the words of the Manifesto, the "mass strikef,» But there were great obstacles to attaining a sufficient unity of action on the part of Canadian organized labour. To begin with, there was the craft organization of the American Federation of labour, and of the Canadian Trades and Labour Congress. The sub stitution of industrial unionism was an almost essential step in the preparation for united action. Craft union ism stresses divisions; industrial unionism lays the emphasis on class consciousness. The I.W.W, and the Syndicalists, whose methods were now to be so closely followed, had made organization by industry instead of by craft a cardinal principle. The fact that the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada had in 1911 endorsed the principle of indus~ trial unionism by a Vote of seventy to fifty-two might have been taken by the Western organization as an augury of some measure of success. The event was to prove, however, that pre-war resolutions were no criterion of post-war opinions. The 1918 Trades and Labour Congress met at Quebec on September l6th. From the first it was appar ent thit there was to be a struggle for control between radical delegates from the West and those from the more conservative East. It was not long, moreover, before it became obvious that the West was to be beaten all along the line. The Congress refused to vote for the repeal of conscription; it voted down resolutions asking f for the release of conscientious objectors, and propos ing the abolition of interest on War bonds. It even H

shelved a resolution protesting against Allied inter vention in Russia. The climax, from the Western Social^ ists1 standpoint, was reached when the convention re pudiated the idea of industrial unionism by a large majority, and replaced its Socialist president and vice- president by a more conservative executive. The split between East and West had become open and apparent to all. Western radicalism from now on would have to depend on its own resources. Even yet, however^ the idea of a definite break with the Trades and Labour Congress appears to have been by no means general. The chagrined western delegates contented themselves by holding a meeting after the con ference at which it was decided to recommend to all the labour organizations of the four western provinces that a conference of representatives should be held before the next convention of the Congress. It was explicitly stated that the proposal was not intended as a secessional or separatist movement, but was designed to allow the western unions more clearly and fully to present their views at the 1919 Congress. A committee of five was appointed to organize the following convention. As we have seen, the months immediately succeed ing the Quebec conference saw the proscription of Social ist^ organizations and the prohibition of seditious literature. Though not specifically mentioned as an unlawful association, the work of the Socialist Party of Canada was somewhat hampered. Its official publication, the "Western Clarion? was banned on October 4th,1918. many of its meetings were forbidden, and its headquarters were raided for forbidden literature. Nevertheless, its activity continued, and after the armistice expanded rapidly, In the place of the "Western Clarion", the "Red Flag" was issued, and when this too was seized, the name was again changed.(1). Literature barred from the mails was shipped by express.(2). The demand for qualified speakers both from Canadian points and the border State of Washington, exceeded the supply. The Winter of 1918-19 ushered in a period of ferv$dt Socialist activity. In the words of the Secretary of the Dominion propagand(1)(2executiv) Winnipeg" ea committeebein Trial,g«" carrie^ "aCrownMH d n oimmenseln exhibitithaMi n yeve292Q1 greate 1r223.# before"r quantit. (3)y. of *

It is not possible to do more than touch upon some of the salient points of the propaganda -which characterizes the period before the Western Conference of March,1919» There are, however, certain phases of it which are of especial interest. The armistice was welcomed by the Western Labour Hews in typical expressions:- "Revolution in Russia, Revolution in Austria, Revolution in Bulgaria, Revolution in that benighted country where we were told the tame slaves of the Kaizer would never revolt. Questions arise* What country will be the next? How far will the Revolution spread? Can it be avoided in Canada? A pregnant question that last, but one not to be avoided. »•••• Misery born of injustice is the cause of Revolution...... Today the statesmen of the world may choose "justice" or "revolution" - tomorrow it may be too late." (l) The British Columbia Federationist took a some what different attitude:- "If Marx is correct we are on the verge of a financial catastrophe the like of which the world has never known, The working class can no longer be employed to produce things for sale. The market is gone* now that the War is stopped.* The munition plants,etc., will soon be so much junk. The wealth of the capitalist is non-existent. He posseses bits of paper v/ith figures upon them, but to make the slaves produce for him goods that he can sell on the markets of the world for suffic ient to realize interest on the figures, is beyond him". (2). A feature of the reviving Socialist campaign was the number and enthusiasm of the meetings held through out the West. As typical of these may be taken one held at the Walker Theatre, Winnipeg, on December 22nd, 1918. Seventeen hundred people were present and large quantities of Socialist literature were distributed. The spirit of the gathering was shown in resolutions demanding the repeal of the obnoxious Orders in Council, the release of all political prisoners, and the with drawal of Allied troops from Russia, Greetings were sent to the Russian Soviet Republic, 1)2? WesternB.C.Federationist Labour Hews,, Nov.ljth.19l8 Nov.l5th,19l8,. Following other and even more enthusiastic meet ings, Socialist fervour in Winnipeg culminated in an attempt to hold a memorial service for the "martyred" German Spartacans, Rosa Luxembourg and Carl Liebknecht, This, however, precipitated a series of anti-alien riots, January 2?th,26th and 27th, in which returned soldiers were, largely concerned and which resulted in the wrecking of the offices of the Socialist Party of Canada, and in the abandonment of further meetings for some time. Meantime the campaign was carried on by the press. There were two sides to thi.3 revolutionary propaganda. The first was the constant production, or rather repro duction, for there was little that was original with the writers, of articles dealing with Bolshevism and the Russian situation. For the most part these consisted of portions of articles by Lenin, Trotsky,Martens and other authorities. The other side laid stress on the virtues of industrial unionism and direct action, and on the imminence of "the day" when the cause of the worker v/as to triumph. As an illustration of the lessons drawn from the Russian revolution, may be quoted UM. article appearing in the Winnipeg"Socialist bulletin"for January,19lg, entitled "Ourselves and Reconstruction". The opposition of the moderate Socialist and Labour parties to the Bolshevik regime and the proletarian republic is given as a reason for denouncing the Canadian Labour party as "merely an instrument to keep the worker ignorant of his slave position in society and the road to emancipa tion". Reconstruction, as regards the Socialist Party of Canada, the writer concludes, "is not one of our needs. Our position must be one of uncompromising opposition to all reform and pseudo-socialist organization, recog nizing that they are today the strongest bulwark of the now decrepit capitalist system", M) On the 24th January the Western Labour Hews defied the censorship, and announced that it was "pre pared to take the consequences in a war for liberty of expression*• On the 7th February the same journal contained He-W. For a similar view, see Vancouver "Red FlagflSApr/ig. the following:- "Capitalism has gone to seed, its decay is fully due. The time is ripe and rotten ripe for change, Reconstruction is possible only by the complete destruc tion of profit and the profit system. The workers and soldiers will soon be in this class - will be compelled to form local committees to manage the various businesses, and they will have to run it to pay expenses and supplying the needs of the people. Such is the day that approaches!! Meanwhile enthusiasm for the "mass strike" and industrial action was spreading with contagious rapidity. The Alberta Federation of Labour pledged tkdfiffilvoa to call a general strike if all political prisoners were not released within sixty days. (January l8th). On February 20th the convention of the United Mine Workers held at Calgary, endorsed similar demands, adding a ' significant resolution:- "And be it resolved that is not our final demand, but that when the opportune time comes we shall take over the coal mines ourselves, which will assure us the full product of our toilJ From now on there began to be frequent antici pations of the action to be taken by the forthcoming Western Conference, and in particular the idea of the creation of "One Big Union" came to the fore, (l) The example of Australia,where the One Big Union^movement was apparently sweeping everything before it, was fre quently cited. The Western Labour Hews of March 14th, just on the opening of the Western Conference, spoke as follows:;*- .^ "Industrial Unionism is epidemic these days. The Western Convention will follow Australia even though it does not go quite as far. It is true that the Quebec Congress, dominated by the East,pronounced against Industrial Unionism, but this particular idea it is safe (1) The idea of "One Big Industrial Union" appears to have been first popularized by the I.W.W. An early instance of the use of the term by Canadian Socialists occurred in 1911 whenfc, the Winnipeg S.D.P. urged the creation of One Big Union for an eight hour day^Voice".July 21st,1911) to say is incapable of being killed. It must be incor porated into action in the very near future and will then become one step towards the control of industry by the worker". It was apparent that the state of mind of the western worker was developing rapidly. In the words of the Winnipeg secretary of the Socialist Party of Canada, *fthe psychology of the worker is undergoing a rapid change. I myself .... find no trouble in selling literature. ....» Anything on the Russian situation is in the greatest demand," (1) Or, as the Dominion Secretary of the party expressed it, "Bolshevism is the only issue here now. Men who could not understand the philosophy of Socialism nov/ have something concrete, something tangible, and like the savages that they are, can ap preciate what they see, when before they were all at sea". 12)

(l) Winnipeg Trial, Grown exhibit 277 • 0 (2) Feby.l?th,1919. Winnipeg Trial,Crown exhibit 53o. 9/

The Calgary Conference and after. The Winnipeg Strike.

As the date set for the opening of the Calgary Conference drew near, every effort was made by the pro vincial executives of the Socialist Party of Canada to ensure the selection of Socialist delegates by the various labour bodies to be represented. Their efforts,as the event proved, met with every success. In order to ensure the presence of an even greater number of radical delegates than would have otherwise found it possible to attend, the Socialist British Col umbia Federation of labour decided to hold its own con vention at Calgary during the three days immediately preceding the opening of the conference. As indicating the influence of the Socialist Party, it is interesting to note th|t the resolutions of the B.C.Federation of Labour were substantially repeated by the V/estern Con ference. {J^b Ho clearer indication of the development of Western radicalism during the winter of 1918-19 can be given than is found in the resolutions adopted by the Calgary convention, io It was this gathering, at first intended merely as a meeting of Western delegates preparatory to the I919 convention of the trades and Labour Congress of Canada, which broke away from Eastern labour, repudiated the Trades and Labour Congress and the American Federation of Labour, and finished by creating a new and revolution ary industrial organization founded on the class struggle and in preparation for the social revolution. The spirit of the conference was faithfully reflected in the resolutions adopted, the most signifi cant of which may be summarized as follows:- 1, "The aims of labour as represented by this convention are the abolition of production for profit, and the substituting therefor of production for use". (2v, (1) There were 237 delegates present, B.C.85; Alta.89; Man.46; Sask,17; Ont.2. jU* e**~>^zi^*ru^j *~ (2) Compare platform of S.P.C. *-*-**'**,/?" 91

2. That the workers should be immediately reorganized along industrial lines, "so that by virtue of their industrial strength they may be better prepared to enforce any demand they consider essential to their maintenance and well being", and that the conference was opposed to "the innocuity of labour leaders lobbying Parliament for palliatives which do not palliate". 3. That the "affiliated membership" of the convention sever their affiliation with the international organizations and form "an industrial organization of all workers"; a referendum to be taken on the subject. 4. "That the system of industrial soviet control by selection of representatives from industries is more efficient and of greater political value than the present system of government by selection by districts". "^his convention declares its full accept ance of the principle of proletarian dictatorship as being absolute and efficient for the transformation of capitalist private property to communal wealth". "The convention sends fraternal greetings to the Russian Soviet government, the Spartacans in Ger many, and ail definite working class movements in Europe and the world, recognising they have won first place in the history of the class struggle", 5»"That this body of workers recognizes no alien but the eapitalistM. 6, That joint committees be formed represent ing soldiers organizations and central bodies and feder ation of labour. And finally,-. ?• That a referendum be taken on the question of a general strike on June 1st to enforce the following demands:- (a) The rescinding of the censorship and the granting of full gsaatorax freedom of speech, press and assembly; (b) The release of all political prisoners; (c) A six hour day, five days a week,begin ning uune 1st,1919; (1) (d) The immediate withdrawal of all Allied troops from Russia. (l)In accordanceThe presentinclude with platforms thresolutione six ofhou ther Ho.3,day T.&. L.Congresspractical n

steps were ctaken by the conference to establish the "One Big union". A central committe e of five was elected to carry out the necessary propaganda for the success of the referendum. Provisional committees were chosen to assist the central body. It is interesting to note that all five of the central committee were members of the Socialist Part}' of Canada. The referendum on the question of affiliating with the One Big Union was, it was decided, to be taken as follows; A majority vote was required from organization comprising the so-called "vital trades" (transportation, metal trades and miners); local branch unions of other trades were also to vote, but in such cases members not voting were to be counted in the affirmative, A sepa,rate vote was to be taken in Eastern and in Western Canada, The propaganda for the O.B.U. followed, in the main, the same lines as that before the Calgary conference In addition to the active support which was given the new movement by all the labour and Socialist publications in the West, the central committee issued a series of 0, B,U,Hbulletinsf The whole labour world in the West was humming with activity. Meetings were held everywhere and in all parts there appeared grov/ing enthusiasm for the 0,B.U. As illustrative of the tone of this propaganda, the following quotations may be of interest:- "There is no hope for the worker.in the arena of politics, the ruling class has coralled all the politi cal machinery that there is for democratic government. As* they have treated the worker in the past, so they will treat him in the future. The worker is a beast who has to be kept under, and if he cannot be kept under by spec ious reasoning or by dole and soup kitchens, he willbe handled by bayonets and machine guns. "Only by the One Big Union can labour ever realize its solidarity and bring pressure to bear upon the exploiting class that will result in justice and a square deal for the workers". (Western Labour Hews, April 25th,1919.) "The transfer of power to the masses of men with the accompanying break up of economic privilege is occurring before our eyes all over the world. Today sober and competent observers the country over admit that the revolution is upon us. It is ours to ride the st storm ...... the appeal to the little gods of force can only mean that the unavoidable fall (of capitalism) will be accompanied by violence, bloodshed and disorganiz ation. The responsibility will rest with those who attempt to resist an inevitable social process with machine guns", (Red Flag, March 29th,1919») "The One Big Union is a step forwards, not a step backwards. It is only a step - it is not the whole thing, but because it is conceived in the interests of the workers it is meeting the fierce opposition of the capitalist class. This will cause the thoughtful worker to throv/ all his energy and influence into the task until the O.B.U. is an accomplished fact". (Western ijabour Hews, April l8th,1919«) "If we go on strike we must strike quickly, suddenly and certainly. Don't give the boss time to think or prepare plans, Strike when he has a big order which he must fulfill. It will hurt him more and us less...... Tie up all the industries in town, all the indus tries in all the towns, in the whole country or in the whole world if necessary. The strike will end quicker and we will starve lesstf ....*. (O.B.U.bulletin, May 1st,1919.Of all) thes(l)e publications the most vehement v/as probably the Western Labour Hews, the organ of the Trades and labour Council of Winnipeg. Beside some of the pronouncements of the editor, the Rev.Wm. Ivens, the official Socialist utterances (such as those of the Red Flag) appear tame and uncertain. As the results of the referendum came in and it began to appear as if the O.B.U. were carrying all before it, the tone of the edi tor became more and more impassioned. "Revolutionary Industrial Unionism" says the issue of %y 2nd, "embraces every individual, unit, section, branch and department of industry. It takes in every color, creed and nation from Scandinavia to Hew Zealand^ from Moscow to Vancouver it appeals to every worker and forges a mighty chain of (1) This article originally appeared in the .American national Socialist Review. 9>~

freedom", (l)

Finally, in the Western labour Hews for May l6th, the last issue before the calling of the Winnipeg general strike, there appeared this rhapsody:- "One Big Union is greater than one big army, and more effective than one big government. An army must advance and fight in order to obtain victory, and a government must by slow and ponderous processes de pend upon its scattered agents to carry out its instruc tions. One Big Union has but to Baffle a day, an hour, a minute, and behold, as the smallest unit of time is reached, a whole nation is paralysed". On May 23rd it was announced that the vote^ on the formation of the One Big Union and on the question of a general strike had nearly all. been received, and a call was issued for a conference at Calgary on June 4th$to draw up plans for the new or^nization. It was announce aid that the returns of the referendum on in dustrial organization indicated that the proposal had carried in the West by an overwhelming majority. But in the meantime, and before this announceT ment, was issued, events had occurred which appeared likely to put the theories of the new. organization severely, and indeed somewhat prematurely, to the test. "The day" to which the Western labour News had looked forward had perhaps arrived, but if sq^, it had arrived ahead of time. On May 1st the metal tradej of Winnipeg, number ing in all about eleven hundred men, went out on strike^ the chief point at issue being the refusal of their em ployers to recognize or negotiate with the IOC§L1 Metal Trades 'Council. it so happened that at the same time, a.-strike of some 12(50 men in the Building Trades, a strike for shorter hours, was also in progress. On May 7th. the Winnipeg Trades and Labour Council issued a statement setting flTrfch the demands of the men affected, and pledged its support to them by proceeding to take a vote on the qiastion of a general xfcxiks sympathetic strike. The vote of J2 affiliated unions was taken and resulted in some 11,112 in favor as opposed to 524 against, v/ith that of 17 unions not reported. The counci(lj^l- thnl e Britai accordinglWorkern sth IndustriaB.C.Fed.ey shpannouncep stewards,l Mar.28th,1919Uniod thne, hav callinine Australi Ong.e oBif gaa Union,Generaf*l £fy\ke to take effect on the 15th. following. On the date set some 27,000 workers, including firemen and water-works employees, electric light and power operators, street cleaners, scavengers, street railway men and postal workers, freight handlers, truck drivers and cat&ers, clerks, bookkeepers, retail employees and other classes too numerous to mention went out in sympathy with the metal workers. The following day the strikers were joined by the telegraph and telephone operators. Press men and stereotypers also went out, forcing the Winnipeg daily newspapers to suspend publication. In this way was inaugurated, as described by the labour Gazette, the most "serious industrial disturbance in the history of Canada". (Page 683,1919.) Even the police and waterworks employees voted to join the strikers. These organizations were, however, directed by the "strike committee" to remain on duty, The strike committee which had general charge of the conduct of the strike, consisted at first of five, and later of fourteen representatives. Among these were the secretary of the ManitoT5a^o*f the Socialist Party of Canada, R.B.Russell, and William Ivens, editor of the Western labour Hews. An interesting incident occurred at the outset v/hen a mass meeting of the War Veterans of the City declared full sympathy with the purposes of the strike as meeting the general needs of the people, but pledgfc4fj every legitimate help to preserve law and order. Violence was likewise discouraged by the presence in the city of some three thousand troops, together with a strong force of Mounted ^olice. As a matter of fact there was at first singularly little disorder, and for the first few weeks the Winnipeg police court records were lower than usual. The tremendous potential power of organized labour was now brought home to the citizen's of Winnipeg in a manner which to all was surprising and to many most un welcome. The city was virtually isolated. It was necessary for the Mayor to negotiate with the strike committee in order to ensure the performance of even the most necessary services,- fire and police protection, and the supply of water, milk and food. The line was soon shapply drawn between "bourgeoisie" and "prole tariat". A "Citizens Committee" was organized, pressure was brought to bear upon the government^ - civil, pro vincial and federal, and by means of an improvised news paper a vigorous campaign was opened against the strike. Among the strikers, enthusiasm at first ran high. To quote one of the early strike bulletins5- "The fight is on. It overthrew.the Govern ment in Russia, Austria, Germany; it has compelled drastic innovations in Britain, How it has Winnipeg in its grioj? (Bulletin H0,6). Enthusiastic and crowded meetings were held,at which, the audiences listened to impassioned addresses on the solidarity of labour and the power of the strike committee. The strike committee, in fact, appears to have been somewhat embarrassed by the extent of its power. There is evidence that at first it was its intention to cause an absolute tie-up of all services, even the most essential. Later 3ome concessions were permitted, but attemptss were made to ensure a preferential service for strikers and their families. A system of "milk depots" for example,was considered - and abandoned. (Striake bulletin,May 17th.) Finally the committee adopted the policy of permitting those whose services were necessary to supply the minimum needs of the population to remain at work, and the struggle, abandoning any revolutionary tinge which it may at first have had, became simply one of endurance. Indeed, this general verdict may be passed on the whole question of the Winnipeg strike; if it was intended as a revolutionary struggle, it was singularly half-hearted; if, on the other hand, it was merely a fight for the principles of collective bargaining, its early revolutionary exuberances were hardly calculated to help its cause. It is significant that nearly all the acts cited as evidence of the "usurpationof power" and "Bolshevism" of the strike committee, were acts intended to alleviate the extreme rigour of the con ditionimposes whicon thhe i populacet v/ould .see m a general strike necessarily ft

In the opinion of most of the press of the Dom inion, however, there was little doubt as to what the strike meant. The very isolation of the city of Winni peg was in itself a stimulus to the imagination. Lurid reports were sent broadcast regarding the establishment of soviet government and the commencement of a prole tarian revolution. The Government was widely appealed to, to "protect law and order" and to "stamp out Bol shevism". The Dominion Government, however, moved warily, It did not, at first, emphasize the view that the strike itself was necessarily seditious or revolutionary. Rather it raised the point that government employees and those engaged on public utilities (and hence coming under the êmieux Actjfehe Industrial Disputes Investigation „Act^lÔA could not be permitted to abandon their posts and engage in a sympathetic strike. "I will make no effort to settle this strike", said the Minister of labour, "until all public utilities which the strike committee has tied up are operating normally". On May 26th all striking Gov ernment employees were notified that they must return to their duties or permanently forfeit their positions. It was also maintained, and apparently with reason, that those employees on public utilities connected with the supply of power,light,gas and water, who had made agreements with their employers and who had violated these agreements to engage in a sympathetic strike, were liable under section 499 of the Criminal Code as having wilfully broken a contract with consequent danger to life and prop erty. If these workers were not to be bound by their own bargains with their employers, what meaning load collective bargainff|d steadfastly resisted all appeal*/ tors L?>Jlh%3tllkti offerred their services as negotia tors and the first attempt at settlement began. • *u Wi?x the cominS of ^ne the inevitable weaknesses in the position of the strikers became more and more ap- Par5n^??d 'vith the fear of Allure came the first real probability of violence. Parades began to be held, de manding action on* the part of the Government to brin^ n^Z aÛieTent*o. The tension of feeling rose rapidly. On tne 4th of June the executive of the Veterans VBOOI£ -ion came out against the strike, and on the 6th all oar- ades were prohibited by the Mayor. Isolated cases of violence against strike breakers became more common, and patrols of Mounted Police began to appear on the streets. On June 9th the City Council took the serious step of dismissing the whole Winnipeg police xorce because of the refusal of the men to sign an agreement precluding the sympathetic strike. friction was greatly increased by this act, for in place"of the the old body a new force of fifteen hundred special police was recruited, and this was regarded by the strikers as a movement distinctly hostile to their cause. Meanwhile the prospect of defeat at Winnipeg had aroused radical labour elsewhere. The later editions of the Strike Bulletin contain appeals for outside assistance. "The workers", says Bulletin Ho.l}, "must act in unity throughout the whole Dominion and make the partial paraly sis complete from coast to coast". Tfae ipsapuiiji \m> 'l/hia The response to this appeal was widespread. By the middle of June a sympathetic strike had developed at Toronto with twelve thousand men out, mainly Metal Workers. At the same time the One Big Union issued a somewhat be lated call for the general strike which had been decided upon at the Calgary conference. At Brandon, Calgary, Edmonton and Victoria many unions responded. The most serious attempt occurred at Vancouver where, with ten thousand men on strike, conditions at Winnipeg were to a large extent duplicated. In calling the general strike the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council issued the follow ing statement:- . . "Will the workers of this country be willing Winnipeto haveg thfirste las,t th vestige re^Cse to off freedothe citiem strippes in dtur fron mi fthem the* S0P

Winnipeg workers are defeated. The issue is the right of the workers to collective bargaining through whatever organization they deem best suited to their needs". But in the meantime the fight in Winnipeg had been already lost. On the 11th and 12th of June ser ious riots occurred, the streets were cleared by the Mounted Police, and the Mayor issued a warning that "sterner measures would be used if necessary". (lj In a final effort the strike committee again called out the milk and bread workers, and attempted, un successfully, to tie up the railway services. But it was too late. In every line men were now rapidly drifting back to work. The action of the committee,however, induced the Government to take final action. On June 17th e4x vu**~ of the leaders of the strike committee (2) were arrested by Mounted Police and removed to the provincial penitent iary. The Labour temple and the homes of the arrested men were searched and many documents and large quantities of Socialist literature were seized. The reason given for this act was that the attempt to induce the railway men to go out had made the strike a national affair. In an official statement it was claimed that documents in the possession of the Government "amply warrant the conclusion that a seditious conspiracy was contemplated by a portion of the members of the central strike committee...... It being apparent that a reasonable settlement of the Metals Trades dispute would not result in settling the strike, and because of the persistent and insidious propa ganda and misrepresentation that were being spread abroad, especially among the railway employees, with a view to extending the strike and utterly dislocating transportation thle) C.A.R.,1919,P.472Federal Department. of Justice, through its authorized representatives2) Of the men arreste, properld y4 werdecidee memberd to stak e into custody thoseof hel thde S.P^C.,to be responsibl2 were Laboue forr aldermen seditiou,s conspiracy". 1 (Ivens) was editor of W.L.Hews. /*/

Protests were widespread, especial3,y in the West, and among members of the One Big Union. The Trades and Labour Congress executive, however, washed it3 hands of the whole affair. Several further arrests were made by the Government, and on the 23rd the Western labour Hews was ordered to suspend publication. The temper of the Winnipeg strikers, threatened with the failure of all am swat rj tin their &mm+ efforts, and infuriated by the arrest of their leaders, culminated on the 21st in serious rioting and disorder. The Riot Act was read by the Mayor, large forces of police and militia were called out, and in the conflict which ensued one rioter was killed, and thirtv-three other individuals (sixteen of whom were police/ were more or less seriously injured. In addition, nearly one hundred arrests were made by the authorities and the City was taken over by the military. The events of the 23rd were but the final flicker of,an expiring flame. On June 25th the strike committee announced that the general strike had been offic ially declared off. The sympathetic strikes at various other points slowly followed suit, and by the middle of July all traces of the disturbance were at an end. It so happened that on June 4th v/hen the ex citement engendered by the strike was at its height, Par liament had amended the Immigration Act in such a manner as to make it possible to deport British born persons believed to be guilty of seditious conspiracy,without a trial, and by action of the Immigration officials alone,(1) As some of the indicted men were not Canadian born, it was at first thought that this Act would be enforced. If the Government had ever had this intention, however, it was wion abandoned* The arrested members of the strike committee were soon released on bail. A workers defence committee was formed, and funds were raised to assist the men who were to be tried. Meetings were held throughout the country (lJ It is significant of the state of feeling of the time when one observes that this Act was rushed through all its stages in the short space of one afternoon. /

many of which were addressed by the accused. While at some of these meetings the O.B.U. was advocated, the question at issue appears rather as the rights of labour in general than.any particular question of organization. At Winnipeg, for example, both the O.B.U. and the^Inter national councils united in supporting the men under indictment. The Trades and Labour Congress went on record as demanding for them a "fair and impartial trial." (1) The trials themselves did not begin until to wards the close of the year. The indictment under which the strike leaders were charged may be summarized as. follows:- 1. For seditious conspiracy In general form; and 2. In specific form, for overt acts at !Valker Theatre meeting, Jan. 22nd., 1918; at Majestic Theatare, Jan. 19th,1919; in helping to form the O.B.U.; in participation at the Calgary Convention; publication^and distribution of seditious literature; and the Winnipeg general strike; 5. Conspiracy to carry into effect a seditious in tention by bringing about an unlav/ful Sympathetic strike; 4. Seditious conspiracy to organize an unlawful com bination or association of workmen and employees; 5. For an effort to bring about a formation of an unlawful combination or association for the purpose of controlling all industries, and of obtaining property belonging to others, and of compelling compliance with the demands ox such association, (O.B.U.)- 6. Conspiracy to bring about, unlawfully, changes in the constitution, and to enforce the Soviet form of government in Canada by unlawful means similar to those employed in Russia; 7. For trying to commit a "common nuisance" by brine::ne about a general strike. (2) ringing (11The evidence for the Crown conqi^t^ri n-» « -r^-i, ~- E b r l SreS81 , Eamilto 1 (8",/) aS!. we accusedr919: p! »"483 'f :+ "" nnirnj^n* .fun Sept.£2-25, (.LJ 1919. /

during the campaign*of propaganda for the O.B.U* . In his conduct of the case the Crown prosecutor followed the indictment closely and fortified its accu sations with a mass of evidence. The contention of the defence was that the general strike weapon was'legitimate,and that there was no thought of revolution. After an extended trial the accused were found guilty by the jury^ on all counts, and were sentenced to two years imprisonment in the penitentiary. Ho better summary of the statutory liability to which the accused had laid themselves open can be given, than is contained in the judgment rendered by Chief Justice Perdue of the Manitoba Court of Appeal, in dismissing an appeal lodged by i he aqoftUfttl^the conviction of the trial court: "The offence charged against the accused and others named or referred to in the indictment was seditious conspiracy. This is a statutory offence: Code, sees. 132,1£4. There was ample evidence estab lishing the charge. The conspiracy contemplated the doing of acts which were offences punishable by statute, such as inducing the servants and workmen employed by the Post Office of the Dominion of Canada to go on strike thereby comn-tting an indictable offence: (Post Office^ Act, K.S.C., 1906, ch. 66, sees., 125-126; inducing the firemen employed by t he City of ?/iiinipeg to go on strike, thereby endangering life and property, (Code, sec. 499); causing workmen and employees to break their contracts of hiring and abandon their work, contrary to the Master and Servant Act, E.S.M., 1913, ch.124; causing offences against the provisions of the Industrial Dis putes Investigation Act, 6-7 Edw. Vll, 1907, (Dom.), ch.20, sees. 56 & 57. The above are only a few of the acts punishable by statute which it was the nurpose of the conspiracy to commit and which were committed in (l)pursuanc Dominioen Laofw it.Reports" (1) , Vol. 51, 1920,pp.7,8. For a liaeid view of the strike as it presented itself to the Court, see Appendix."3T /0*f

It appears to be indubitable that some, at least, of the western leaders regarded the general strike as a possible prelude to e revolution.(I) If such was the oase it was merely a further indie at in of the faot that Canadian Socialists do not keeo UP with the (revolutionary) times. "No Bolshevik, indeed no revolutionary, now relies upon the general strike to accomplish the revol ution. The general strilre hits the workers first. The government and upper closes need only etend §side and the workers rill starve themselves into submission"..... The rich can alwagrjj afford to wait longer thr.n the poor, and trades union action cannot expel a government."(2) "The general strike, to succeed, must pass into an sctive phase. The strikers must seize food, and run e^nential services for themselves...... it is then that the mil itary cin be brought in the struggle then becomes ordinary civil w?:.r....the ncvement has passed out of the hands of the pacifists md become Bolshevik." (3) There is little evidence that the Winnipeg leaders were prepared to go to this extreme, or that, if they had, their followers would have supported them.(4) Their whole attitude appears to have been that of aen who were willing to advance just as far as their SUP orters pushed them, but ifco were not willing to accept the responsibility of advancing a step further than theyhwere driven. But even if we abandon all thought of its immediate revolutionary purposfc the effect of the Winnipeg strike was largely nullified by the circumstances under which it was celled. In so widespread an industrial conflict the workers needed for success the backing of an all- embracing organization, well supclied with funds, and covering the country from end to end. Yet the fai'ts are tha(1)t th"Aftee 7r in thn ien eGenerag strikl eStrik wase calletherde wilat al timbe ea wherevolution organn withiized labon a rweek. in th" eEvidenc west wae so ftor Cpln .betwee ?anetnh three J.KnightTrades end., /Ibert Laboua r CongresSecretarsy an odf ththe OnS.P.oe B$.f gC Union. , when the old organization wa(£s) disrupte^ostgated ,an "Bolshevid the nekw haTheory,d only" beguP. 97n. t o assume a (3) do p. U£. (4) The influence of the G.W.V.A. and the presence of 3,000 troops should not be overlooked. /#! zrnvr r^ ~?°?i £St s ss^i'susr had been already lost. Finally it is «iffi™u •. <. ^^J* UpvriSinS ^^^n a remolfchance of"1681118

n al r iSht hf e Pr0yen as a weaBon ^r the ^Pf + : ^cessfW. AS a-rerolrtion" it £a! ^\°f oolleoW« bargaiain-. leadership ritt alt J u "* ,organization. vA thont e bJeotive a d without ho^o?reri?S?on ° - » =on8ecnently /&&

The One Big Union. The Present Situation.

It remains to trace the progress of the One Big Union, to estimate the measure of success which has attended its efforts, and to mention some of the mor4 r@dent developments of Canadian Socialism. On May 30th, 1919, it was announced that of 268 unions west of Port Arthur (excluding Winnipeg) 188 had voted in favor of the O.B.U. In Winnipeg itself the vote, taken afte r the conclusion of the strike, resulted in 51 out of 91 branch unions declaring their adherence to the new body. The British Columbia Federation of labour and the Vancouver T.8c.L.B. were among the earliest western *LH±±K groups to Join. O.B.U. central labour councils were also organized at such points as Prince Rupert, Calgary, Edmonton and Winnipeg. Some progress was even made in Ont ario, where a central council was established at Toronto. In Quebec and in the Maritime provinces, however, the O.B.U. made little if any headway. At the close of 1919 the One Big Union claimed a total membership of 41,150,(1) with eight central councils, two district boards" and 101 lo«ral units. (2) About one third of the total membership was comprised in the Lumber Workers Industrial Union, most of the members or which were in British Columbia. Other important units were those of the coal miners and fef the metallifer ous miners of B.C. and Alberta. Ier tvo nAp nG haIe êadêntione^the first convention of the O.B.U. met at Calgary Alta. on June 11th. 1919. tl*!-f ! êmblage a constitution was adopted, the pre- a.-f.or o. and I../.?/., is as follows:- "Modern industrial society is divided into two classes, (1) This should be compared with a total membership m the Trades and labour Congress of Canada of 260,247. (2) See R.LOO. 1919, pp. 22-38. t&f

those who possess and do not produce and those who produce and ao^not possess. Alongside this ^ main division all other classifications fade into insignificance. Between these two classes a o, ntinual struggle takes place. As with buyers and sellers of any commodity there exists a struggle on the one hand of the buyer to buy as cheaply as possible, and on the other for the seller to sell for as much as possible, so with the buyers and sellers of labour power. In the struggle over the purchase and sale of labour power the buyers are always masters, the sellers always work ers. From this fact arises the inevitable class struggle. " As industry develops and ownership becomes concentrated more and more into fewer hands, as the control of the economic forces of society becomes more and more the sole property of imperialistic finance, it becomes apparent that the workers, in order to sell their labor power with any degree of success must extend their forms of organization in accordance with changing industrial methods. Compelled to organize for self defence they are further compelled to ed ucate themselves in preparation for the social change which economic developments will produce whether they seefe it or not. "The One Big Union, therefore, seeks to org anize the wage worker, not according to craft but according to industry; according to/class and class needs; and calls upon all workers to organize irrespective of nationality, sex or craft into a workers1 organization so that they may be en- allied to more successfully carry on the every day fight over wages, hours of work, etc. and pre pare themselves for the day when production for profit shall be replaced by production for use." those who possess and do not produce and those who produce and do not possess. Alongside these /

The first succeeding~annual convention of the One Big Union met in Winnipeg on Jr.nuary 26th, 1920. At this meeting it was decided that the executive board should consist of four territorial representatives, togethe r with four representatives from the "^asic trades" (lumber workwrs, railroad workers, coal miners and metal miners.) A resolution was submitted asking that a vote be taken on the question of another general strike to secure the release <&f the Winnipeg leaders, but the convention had had enough of general strikes for the time being, and it was decidednthat strihe action should be used only as a last resort. In the meantime the tide was turning against the O.B.U. The revolutionary spirit in the West, after the decisive failure of the Winnipeg pnd allied strikes, had cooled decidedly, and despite the protests of the One Big Union alvosates that the Winnipeg strike had no connection with their movement (1) the falling off in enthusiasm could not but be felt by the new organ ization. Moreover, as a result og the Winnipeg trials the idea had been spread abroad that the O.B.U. was an illegal body and it appeared that the "timid" and cowardly" workers were holding aloof. The internation al unions, and the Trades and LaVour Congress of Canada had not been idle. Representatives of the "orthodox" ' movement were sent to many parts of the West to combat O.E.U.^ropaganda. The Winnipeg Trades and Labour Council and the control of the "Western Labour TTews" 7orwap^red-,fr0m *he rebels- Organizations were l^taei to take the place of those which had seceeded. At the 1919 convention of the ^rades and Labour Congress refer ence was made :o the O.B.U. in the following terms•- h*rr"lhe futility of *ne One Eig Union methods should have been apparent from tne beginning: foundP£ «o ?+ on force and intolerance of tnfo^Sn^SK^oJ'tni ** ional KSe.*?"?. ^r Ho^^^ # the storm seems to have M^P^ +\,a JZt-i nowever, that f

(1) R.I.O. 1920, p.20. /0f

As the year 1920 progressed the growing weakness of the O.B.U. became more and-me re apparent. The aver age paid up membership for the first five months of the new year was less than 20,000, and this figure grew steadily less. An unsuccessful struggle waged against the United Mine Workers in the Alberta minew still further weakened the organization. Finally, in October 1920, theheaviest blow fell- As the result of a dispute over organization methods, and the reject ion* of three of their delegates to the annual convention, (September 20th.) the lumber Workers Industrial Union, embracing fully one third of the entire membership deserted the O.B.U. Of the 101 local units reported in 1919 the number, by the close of 1920, had fallen to 50. The total membership, 40,000 in the first year, had dropped to 5,000. (1) Incidents of the year included the extension of O.B.U. activity to the United States, resulting in the creation of an independent American organization. That this action met with little welcome from the I.W.W. (who were apt to regard the creation of O.B.U.Ts as their orn peculiar prerogative) is apparent from a resolution adoptee at the I.W.W. convention of July 1920: "REsolvel that no working agreement be entered into between the I.W.W. and the O.B.U. of Canada, or any of its branches." The One Ej.g Union, reduced in numbers and in influence, has for the most part remained auiescent down to the present tine* and there is little immediate indicatioThe nfac otf atha revivat thel O.B.Uof th.e idestrengta hash sv/hico largelh thye movemenfailed t tshoweo appead alt ttho eth time workere of its so fformation the Dominion. (2,) is,from the Socialist standpoint, the best argument against it. A successful O.B.U. would be a most exfective instrument (1) R.L.O. 1920, p.37. $2

for the utilization-of the power of labour in the industrial field* An O.B.U. that only embraces a small fraction of the organized workers is doubly a failure, it is too weak to effect anything by itself, and it draws off all the radical elements of the old time unionism, thus reducing socialist influence in the Trades and Labour Congress to zero. The Communists (Bolsheviki) SCXK realise this. ,fThe real strength of any Communist party is the influence it has on the workers of the Labour Unions." (Zinoviev at the #rd. congress of the Third Internationale) The Socialist Party of Canada, which is not a communist organization, has, by abandoning the old policy of "boring from within" and concentrating its energies on a separate Socialist industrial organization, allowed itself to be diverted into a blind alley. Of late the S.P.of C. has been still further dis tracted by its decision not to affiliate with the Third (Moscow) Internationale. With the waning of the early enthusiasm for Soviet Russia it became apparent that the principles of the Socialist Party of Canada and those of the Communist party wre quite incompatible. The policy of the S.P.of C. is to educate the worker in the principles of Ilarx, to arouse in him a sense of his position in society and to leave it to him to do the rest. In the words of the "Red Flag" (June 7th. 1919) "2duc**ion means class- consciousness, elass-consciousness means class solid arity, class solidarity breeds militancy and it is * out of this that the form and technique' of revolution will tale shape according to the needs of the moment." Such a haphazard program is, from the Communist stand point, ridiculous. Bolshevism demands the creation of a party which will asume leadership, not a body which will leave direction to others. "It is only when the advance guard of the proletariat will have Overthrown the exploiters freed all the exploit. ea, improved their conditions of life immediately at the expense of the expropriated capitalists, only after that...... it will be possible to bring about the enlightenment, education ana organization of the widest (1)masSecon sTheses do fcongress worker ands ,Statutesand 1920: exploited. America of the-n edition 3rd.(1) Internationale, p.12. wiaes t ///

The dogmatism of the Moscow organization, and its apparent determination to dictate the course which "the revolution" shall pursue in each country have militate! against the alceptance of Communist principles in the Dominion. In Canada there has apparently been little genuine Bolshevik propaganda, at least in so far as the English speaking workers are concerned. Greater progress has been made among the foreign ele ment, and notably among the Ukrainians and the Finns. The division of the people of Finland into "whites" and "reis" and the bitter feud which exists between these factions is faithfully reflect ed among the Finns in Canada. At the present time it is estimated that about one third of these people (of whom there are some 15,000 in this country,) are more or less in sympathy with communism. *^' Of more importance are the conditions existing among the Ukrainians, the largest single foreign group in the Dominion. The creation of the Bolshevik republic of Ukrainia has had an extraordinary effect upon the people of this race in America. Recruited largely from the poorest elements in their home commun ities! in the space of the last few years they have seen their own class in the home land seize control of all power and commandeer the property of their masters. Ukrainians, and foreigners generally, have been so often looker down upon by Canadians of British origin that they can hardly be blamed for cherishing a feeling of indifference, if not of hostility to wards Canadian institutions. TTow, when they are enabled to contrast their position here with that of their relatives at home this attitude has been intensified and is even tinged with something of contempt for the Dominion as a backward, Philistine capitalistic country. That there is at the present time an energetic move ment 0:1 foot to develop a distinct Ukrainian culture (1) For an excellent summary of conditions among the foreign language groups in the Dominion, see an article entitled ^Racial and IJaticnal Dilution" in the "Hound Table"for June 1921. tl%*

in Canada is an interesting fact which need not dea4£ detain us here. It is important, however, to note that this move ment is largely tinged with Communism, and has an organi zation, centred at Winnipeg, which embraces the whole of Canada, (l). An interesting- feature of the Ukranian movement has been the establishment of Nationalist schools, many of which, besides giving scope for the national enthusiasm for music and the drama, afford a liberal education in Communism. (2). The latest orientation in the field of Canadian poli tics is that of the "Workers' Party of Canada". This body appears to have been formed partly as the result of dis satisfaction within the ranks of the S. P. of C., and partly on account of the grov/ing spirit of Bolshevism amon£ the foreign groups in the Dominion. Its creation dates from a meeting held at the Labour Temple, Toronto, on December ll/21, and attended by individual Socialists from nearly every industrial centre between Winnipeg and Montreal, as well as representatives from Finnish, Ukranian, Lithuan ian and Jewish organizations.(3) The provisional platform of the new organization is interesting as showing the "very latest" attitude of Canadian revolutionaries. "1. Workers' Republic. Cleanly the problems which call for working class action centre about the capitalist system, the alter native to the capitalist system is a working class government. The Workers' Party shall lead the workers in the struggle toward the establishment of the Workers' Republic of Canada. 2. Political Action. The role of the Workers' Party in electoral cam paigns shall be to expose the sham democracy with which we are afflicted. The Workers' Party shall take part, whenever possible, in all such campaigns with'this end in view, so that ultimately the real issue will be laid clear, and we, the working- class, shall even (1) There are local organizations at Montreal, Ottav/a Toronto tually triumph at the expense of the enemies of the hamiiton, Port William, Regina, Saskatoon, Edmonton, Vancouver, working class, their capitalist oppressors. 12J Entirely apart from their Bolshevik significance, these Nation alist movements among different racial groups are creating a ,,j serious problem for those who desire Canadianization. \6) ior an account of this meeting see "Toronto Globe Dec 12/21 also "Workers' Guard" D**'5/*-/ *f9

3. Trade Unionism. To help educate the Trade Unionists to appreciate the possibilities of their organizations as definite factors in carrying on the class battles caused by capitalist oppression, to initiate a movement to ex pose the tyranny and treachery of the reactionary labor bureaucrats, and to definitely create real fighting working class units. 4. A Party of Action. The party shall be composed of militant, class- conscious workers who shall be subject to the disci pline and direction of the National Executive Commit tee, which shall be the highest expression of the Party between Conventions. Democratic centralization shall be the guiding principle of the Workers' Party, and all members wj.ll be required to submit to the direction of the Party in all•struggles affecting the workers, such as Unemployment, Wage Reductions, Open Shop Campaigns, etc. etc. 5. Party Press. The Party shall eventually acquire a Party Press in order to give expression to our needs. This press shall be owned by the Party, and under the control and direction of the National Executive Committee. Working man and working women! We call upon you to play your parts in the establishment of a real live working class party which shall ultimately produce a fighting machine able to organize and direct the oppressed masses in their struggles for political and economic freedom. Rally to the call for complete emancipation! In answer to the oppression of the capitalist class let our battle cry be: Workers of the World, unite.' You liave nothing to lost but your chains, you have a world to gain." A national convention of the new oorty'was held in Toronto on the 18th, 19th,* 20th February, where plans were laid for a widespread campaign of organization. It is questionable whether, from the revolutionary stand point ^conditions in Canada are ripe for an independent Com munist or semi-Communist organization. As we have seen (in the case of the 0. B. U.) such a body really segregates the radical elements of labour and_by so doing confirms the greativet coursebulk o.f thIne thiorganizes respecd tworker the Moscos in wthei governmenr more tconserva (which is nothing if not practical) is probably wiser than its Canadian representatives. At the second congress of the 3rd International, Communists in England were advised to join the I. L. P., end by "boring from within" to trans form it into a revolutionary*'party, (l). Small as the prospects may appear for the conversion of the Canadian Labour parties to Bolshevism, the prospepts of an inde pendent organization are probably smaller still. But in Canadian politics the labour party in the face of agricultural solidarity and the conservatism of the East, can hardly hope to rise above the position of a more or less influential bloc.^ ^- It is to industrial rather than/,political action that the Canadian revolutionary looks. "It is necessary", says Moscow, "to give the most absolute and self-denying support to all the masses for a larger general strike movement which is alone able to awaken,properly arouse, enlighten and organize the masses".(2) But as yet Canadian Socialism has hardly succeeded in its most element ary task, that of arousing in the workers a sense of class solidarity. The general strike is discredited by the fail ure of the 0. B. U. and the disaster of Winnipeg. Canadian Socialism is weak in numbers and in organization. The creation of new parties, the mere adoption of new machinery is of mi.'hlittl. e greae valut charge withoue against atn appreciablCanadian Socialist®ie backgrounsd thaoft thesupporty hav.e as yet utterly failed to win the confidence of the organized labour movement of the country. And before 0H€ have Bade even made a beginning, it is idle to talk of the arousing of the masses and the imminence of a proletarian revolution.

(1) Theses and Statutes of the 3rd Communist Internationale (American P Edition) pp. 22-23. (£)' do. do. pp. 18-19. Ofpj^j^'< l. /#$

" Platform

"Social-Democratic Party of Canada. " We, the Social-Democratic Party of Canada in con vention assembled, affirm our allegiance to and support of, the International Socialists Movement. "By virtue of the ownership of the means of pro duction and distribution (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) all wealth the workers produce, accrues into the hands of the capitalistic class. This property the capitalist defends by means of the state (the army, the navy, the judiciary). "The object of the Sooial-Democratic Party is to educate the workers of Canada to a consciousness of their class position in society, their economic ser vitude to the owner8 of capital, and to organize them into a political party to seize the reins of government and transform all capitalistic property into the collective property of the working class. This social transformation means the liberation not only of the proletariat, but of the whole human race. Only the rorking class,however, can bring it about. All other classes maintain their exis tence by supporting the present sooial order. "The struggle of the working clsss against capitalist exploitation produces a constmt state of warfare between these two forces for the control of political and economic power • "As a means of reperingthe minds of the working class for the inauguration of the co-operative Common wealth, the Social-Democratic Party of Canada will support any measure that will tend to better conditions under cap italism, such as: "(1) Reduction of hours of labour. "(2) The elimination of child labour.

"(3) Universal adult suffrage without distinction of sex or regard to property qualifications; and "(4) The Initiative, Referendum, and right o& Recall". m %

"The Good Soldier" "By Jack London"

"Young men: the lowest aim in your life is to be come a soldier. The good soldier never tries to dis tinguish right from wrong. Ee never thinks; never reasons; he only obeys. If he is ordered to fire on his fellow citizens, on his friends, on his neighbors, on his rela tives, he obeys without hesitation. If he is ordered to fire down a crowded street when the poor are clamoring for bread, he obeys end sees the grey hairs of age stained with red and the lifetide gushing from the b-easts of women, feeling neither remorse nor sympathy. If he is ordered off as a firing squad to execute a hero or a benefactor, he fires without hesitation, though he knows the bullet will pierce the noblest heart that ever beat in human breast. "A good soldier is a blind, heartless, soulless, murderous machine. He is not a man, he is not a brute, for brutes only kill in self-defense. All that is human in him, all that is divine in him, ell that constitutes the man has been sworn away when he took the enlistment roll. His mind, his conscience, aye, his very soul, are in the keeping of his officer. "Ho man can fall lover than a soldier - it is a depth beneath which we cannot go. Keep the boys out of the army. It is hell. "Down with the army anl the navy. We don't need hilling institutions. We need life giving institutions." >y g£ ^** 3 $ a At THE GOVERSMEH? HOUSE AT OTTAWA.

Wednesday t13th Hovember,li 18. PRESEHT: HIS EXCELLENCY TEE GOVERN GEHKIUL III CQUHCIL His Excellency the Governor General In Council, on the recommendation of the Minister of Justice, end under the powers conferred by the War Measures Act,lcJ14, or otherwise existing in that behalf, is pleased to make t e following Re gulation and the same is he-eby made and enacted accordingly:- REGULATIOB. Section Z of the regulations respecting unlawful asso ciations, approved by the Governor in Council on the 25th September, 1S18, is repealed and the following substitrtei the^e for: - £. The following aeeocletions, organizations, societies, or groups are hereby declared to be ana shall while Canada is engaged in war, be deemed to be vnlcwful associations, viz.- (a) The Indust>*i?l Workers of the World; The Russian Sooial Democratic "-arty; The Russian Revolutionary Group; The Russian Social Revolutionists; The Russian Workers Union; The Ukrainian Social Democratic Party; The Finnish Social Deaojratio Party; The Social Labour Party; Group of Social Demoorate of Bolsheviki; Group of Sooial Democrats of Anarchists; The Revolutionary Socialist Party of Horth America; The Workers International Industrie 1 Union; Chinese ll&tionalist League; Chinese Labour Association; and any subsidiary association, branch or conrnittee of either of said unl&wfjil associations by whatever name oalled o • deeoribed; (b) Any association, o >?^niasation or cor oration, which while Canada is engaged in the war, 1# £n???fVr att«»t8 t0 *ring about any governmental, r«n^f°hivr0la1' infBtrial or *c<>a<^io change within Canadviolenca eb y othr ephysica use olr binjury threaty to s personof thse usore property'oof force r //

£. which teaches, advocates, advises or defends the tise of threats of the use of force, violence or physical injury to pe-son or property in order to accomplish any such change or for any other purpose: or •7 Wlaich,teaches, advocates, advises or defends the injury or destruction of the machinery of production or of Asportation *°r the purpose of obstructing,' hindering or Uniting the production and distribution of goods, wa^-es or merchandise of any kind or description; or 4* *fcieh teaGhe8. advocates or ©dvirey that any class should forcibly take possession of all property, or foroibly abolish all private ownership of property; or v x?* **jlch teaches, advocates, advises or defends the cheating or defrauding of employers of labour by accepting employment with the secret purpose and intention of slack ening or retarding production, and thereby decreasing the profit? of such employers or of otherwise interfering with and Injuring their trade and br.riness; or 6. whioh teaches, advocates, advises or defends the hindering or obstructing of any cereon whomsoever in the free exercise end enjoyment of any ri/?ht or provilege secured to him by the laws of Canada by oppressing,"' injuring threatening, or intimating any Puch person; or in^rinS 7. which teaches, advocates, ed^iees or defends dis loyalty;, insubordination or refusal of duty on the part of any of the -nilltary, naval or police forces of Canada, o- the failure of refusal of available persons to enlist therein; or 8. which teaches, alvooates, advisee or defends the nee of force or threats of foroe or any forcible means fo~ preventing, hindering or defying the execution of the laws of Canada, or for procuring any person to disobey any of the Irws of Canada; (o) Any association which the Gov©-;or in Council by notice published in the Cane da gazette decides to be an unlawful asnooiation or vlthin any of the descriptions aforesaid. Rodolphe Bopdreau, Clerk of the 'Privy Council. /*&&

"The Winnipeg Strike". As described in the opinion of Mr. Justice Cameron of the Court of Appeal of Manitoba in the oase The King v. Russell, D.L.R., Vol. 51, page, 19.

"The definition of general orsvmpatheticstrike given by the accused may be correct t e far as it goes and in some cases. But it falls far short of setting forth the true objects In view of the accused and hie fellows who precipitated the strike of last summer and it is a travesty so far as it purports to confine the pressure exerted by the strikers as being brought to bear on employers only. The general strike of last summer was in fact en insurrectionary attempt to subvert the author ity of our governments, .Municipal, Provincial and Dominion and substitute for them an irresponsible "strike committee" an attempt attended for a time with a measure of success which, looked at in retrospect, seems incredible. This "strike committee" issued decrees in the aoproved Soviet style. It puts an end to street car t^r.nsportttion, shut off telephone communications, interfered with the city's water supply, called ovt the firemen from their posts and left the city without fire protection until the strikers' places hr-.i been filled by volunteers. When the members of the police force, renouncing their sworn allegiance, had voted to join the strikers, the strike committee issued an edict that "ordered" then beck to duty. The delivery of milk, b'~ead end ice war forbidden. Restaurants and eating places were closed save those favoured with "perlit cards". In the city delivery in& transmission of His Majesty's mails were for a time completely stopped. The newspapers were suspended and telegraphic comfunict ion with the outside world forbidden. The special police force, organized *o take the piece of the ordinary police force when its mem bers were finally dismissed for disobedience to their law ful superiors, war mobbed and driven from the streets and the city left practically without policeprotectionInjure. dOn e member of the speciel police, who had been swarded the Victoria Cross for gallant condrct in the war, was Feriously /£>/

injured and had a narrow escape with his life. In the rioting that occurred subsequently there were numerous eaFualties and members of the Royal Horthwest Mounted Police were assailed with missile of all kinds, shot at from the streets and roofs of buildings and several of them wounded. Workers in the hospitals were celled from their tasks and the Management of th e Winnipeg General Hospital was forced in t he interests of its sick and dying patients, to obtain permission from the striks committee to keep its employees at their posts. A widespread system of espionage, intimidation and terrorism was organized and executed with relentless vigilance and activity. All these events and incidents and many more are a matter of history and of evidence,and to say that they were merely bringing pressure to bear on certain employers to force other employ ers to yield to demands aade on them is utterly beside the truth. It was a bold attempt to usurp the powers of the duly constituted authorities and to force the public into submission through financial loss, starvation, want and by every possible means that an autocratic :'unta deemed ad visable. I cannot see how it is possible to speak of such a revolutionary uprising as a mere "sympathetic" or "general strike". In view of the grim facts, to argue that this out break was brought about for the purpose of a trade combin ation is, to my mindip sinnly out of the question. The con tention put forward on the argument that the consolidation into one organization of all, or nearly all, the trade or ganizations in the city, which developed or merged during the strike into the One Big Union, v/as merely a "trade com bination" and, therefore, protected by the law is, in view of th e facts, wholly untenable."