Syria Govt Blocks UN Access to Its Prison
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The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
The Schüssel Era in Austria Günter Bischof, Fritz Plasser (Eds.)
The Schüssel Era in Austria Günter Bischof, Fritz Plasser (Eds.) CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES Volume 18 innsbruck university press Copyright ©2010 by University of New Orleans Press, New Orleans, Louisiana, USA. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All inquiries should be addressed to UNO Press, University of New Orleans, ED 210, 2000 Lakeshore Drive, New Orleans, LA, 70119, USA. www.unopress.org. Printed in the United States of America. Published and distributed in the United States by Published and distributed in Europe by University of New Orleans Press: Innsbruck University Press: ISBN 978-1-60801-009-7 ISBN 978-3-902719-29-4 Library of Congress Control Number: 2009936824 Contemporary Austrian Studies Sponsored by the University of New Orleans and Universität Innsbruck Editors Günter Bischof, CenterAustria, University of New Orleans Fritz Plasser, Universität Innsbruck Production Editor Copy Editor Assistant Editor Ellen Palli Jennifer Shimek Michael Maier Universität Innsbruck Loyola University, New Orleans UNO/Vienna Executive Editors Franz Mathis, Universität Innsbruck Susan Krantz, University of New Orleans Advisory Board Siegfried Beer Sándor Kurtán Universität Graz Corvinus University Budapest Peter Berger Günther Pallaver Wirtschaftsuniversität -
EUI RSCAS Working Paper 2020
RSCAS 2020/80 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Austria Katrin Auel and Anna Pixer European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Austria Katrin Auel and Anna Pixer EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2020/80 Terms of access and reuse for this work are governed by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC- BY 4.0) International license. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper series and number, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Katrin Auel and Anna Pixer, 2020 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC-BY 4.0) International license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Published in November 2020 by the European University Institute. Badia Fiesolana, via dei Roccettini 9 I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual author(s) and not those of the European University Institute. This publication is available in Open Access in Cadmus, the EUI Research Repository: https://cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. -
Austria After the Presidential Election: a Country Divided
Austria after the presidential election: a country divided blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2016/05/24/austria-after-the-presidential-election-a-country-divided/ 5/24/2016 Alexander Van der Bellen won Austria’s presidential election on 22 May, defeating Norbert Hofer, who would have become the EU’s first far-right head of state. Fabio Wolkenstein writes that a key turning point in the campaign was the resignation of Austria’s Chancellor, Werner Faymann, and that the country is now a divided one with the electorate split between two radically different visions of society. Austrian politics is seldom exciting. The 2016 presidential election was a rare exception. Commentators around the world predicted Norbert Hofer, the candidate of the right-wing populist FPÖ, to win the second round of the election, becoming the first democratically elected right-wing populist head of state in western Europe. Some saw in this a potential “ warning to the West,” an election that could raise the support of anti-establishment parties across established democracies. But in the end, Hofer’s centre-left opponent, Alexander Van der Bellen, narrowly won the race. Very narrowly, in fact: it was only the 750,000 postal votes that decided the election in favour of Van der Bellen. This result is surprising given that Van der Bellen was entering the second round campaign with his back to the wall. After Hofer won the first round last month with a wide margin, few observers expected the 72-year-old economics professor, who is uncharismatic and a mediocre public speaker, to prevail. -
Ix . in the Shadow of Renationalization 2000–09
791 IX . IN THE SHADOW OF RENATIONALIZATION 2000–09 1 . GENERAL INTRODUCTION: THE BIGGEST ENLARGEMENT IN EU HISTORY IN SIGHT, IMPOTENT SECURITY POLICY, AND THE NICE SUMMIT OF 2000 ON THE BRINK OF FAILURE The EU’s agony over security policy continued to exist, however, as became clear in the “Kosovo War” of 1999, in the wake of September 11, 2001 and the invasion of Afghanistan, and in the Iraq Crisis of 2002–03. EU Europe was at the point of setting up a defense agency which, however, was still very far removed from the burden sharing that was demanded by the USA. The EU was prepared for defense but not willing for attack, for which it was also not structurally capable. This underscores its value as a peace project and its significance as a factor of balance and stability as well as an exporter of justice and values.1 Characterized by the French President of the Council of the European Un- ion Jacques Chirac as “an historic summit”, a conference of governments that was important for EU “Eastern Enlargement” took place in Nice from December 6–11, 2000 after months of uncertainty about the will of member states for the reform of EU institutions. Differences and rivalries in the crisis-plagued relations between Germany and France as well as those between the larger and smaller states played a role. They made up a part of the summit that was supposed to provide the apparatus for the restructuring of the EU. Even though not all of this was resolved, a new treaty did come into existence that laid the cornerstone for new admissions. -
LONG STORY of KURZ: “AUSTRIA YOU WILL BE MACRONISED” Max Hess
LONG STORY OF KURZ: “AUSTRIA YOU WILL BE MACRONISED” Max Hess (Senior political risk analyst with the London-based AEK international, specializing in Europe and Eurasia). Copyright: Research Institute for European and American Studies (www.rieas.gr) Publication date: 21 October 2017 Note: The article reflects the opinion of the author and not necessarily the views of the Re-search Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS). Sebastian Kurz, 31, is likely to become Austria’s new Chancellor following the 15 October election. He would be the youngest-ever head of government in the European Union and many of his supporters will be seen as a bold new face ready to lead Europe through and past the ongoing crises over migration, integration, fiscal authority, and identity that have dominated European politics, within and without the EU, in recent years. A new leader of Europe’s populist right is likely on the horizon, yet he has received little international attention compared with candidates such as Marine Le Pen or Nigel Farage who were always long shots. Kurz’s Rise – Aus Iuridicum Rapidly rising through the youth wing of the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), Kurz was elected its head in 2009 and then promoted directly into the party’s upper echelon in 2011 when he was named to the newly-created post of state secretary for integration at age 24. From the earliest days, Kurz embraced a populist right-wing worldview although he initially steadfastly avoided divisive rhetoric that could have derailed his rise. Kurz used his post as state secretary to publicize these ideas, while also astutely employing the leeway afforded by his youth to take positions deviating from the ÖVP platform.