Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793-1810; Madoc

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THE PICKERING MASTERS

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

General Editor: Lynda Pratt Southey 2-prelim.fm Page ii Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:32 PM

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

Volume 1: Joan of Arc, ed. Lynda Pratt Volume 2: Madoc, ed. Lynda Pratt Volume 3: Thalaba the Destroyer, ed. Tim Fulford Volume 4: The Curse of Kehama, ed. Daniel Sanjiv Roberts Volume 5: Selected Shorter Poems c. 1793–1810, ed. Lynda Pratt Southey 2-prelim.fm Page iii Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:32 PM

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

General Editor: Lynda Pratt

Volume 2 Madoc

Edited by Lynda Pratt

with the assistance of Carol Bolton and Paul Jarman Southey 2-prelim.fm Page iv Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:32 PM

First published 2004 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

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BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA Southey, Robert, 1774–1843 Robert Southey : poetical works 1793–1810. – (The Pickering masters) 1. Southey, Robert, 1774–1843 – Criticism and interpretation I. Title II. Pratt, Lynda III. Fulford, Tim IV. Roberts, Daniel 821.7

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Southey, Robert, 1774–1843. [Poems. Selections] Robert Southey : poetical works, 1793–1810. p. cm. – (The Pickering masters) Includes bibliographical references and index.

I. Title: Poetical works, 1793–1810. II. Pratt, Lynda, 1964– III. Fulford, Tim, 1962– IV. Roberts, Daniel Sanjiv. V. Title. VI. Series. PR5462 2004 821'. 7–dc22 2004000292

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-731-5 (set)

Typeset by P&C Southey 2-prelim.fm Page v Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:32 PM

CONTENTS

Introduction vii Extant Manuscripts of Madoc xxii Madoc 1805 1 Preface 3 Part 1 – Madoc in Wales Book I – Madoc’s return to Wales 9 Book II – The Marriage Feast 16 Book III – Cadwallon 22 Book IV – The Voyage 31 Book V – Lincoya 38 Book VI – Erillyab. Coanocotzin 44 Book VII – The Battle 52 Book VIII – The Peace 58 Book IX – Emma 66 Book X – Mathraval 69 Book XI – The Gorsedd 75 Book XII – Dinevawr 81 Book XIII – Bardsey. Llewelyn 86 Book XIV – Llaian 94 Book XV – The Excommunication 101 Book XVI – David 109 Book XVII – The Departure 112 Book XVIII – Rodri 118 Part 2 – Madoc in Aztlan Book I – The Return 121 Book II – The Tidings 125 Book III – Neolin 132 Book IV – Amalahta 137 Book V – War Denounced 142 Book VI – The Festival of the Dead 145 Book VII – The Snake God 153 Book VIII – Conversion of the Hoamen 160 Book IX – Tlalala 164 Book X – The Arrival of the Gods 170 Book XI – The Capture 176 v Southey 2-prelim.fm Page vi Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:32 PM

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Book XII – Hoel 181 Book XIII – Coatel 186 Book XIV – The Combat 190 Book XV – The Battle 199 Book XVI – Goervyl 204 Book XVII – The Deliverance 212 Book XVIII – The Victory 218 Book XIX – Funeral. Coronation 225 Book XX – Death of Coatel 230 Book XXI – The Sports. Mexitli 234 Book XXII – Death of Lincoya 238 Book XXIII – Caradoc 242 Book XXIV – The Embassy 245 Book XXV – The Lake Fight 249 Book XXVI – The Close of the Century 254 Book XXVII – The Migration 263 Southey’s Notes 275 MSS Drafts of Madoc 355 Editor’s Notes 573

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INTRODUCTION

Madoc, the son of Owen Gwynedd, it is stated in the bardic Triads, went to sea with 300 men, in ten ships, to avoid the dissentions of his brothers respecting the throne of Gwynedd, or North Wales. No tidings were ever heard of this expedition; but a multitude of evidence has been collected by Dr. Pughe, E. Williams (the bard of Glamorgan), and others, to prove that Madoc must have reached the American continent (300 years before the time of Columbus,) for the descendants of him and his followers exist there as a nation to this day; and the present position of which is on the southern banks of the Missouri river, under the appellation of Padoucas, 1 or white and civilized Indians. Thrice happy shall that man be esteemed, who, standing up among them, and holding the Bible in his hands, shall cry in the British tongue, ‘I am come from Madoc’s country to read and explain to you this holy book of 2 God, and to preach among you the unsearchable riches of Christ.’ The legend of the Welsh prince who sailed to America and established a colony there was a fashionable one in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, generating a pamphlet literature of its own and eventually an expedition to 3 attempt to locate any surviving descendants of the ‘Welsh Indians’. Moreover, Madoc’s usefulness to writers of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was not restricted to narratives of travel, antiquarianism, ethnography and religion. ‘He [who] from the tumults of a Crown/ Sought shelter in a world unknown’ attracted the attention of Welsh bards such as Edward Williams (Iolo 4 Morgannwg) and their English contemporaries. Indeed, as Robert Southey was to demonstrate, in a society interested in heroes and heroism, Madoc was a suita- ble subject for a long poem.

Pre-publication History

Although Madoc has the longest and most complex genesis of all of Southey’s 5 poems, its pre-publication history has been neglected. As its author explained in an unused draft of the preface to the first edition of 1805, there were in fact sixteen years between the poem’s conception and its eventual publication. Its origins lay in Southey’s school days at Westminster and in his conversations with

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his future patron Charles Watkin Williams Wynn, younger son of a Welsh land- owner and also a putative descendant of Madoc’s brother Rodri: So long ago as the year 1789 the adventures of Prince Madoc impressed me deeply as forming a fit groundwork for some fictitious narrative – a rude & indistinct outline was soon traced, & it became the subject of con- versation & correspondence with the schoolfellow, to whom the poem is now after 15 years inscribed. Twice the story was begun, & tho the immediate prospectus was abandoned, it still remained a settled purpose which induced me to seize & peruse with diligence whatever books bore 6 any relation to the subject. Southey’s earliest drafts of his version of the Madoc story, now lost, were in prose. It was not until 1794, by this time the author of two drafts of a second epic, Joan of Arc, and more confident in his ‘facility of versification’, that he decided to return to Madoc, producing 722 lines of blank verse between summer 7 1794 and summer 1795. Southey’s newly burgeoning career as a published and publishing poet meant that this work was ‘interrupted by the necessity of attend- ing to Joan of Arc which went to press in the spring’ of 1795 and it was not resumed for some two years (WC429/KESMG, unfoliated). The project was not, however, entirely forgotten and in July 1796 ‘My epic poem, in twenty books, of Madoc’ was listed amongst Southey’s future projects (RS to GCB, 31 July 1796, L&C, Vol. I, p. 287). By the time Southey was ready to return to it in early 1797, the poem’s increasingly important status in his personal pantheon was reflected in his observation to Joseph Cottle that all his other ‘literary pursuits’ would now be postponed until Madoc, the ‘greatest’ of all his works was complete (RS to JC, [before 21 February 1797], L&C, Vol. I, pp. 303–4). The rewriting of the poem began on 22 February 1797, the same day that Southey reluctantly began his legal studies at Gray’s Inn. He noted both events in his Commonplace Book, accompanying them with some lines originally written for the poem’s ‘commenc- ment’ but which he now thought ‘must conclude’ it: SPIRIT OF SONG! It is no worthless breast That thou hast filled, with husht and holy awe, I felt thy visitation. Blessed power, I have obeyed, and from the many cares That chain me to this sordid selfish world Winning brief respites, hallowed that repose To thee, and pour’d the song of better things. Nor vainly may the song of better things Live to the unborn days; so shall my soul In the hour of death feel comfort, and rejoice. (CB, Vol. IV, p. 45) Although stylistically akin to proclamations of his ambitions for his own posterity in Madoc (1794–5), the lines were not taken from that version of the poem. Nor, despite his intentions, were they to find a place in the new draft that he pro-

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8 duced over the following twenty-nine months. Southey’s work on what was to be the first completed version of Madoc seems to have begun with his returning to and substantially revising the one and a half-book version of 1794–5. On 6 March 1797 he informed Cottle that he had only thirty lines of the first book left to write and some three days later he finished reworking the 722 line fragment (RS to JC, 6 March 1797, Houghton Library, Harvard, bMS Eng 265.1 (17); CB, Vol. IV, p. 45 n.1). Southey did not keep this new work on the poem to himself. Instead Madoc began to acquire a pre-publication audience. Its manuscripts circulated amongst his friends in Bristol, James Losh reading one of these 9 (probably the first and second books of this new version) on 25 May 1797. Later on parts of the poem were sent in letters to family and other friends, 10 including Southey’s brother, Thomas, and Charles Wynn. Southey’s promising start was not sustained. Inevitably, other commitments, notably his legal studies and work on second editions of Joan (1798) and Poems (1797) and for the Morning Post and the Critical Review, impeded the progress of his Welsh poem. In July 1798 he informed Wynn that he had been waking early and in ‘the hours thus gained, have I been travelling to Mathraval and heard the Hirlas song, and spent some little time with Rhys ap Gryffydh at Dinevawr, “the great palace”’ (RS to CW, 21 July, 1798, NL, Vol. I, p. 173). By December of the same year he had begun the ninth book and was looking forward to completing the entire work (RS to JM, 3 December 1798, Warter, Vol. I, p. 62). Fourteen books of what was now reshaped into a fifteen, as opposed to twenty, book poem were written by early July 1799 and on the eleventh of the same month this version of Madoc was finished (RS to CW, 8 July 1799, NL, Vol. I, p. 196; Madoc (1797–9, MS 2A), f. 261). Yet although he had spent over two years labouring on his new work, Southey had no intention of publishing it for several years, if at all during his own lifetime. Indeed, perhaps prompted by the hostile critical reaction to the earlier ‘six week’ epic Joan (1796) and by the personal significance that he attached to his magnum opus, from the time he had resumed work on Madoc in 1797 he had seen it as a long-term project. As early as July 1796 he had claimed that when he had ‘done with the world’ he would leave the poem ‘to posterity’ in the belief that it ‘may benefit the future’ (RS to GCB, 26 July [1796], NL, Vol. I, p. 113). By 1799, when work on the 1797–9 version was almost complete, he had adopted an almost Coleridgean timetable, observing that ‘on a great work like Madoc I should think ten years labour well bestowed’ (RS to CW, 4 February 11 [1799], NL, Vol. I, p. 181). As he explained to John May in July of the same year: … if I live it is my determination not to publish it for many years – I would build upon it my after reputation, & correct in the maturity of life what was produced in the warmth of younger years … (RS to JM, 19 July [17]99, Ramos, p. 46).

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Southey did not keep his resolution. On 29 November 1799 he talked about applying himself ‘shortly to the correction of Madoc’, though again with no intention of publishing it immediately (RS to JM, 29 November [17]99, NL, Vol. I, p. 206). In April 1800 he took a manuscript of the poem with him to Por- tugal, leaving another behind in Bristol with Charles Danvers (RS to STC, 1 April 1800, Cabral, p. 69). Southey and his wife remained in Portugal until June 1801. The majority of the visit was taken up with completing and then revising his oriental romance Thalaba the Destroyer, a process which, as Tim Fulford has shown, proved to be more time-consuming and complex than anticipated (see Vo l u m e 3 , ‘Introduction’). Any spare time was largely devoted to collecting materials for another ‘long, and arduous, and interesting, and important under- taking’, a ‘History of Portugal’, and for tinkering with ‘The Curse of Keradou’ (RS to TS, 23 March 1800, Cabral, pp. 67–8). However, by early 1801, Southey’s thoughts were returning to Madoc, the future correction of which he portrayed as providing relief from his labours on the ‘History’ (RS to CW, 21 February 1801, Cabral, p. 149). On 6 June, with his visit drawing to a close, he recorded a series of possible new directions for the second part of the poem, including the introduction of a number of new characters (CB, Vol. IV, pp. 208– 9). After his return to Britain, further impetus and some fresh ideas for the first part were provided by a tour of North Wales, accompanied by Wynn and Peter Elmsley, another old schoolfriend, in autumn 1801 (CB, Vol. IV, p. 210). Although he still regarded Madoc as his ‘monument’, Southey was gradually moving away from the plan not to erect it ‘in my lifetime’ (RS to CW, 30 April 1801, Cabral, p. 167). His motivation may have been financial. His resources had been drained by the visit to Portugal and abandonment of irksome but prof- itable work for newspapers and reviews. A new publication offered the tantalising prospect of much-needed funds. Certainly by July 1801 he had con- tacted his publishers, Longman, ‘proffering him another poem, to be ready for the press by the end of the winter … [and] requesting a part of the payment now’ (RS to JM, 26 July 1801, Cabral, p. 177). As Southey admitted to William Taylor, he had in fact offered Longman a choice of two poems, ‘either “Madoc” or a Hindoo romance [what was to become The Curse of Kehama]’, adding that he was ‘so equally inclined to either, that the power of choice’ was best left ‘in other hands’ (RS to WT, 27 July 1801, Robberds, Vol. I, p. 370). This ability to take up and complete whichever poem the publishers cared to select did not mean that Southey valued them equally. Indeed, writing to Taylor about the recently published Thalaba made him draw an important distinction between his oriental romances and both Madoc and Joan of Arc: There are parts of the poetry [in Thalaba] which I cannot hope to sur- pass. Yet I look with more pride to the truth and the soul that animates ‘Joan of Arc.’ There is the individual Robert Southey there, and only his imagination in the enchanted fabric. For this also I build the hope, the confidence of my own immortality upon ‘Madoc,’ because in a story as diversified as that of ‘Thalaba,’ human characters are well developed,

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Introduction

human incidents well arranged; because it will be as new in the epic as this is in the romance, and assert a bolder claim to originality than has been asserted since the voice of Homer awoke its thousand echoes (RS to WT, 27 July 1801, Robberds, Vol. I, pp. 371–2). His correspondent disagreed, urging him to publish Madoc and ‘build your edi- fice’ on what Taylor regarded as the infinitely more popularist and likely to be popular ‘Hindoo ground’ (WT to RS, 2 August 1801, Robberds, Vol. I, p. 375). Although Longmans’ response to Southey’s proposal has not survived, within months the latter had changed his mind and was expressing his determination that ‘Madoc shall not be sacrificed to any temporary exigence’, such as the demands of publishers or the need to make a living (RS to CD, [undated c. 1801], BL Add. MS 47890, f. 161). He did, however, do some work on it, returning to the 1797–9 version and beginning a series of revisions. With time on his hands during his visit to Dublin, where he had taken up the post of Secre- tary to Issac Corry in October 1801, he managed to get ‘half thro the first book of Madoc in correction’ and began a copy for Wynn (RS to CW, 29 October 1801, NL, Vol. I, p. 253). Work continued into at least December, when he was able to assure Wynn that ‘The two first books of Madoc will be ready for you when you return [to London]’ (RS to CW, 9 December 1801, NL, Vol . I, p. 264). Even the demands of working for Corry and contributing to the Morning Post did not impede him entirely. As he explained, ‘tho more slow and laborious than any other work’ this was ‘a thing that can be done amid all interruptions, which any thing requiring continuous feeling could not’ (NL, Vol. I, p. 264). This process of protracted, intermittent, revision continued throughout 1802 and early 1803 (RS to CW, 5 December 1802, NL, Vol. I, p. 297). It was aided by eyesight problems which made writing poetry more congenial than other work (RS to JR, 12 January 1803, NL, Vol. I, p. 301). By spring 1803, however, Southey’s work on the poem was speeding up (RS to CW, 19 April 1803, NL, Vol. I, p. 312). Within six months he had made even greater strides, announcing to Danvers that … I am hot upon Madoc – quite in my full gallop mood. His whole nar- ration is now finished, without reckoning the line-by-line alterations and smaller insertions. There are about 800 new lines of new matter added. I am now in the old fourth book and will travel in [the] open having a clear country before me. There will be about fifty or fourscore lines to add here containing an excommunication scene, and about as many more in the old fifth book about turning Owen Gwyneddh out of his grave in consequence. Except this there is only to alter and ornament till I come to the seventh book. Then I shall have about a thousand lines of new story to insert in the place of that book and inweave with the next. The poem has hung so long upon my hands and during so many ups and downs of life that I had almost become superstitious about it and could hurry thro it with a sort of fear … I will not trust it longer least more changes befall

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and I should learn to dislike it as a melancholy memento (RS to CD, [October, 1803], NL, Vol. I, p. 332). By 7 November he was ‘in the fifth book’, writing a ‘new part’ dealing with Madoc’s visit to Bardsey (RS to CD, NL, Vol. I, p. 334). His revisions and expansions continued throughout 1804 and were not finished by the time the poem began printing in the early summer. As Southey explained to Danvers in a letter begun before 11 October: I corrected this evening the 38th sheet of Madoc which brings it down to the beginning of the old tenth book, now the fourteenth section of the second part, and I have also this evening just finished the revision of Madocs combat with Coanocotzin … Another fortnight will conclude my work, and three weeks bring the printer to the notes (NL, Vo l . I , p . 360). The poem was completed by mid October 1804, though the exordium (written at the behest of Wynn’s cousin Lord Carysfort) and the notes were finished later in the year (RS to CW, 27 November 1804, NLW MS 4811D; RS to WT, 23 November 1804, Robberds, Vol. I, p. 521). Southey also made one other change, substituting a brief account of ‘the historical foundations of the poem’ for the ‘story of its birth and progress’ which he had originally written to preface it (Robberds, Vol. I, p. 521). Madoc’s eventual entrance into the public sphere encountered other difficulties apart from those of large scale, time-consuming revision. Even the choice of its publisher was not an automatic one. Southey, probably disillusioned with the small sales and small profits from Thalaba and perhaps also with Longman’s response to his offer of summer 1801, considered departing from his established practice and publishing his new poem by subscription. He explained his plans for a subscription edition, price one guinea, to Danvers on 7 November 1803, noting that if he was able to ‘dispose of three hundred copies thus my profits will be of some importance – something more than the from-hand-to-mouth work at which I have so long laboured’ (NL, Vol. I, p. 334). The proposal was still being actively touted in December when he informed Rickman that he intended to publish the subscription edition ‘next winter’ and to ‘have the whole profits myself ’ (RS to JR, 11 December 1803, NL, Vol. I, p. 346). However, by early 1804 Southey had undergone a change of heart. As he explained to Danvers: About Madoc. think no more of the subscription plan. it will not do. so I always thought, & so I am now convinced. Without many zealous friends such things inevitably fail – & I have but one who would bestir himself except yourself. besides it excites jealousy & ill will in booksellers, & is in fact a confession that my books do not sell, a truth which if so confessed would make them sell still worse. If Longman will go to the expense of good printers so as to give the poem all chance that finery & outside can give it I will be content to share the profits, in imitation of the great author of Alfred (RS to CD, [10 January] 1804, BL Add. MS 30928, f. 20).

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By early February an agreement had been reached under which Longman, his publishers since the late 1790s, would ‘print it (with prints for the love of an out- landish costume) at his cost, and I share the eventual profits’ (RS to JR, 8 February, 1804, NL, Vol. I, p. 352). Madoc was printed by the Edinburgh firm of Ballantynes. The poem went to press before Southey had finished it and by late July 1804 he had ‘corrected five proofs’ and was commending Ballantyne for the ‘excellent accuracy’ of his printing (RS to CD, 22 July 1804, Add. MS 30928, f. 46). However, his relationship with the printer was not always harmonious. They disagreed over typography and layout, with Southey suggesting one thing and Ballantyne another. As the former explained: I ordered 30 lines in a page – it did not suit Ballantyne’s types & he would only promise 24 – at the same time recommending 20 & the same type as Scotts Lay of the Last Minstrel (RS to CD, 18 April 1805, BL Add. MS 48990, f. 207). Similarly, Southey’s plan to provide his poem with at least four illustrative plates was also compromised, perhaps because of cost, the advice of friends and lack of time. Only two engravings appeared in the first edition and one of these, a huge, coiled serpent, was misplaced (RS to CD, 18 April 1805, BL Add. MS 48990, f. 207). In spite of other problems, including a packet of his notes to the poem that went astray, causing Southey some nervous moments before it finally turned up, by early February the ‘last proofs’ had been completed and were ‘on their way to Edinburgh’. Southey was full of praise for the title page, which contained ‘the very finest Gothic letters you ever saw’ and was looking forward to seeing ‘the compleat volume’ (RS to John King, 5 February 1805, BL Add. MS 47891, f. 11; RS to CD, 18 February 1805, BL Add. MS 48990, f. 203). Madoc was eventually published in a handsome quarto volume, priced 30s, in late March– early April 1805, some sixteen years after its conception.

Post-publication History

Unlike Joan, which underwent substantial revision after its initial publication, Madoc changed relatively little after its appearance in 1805. One of the reasons for this may have been Southey’s increasing absorption in other works – both prose and, later, the annotated poems TCK and Roderick, the Last of the Goths. Another factor may have been the poem’s relatively sluggish sale and its small profits (See Figs 1 and 2). A second, two-volume edition appeared in 1807, containing ‘not above half a dozen alterations’ in order that ‘the quarto [1805 edition] might retain its full value’ (RS to CW, 11 June 1807, Warter, Vol. II, p. 13; RS to CD, 13 May 1806, Warter, Vol. I, p. 376). Further two-volume editions, once again with very minor changes, followed in 1812, 1815 and 1825. In 1838 Madoc went into a sixth and final edition when it was published as volume

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five of Southey’s ten volume collected poems. Even this last lifetime edition contained relatively minor alterations, the main change being the addition of a new ‘Preface’ which traced the poem’s complex genesis.

Fig. 1 Madoc print runs and sales figures. Source: University of Reading, Longman Archive, Joint Commission and Divide Ledgers. Figures have only been given for years when they are available and have not been provided for the 6th edition of 1838, which was published as part of Poetical Works (1837–8). These can be compared with the sales of Letters from Eng- land (1807), whose print run of 1,000 copies sold out within a year of publication.

1st edition (1805): 1805 500 copies printed 1806 186 unsold 1807 154 unsold 1809 144 unsold 1810 85 unsold 1811 66 unsold 1812 35 unsold 1813 21 unsold 1815 5 unsold

2nd edition (1807): 1807 1,000 copies printed 1809 360 unsold 1810 239 unsold 1811 55 unsold 1812 edition sold out

3rd edition (1812): 1812 750 copies printed 1813 435 unsold 1814 189 unsold 1815 52 unsold

4th edition (1815): 1815 1,000 copies

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Introduction 1816 770 unsold 1817 617 unsold 1818 521 unsold 1819 424 unsold 1820 329 unsold 1821 224 unsold 1822 168 unsold 1823 111 unsold 1824 sold out

5th edition (1825): 1825 500 copies printed 1826 473 unsold 1827 465 unsold 1828 424 unsold 1829 406 unsold 1830 391 unsold 1831 361 unsold 1832 353 unsold 1834 340 unsold 1835 333 unsold 1836 317 unsold 1837 303 unsold 1838 298 unsold (these sold at the Albion Sale, June 1838)

Fig. 2 Southey’s earnings from Madoc (1805). Source: University of Reading, Longman Archive, Joint Commission and Divide Ledgers. Figures have only been given for years when they are available. These can be compared with his half-year earnings from Letters from England (1807) of £135, 15s, 4½d.

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Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810 – Volume 2 1805 £3, 17s, 1d 1806 £22, 2s, 4½d 1809 £7, 10s, 0d 1810 £21, 6s, 10½d 1811 £4, 11s, 8½d 1813 £10, 8s, 9d 1815 £2, 1s, 3d

Madoc’s post-publication history was, therefore, relatively unprofitable and une- ventful. However, it would be misleading to assume that Southey’s failure to make any major changes meant that he was satisfied with the published work. Indeed, he regarded it with something verging on regret – as an example of promise unfulfilled – and considered making substantive alterations. The abandoned draft ‘Preface’ to the 1805 edition, written when his feelings about the poem were at a low point, made this clear: I looked to this as the monument which was to perpetuate my memory, the proof that should justify the determination with which I had abandoned all common pursuits of fortune to devote myself to literature. However I may disappoint the reader, he may be assured that I have dis- 12 appointed myself far more (WC429/KESMG, unfoliated). By August 1805 his dissatisfaction was finding an outlet in the possibility of revision. As he explained to Joseph Cottle: My own heavy quarto stands I believe better with the world than it does with me … the subject is bad, it was chosen too soon, and has been too long in hand. I propose to alter the catastrophe, by omitting the two last sections, and inserting something in their place, in which Madoc shall still be the Agent, and the person on whom the interest hangs; for at present there is an injudicious transfer of the interest to Yuhidthiton (RS to JC, 25 August 1805, NL, Vol. I, p. 395). As Southey’s erstwhile publisher and patron, and as the would-be author of another Welsh-themed epic on The Fall of Cambria (1808), Cottle can have been expected to have provided a sympathetic audience. Yet Southey saved his most extended engagement with Madoc for a new acquaintance, Anna Seward. Although Seward had publicly criticised Southey’s first epic Joan (see Volume 1, pp. xliii–xliv), she was much more enthusiastic about Madoc. Indeed, she and Southey were to become ‘personally acquainted’ as a direct result of the Welsh poem. As the latter admitted in the 1838 ‘Preface’: Her encomiastic opinion of it [Madoc] was communicated to me through Charles Lloyd, in a way which required some courteous acknowledgement; this led to an interchange of letters, and an invitation to Lichfield,

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where, accordingly, I paid her a visit, when next on my way to London, in 1807 (PW, Vol. V, pp. xiv–xv). Their correspondence began in June 1807 and lasted until Seward’s death in 1810. Southey’s letters, the majority of which remain unpublished, indicate that he used her as a sounding-board for his complex feelings about and possible res- 13 olutions to the problems raised by Madoc. His first letter of 30 June 1807 thanked Seward for her enthusiastic opinion of the poem, simultaneously informing her of its critical reception and the poor sales which had brought him profits of only £3, 17s, 1d in the year following publication. He also sent her a copy of the abandoned preface, ‘as being precisely what I feel concerning Madoc, which I began in 1789 at the age of fifteen’ (RS to Seward, 30 June 1807, NYPL, Pforzheimer Collection). His next, written on 25 July, went further, sending a detailed analysis of the poem’s defects and asking her advice on his proposed solutions: The great fault of Madoc is in the catastrophe, which is so managed as to transfer the feelings from the hero to Yuhidthiton. Let me consult you concerning an alteration of this part. Suppose that Tezozomoc encour- ages the thought of emigrating when it is first hinted at by the King, & plots with Tlalala to kill Madoc & his chiefs at a conference: meaning to kill Yuhidthiton also in the fray, but this part of his design he dares not entrust to Tlalala. The meeting takes place on an Island, – so that all the people are spectators. To make all sure, the priests poison their knives. At the moment of danger Yuhidthiton alarms Madoc, who stabs Tezozomoc, but is hurt in the arm, & the priest writhing in death tells him exultingly the wound is mortal. Madoc heats his sword red hot upon the altar, & xxx cauterizes his arm with it. Then he & Yuhidthiton part in friendship & Tlalala, who seeing the Kings life aimed at in the treason has saved him & turned upon the Priests, gives his wife & child to Madocs cares & ter- minates the poem as a present. Another part is ill executed – that scene at Caer-madoc with the women & Amalahta. I thought of making Erillyab arrive in time, & kill- ing her son with her own hand, but from this I was dissuaded, – and perhaps justly. I now think of bringing a dog from the field of battle in Arvon, who was found there watching his dead master, – & making him save Goervyl after Malinal can do no more. At any rate this section must be mended. These are the only alterations which seem practicable: do you think them good? – I could not give Madoc a wife, – he is past the age at which love is necessary for a hero, & as it is to be taken for granted that he had loved at that age, it would have lowered my conception of the character to have made him marry politically. Otherwise Erillyab would have been his fit wife (RS to Anna Seward, 25 July, NYPL, Pforzheimer Collection). His letters to Seward indicate Southey’s awareness of some of the faults of his poem and his interest in amending them. He did not, however, incorporate these

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alterations and Seward herself cautioned him against doing so in case ‘a change 14 so considerable may give triumph to the envious foes of its speedy celebrity’. Madoc was also, as he confessed, the production of a poet whose labours were increasingly directed into other fields: ‘Since it was published I have written no poetry: disuse has now generated disinclination, & perhaps in a little time my hand may lose its cunning’ (RS to Seward, 30 June 1807). It was perhaps this, combined with the disheartening sales figures, which led Southey silently to abandon any plans for extensive revision of his magnum opus. It was to take the intervention and generosity of Walter Savage Landor to reactivate the then- unpublished TCK, but Madoc, which had ‘over-stept the Rubicon’ of publication, 15 was not so fortunate.

Critical Reception

As he was completing the proofs of Madoc in early 1805 Southey confessed that all his ‘enjoyments [in the poem] are well nigh over’ and the moment would soon arrive when ‘the book will … cease to be peculiarly my own, & is any bodys who chuses to purchase it’ (RS to CD, 18 February 1805, BL Add. MS 48990, f. 203). His comments disguised the fact that different versions of the poem had already circulated in manuscript amongst his family and friends and attracted a substantial pre-publication audience. The 1794–5 fragment had probably been read by close friends and associates, including Robert Lovell and Coleridge. The 1797–9 version was to achieve a much wider circulation, largely encouraged by Southey himself, as he sent manuscript drafts to his brother Thomas and made other copies available to friends and associates, including Coleridge, Danvers, Joseph Cottle, Humphry Davy, James Losh and Thomas Beddoes. In addition, the poem’s currency in Bristol literary society meant that even a fringe member of Southey’s circle such as Romaine Joseph Thorn was knowledgeable enough about its existence to mention it in a footnote to his own poem Lodon and 16 Miranda (1799). The revised version of 1801–4, in effect largely the poem published in 1805, was also passed round in draft form, with copies sent, amongst others, to Wynn, Thomas Southey and Coleridge, the latter being asked to make further transcripts for Sir George Beaumont (see manuscript descrip- 17 tions, pp. xxii–xxiv; STC to RS, 12 March 1804, CL, Vol. II, p. 1085). Although the circulation of poems in manuscript was commonplace in romantic period culture, Madoc’s prolonged gestation and the changes made to it by Southey during this period makes any consideration of its reception more complex than it initially seems. When analysing the responses of contemporary readers to the poem it is important to bear in mind precisely which version of it they were reacting to, for example the unpublished 1797–9 Madoc or the published text of 1805.

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Early readers of Madoc – those who encountered it like Losh in 1797 or Col- eridge in 1799 – had access to a poem markedly different from that which appeared in 1805, to a work which this edition publishes for the first time. Some contemporary readers of the unpublished poem of 1797–9 believed it to be a work of tremendous significance. For example, Coleridge, who had described Joan as the work of one who wrote ‘too much at his ease’, urged Southey to publish his second epic ‘quam citissime’ and offered to ‘instantly publish as Essay on 18 Epic Poetry in reference to it’ (CL, Vol. I, pp. 320, 546). Charles Danvers, the Bristol wine merchant and one of Southey’s oldest friends, went further, openly expressing his preference for the unpublished 1797–9 poem over the one published in 1805 and forcing Southey to defend the latter: I can easily explain why you prefer the written to the printed Madoc. you have the one in your memory, & the new language in any part where you expect to meet the old, disappoints you, & you do not distinguish between disappointment & disapprobation. I should have no difficulty in convincing you that the alterations are every-where improvements (RS to CD, 19 [May?] 1805, BL Add. MS 30928, f. 55).

Danvers was not alone in having reservations about the 1805 edition. By the time Madoc was actually published, Southey was a controversial figure and it is not surprising that his new work divided readers and reviewers. Even his friends and acquaintances could not agree on its merits. Anna Seward’s enthusiasm has already been noted. Charles Wynn, the poem’s dedicatee and its earliest patron, found the ‘story so interesting the characters so well maintained & the incidents to naturally woven together’ that he was confident it would obtain ‘a lasting share of reputation among the poetical compositions of the English language’ (CW to RS, 6 May 1805, NLW MS 4814D). He also reported its progress in metropolitan high society, noting that ‘both Fox & Lord Holland’ had spoken ‘to me very handsomely about it’ and assuring Southey that ‘Many of those who have usually been your severest Critics have been converted by Madoc’ (CW to RS, 20 June 1805, NLW MS 4814D). Even Taylor, who had not been sanguine about its prospects, placed it on a level with the Odyssey, the Aeneid and Paradise Lost, commending its ‘impression of reality … Nobody believes a word of the Argonauts, or of Virgil; but one believes Madoc as one believes an historical play of Shakespeare’ (WT to RS, 5 April 1805, Robberds, Vol. II, pp. 79–80). Others amongst Southey’s associates were less sure of its success. Wordsworth, who admired its ‘beautiful pictures and descriptions’ and ‘animation’, criticised Madoc for having a hero who was ‘often very insipid and contemptible’ and for failing ‘in the highest gifts of the poet’s mind Imagination in the true sense of the word’ (WW to Sir G. Beaumont, 3 June 1805, EY, p. 595). His reservations were shared by some – though by no means all – contemporary reviewers. Madoc was widely reviewed, with fourteen notices appearing between 1805– 19 6. For the Annual Review it was ‘the best epic poem, which, since the Paradise Lost, has quitted the English press’, a work which bore comparison with the

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20 Iliad and Jerusalem Delivered. The Monthly Magazine detected resemblances with ‘the Odyssey, the Aeneid and the Lusiad’, describing it as ‘a great and dura- ble accession to our literature, a fit object of national pride, and of European 21 gratulation’. Whilst the General Review of British and Foreign Literature praised its ‘genius and originality’, particularly recommending it to ‘female readers’ more 22 accustomed to perusing romances. The author of a more critical appraisal in the Eclectic Review, which noted the poem’s accumulation of body parts – ‘skulls for drinking bowls – beads of human hearts incased with gold … [and a hero] Coanocotzin, [who] hangs up the skeleton of his enemy … and makes it hold a 23 lamp, in the hall where he sups and revels’ – might not have agreed. The Eclec- tic’s reservations were shared by other reviewers, most notably the Monthly, Edinburgh, and Critical Reviews, though Southey put the hostility of the latter down to a personal grudge the reviewer, Charles Valentine Le Grice, held against 24 Coleridge. Madoc’s use of unpronounceable names, particularly the ‘jaw-dislo- cating Ayayaca’, Southey’s use of ‘low, antiquated and vulgar words, upon serious occasions’ and his dependence on ‘infantile simplicity’ were singled out for disap- proval. As was the poem’s ‘dull tenor of mediocrity’, which was ‘totally 25 unsuitable to heroic poetry’. However, the poem’s fiercest contemporary critics also drew attention to what they saw as a more unsettling feature: its generic hybridity. John Ferriar, author of the piece in the Monthly Review and a long- standing critic of Southey’s, turned this to comic effect, describing Madoc as a literary prostitute (‘it is what it is’) and offering readers the memorable image of Southey ‘mounted’ not on ‘a fiery Pegasus’ but instead on ‘a strange animal, some- 26 thing between a rough Welsh poney and a Peruvian sheep’. The characteristically hostile Francis Jeffrey, writing in the Edinburgh Review, detected something more sinister, and infinitely less amusing, at work, seeing the hybrid poem as the product of its author’s ambition: [which is of an] undisciplined and revolutionary character. He affects to follow the footsteps of no predecessor, and to acknowledge the suprem- acy of no chief or tribunal … and seems to aim at dethroning the old 27 dynasty of genius, in behalf of an unaccredited generation. Jeffrey picks up on an important feature of the poem, its subversive and unsettling qualities and its radical endorsement of a new poetic creed, one shared by ‘unaccredited’ contemporaries such as Wordsworth. Madoc (1805), with its ver- bal tics and strange names, all characteristic of its revisionist agenda, was for Jeffrey a poem that contemporary critical vocabulary found hard to engage with. Southey affected disdain at the more critical reviews, delighting in pointing out that Jeffrey’s attack in the Edinburgh had actually gained his poem at least some high-profile, influential readers: Windham was induced to read the book by the merit of the extract there [in the Edinburgh Review] given to be censured … This, which Wynn had told me, was repeated by Lord Holland. Lady H. added, that it was the rule at St. Ann’s Hill (Fox’s) to read aloud after supper, and shut the book

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at eleven, and to retire to bed; but while Madoc was reading they went on after midnight (RS to TS, 22 May 1806, Warter, Vol. I, p. 381). Southey may have enjoyed the thought of his poem being appreciated by the great and good, but any hopes he had about its longer term survival were misplaced. Although it went into six editions in his lifetime and was quoted in travel accounts of the 1830s and in William Prescott’s Conquest of Mexico (1843), after 28 his death it shared the fate of many of his other poems. Indeed Madoc became an increasingly marginalised text, even within the context of Southey’s own pro- ductions. When it was reprinted by nineteenth-century editors – and its inclusion in an edition of his works was not a certainty – it was frequently as a series of excerpts and without Southey’s notes. As Herman Prior, author of a memoir of Southey, explained: ‘Madoc … notwithstanding its carefully finished diction … 29 will be read with least satisfaction’. His views were echoed by C. J. Battersby, who noted the poem’s ‘want of balance’, the ‘chief interest lies in the Mexican 30 adventures … but much has to be gone through before we reach them’. Even Maurice Fitzgerald’s edition of 1909 followed its predecessors by fragmenting Madoc, reprinting the 1838 version of the actual poem in full but supplying a highly selective version of Southey’s notes to it. Fitzgerald did at least alert his readers to the survival of manuscript versions of the poem. However, it was not until 1943, when Kenneth Curry published the 1794–5 manuscript, that any kind of work on the pre-publication history 31 began. Even then Curry’s discovery was not taken up. For much of the remain- der of the twentieth century, what interest there was in Southey focussed on his shorter poems, works which could be very obviously compared and contrasted, often negatively, with those of his canonical contemporaries, especially Words- worth and Coleridge. Madoc was one of the great unread poems of the period – a handsome quarto slowly accumulating dust. This situation began to change in the late 1980s and 1990s. The renewal of interest in Southey, itself a direct result of the canon-busting climate of the day, inevitably drew readers back to his longer poems and to the work which he had regarded as his magnum opus. In the past decade or so, Madoc has been reconfigured as an important example of 32 romantic period interest in radical Welshness and in colonial politics. However, any new work on the poem has inevitably been handicapped by issues relating to text. Although it was known and appreciated that it went through series of revisions, the unavailability of the early, unpublished manuscripts, in particular those from the period 1797–9, have restricted any reassessment of Madoc. This edition is the first to address and remedy this situation.

This Edition

It has long been suspected that the Madoc published in 1805 bore at best a problematic relationship to the text which circulated in Bristol in the late 1790s and

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whose audience included Coleridge. This volume is the first modern critical edition of the poem and the first to reproduce the surviving texts from the three crucial stages of Madoc’s development: 1794–5, 1797–9 and 1805.

Manuscripts of Madoc

In c. 1789 RS probably produced two drafts, inspired by his conversations and correspondence with CW. It is not known how extensive these drafts were, but a letter to Charles Danvers reveals that they were in prose (RS to CD, [October 1803], NL, Vol. I, p. 332). No manuscripts survive from this period of Madoc’s development.

Extant Manuscripts of Madoc

The surviving manuscripts of the poem are as follows:

1. 1794–5: BL Add. MS 47883. Paper; ff. I+27. Duodecimo, 11 cm x 17.5 cm. Bound in brown calf, gold and blind-tooled, c. 1827, with title ‘First Fragment of Madoc’ and ‘1794’ on the spine. One-and-a-half-book fragment worked on by Southey between summer 1794 and summer 1795. The case for dating the MS to 1795 is made by Paul Jarman, ‘Madoc 1795: Southey’s Misdated Manuscript’, RES, forthcoming.

2. 1797–9: Two surviving MSS reveal the stage the poem reached during the period 1797–9, when RS produced the first complete version of Madoc. However, it is highly probable that not all of his work from this period survives. An entry in James Losh’s Diary indicates that the early books of the poem were revised in 1797 and then rewritten again before September 1800 (Losh Diary, Vol. V, 4 September 1800). In addition, nothing survives of RS’s failed attempt to make the connection between his Welsh hero and Manco Capac, legendary founder of Incan civilisation. RS claimed that the failure to make this link involved sacrificing no more ‘than three hundred lines’ (RS to CW, 8 July [17]99, NL, Vol. I, p. 196).

2A. Beinecke Library, Yale University, Tinker MS 1938. Bound in two volumes (158 leaves and 143 leaves respectively), 20 x 13 cm. Written on the recto of each leaf, with occasional notes on versos. Some cancellations. Vol. 1 on watermarked (but undated) wove paper and laid paper; Vol. 2 entirely on laid paper. Vol. 1 inscribed: ‘Charles Danvers from Robert Southey. Wednesday, July 24. 1794.’ [Misdated: 24 July fell on Thursday in 1794. The MS is a fair copy of the poem as revised in 1797–9 and was probably

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the copy RS left behind him in CD’s keeping on his departure to Portugal in 1800.] Bound c. 1816 or later in full blue morocco.

2B. WC36/KESMG, KESMG. Unbound in quarto book-shaped case. Paper; 259 leaves of various sizes. Written on the recto of each leaf, with occasional notes and additions on versos. Some cancellations. Some portions have dates, the latest, ‘Thursday, 11 July 1799’, the day the poem was completed. Note on flyleaf in hand of TS records: ‘This M.S. given to me at different times – and is one of the first rough copies of the Poem before it was corrected for the Press. the greater part I had with me in the West Indies in 1804–5 & 6 – where the damp & vermine injured it/ Thos Southey/ 1812.’

3. 1801–4: WC35/KESMG, KESMG. 2 vols. Paper; 139 and 142 leaves respectively. Small Octavo. Russia. Described as ‘The ORIGINAL AUTO- GRAPH MS. as rewritten and published, with the cancelled verses and lines so marked out that they are still legible’. It contains RS’s work on the poem during the period 1801–4. Written on the recto of each leaf, with occasional notes and additions on versos. Some cancellations. Dated ‘Keswick, Oct. 29, 1804’. The volumes were included in the sale of RS’s library in 1843, where they were bought by Mr. Wilks. The two vols were temporarily separated from one another and are described in Fitzgerald, p. 760 as ‘in the possession of Canon Rawnsley’ (Vol. 1) and ‘in the Keswick Museum’ (Vol. 2). Vol. 1, leaves 1– 7, consist of RS’s notes on potential changes to the poem. The earliest books of the poem contain more than one level of revision, suggesting that RS either revised them shortly after their recomposition or that he returned to them at a later point in the period 1801–4.

Further fragmentary MS versions of the poem at various stages of composition were sent in letters to friends. The surviving MSS of these are:

4. NLW fragment: Madoc (1797–9), Book II, ll. 151–77, part of a description of Cynetha. Fair copy (text follows that in 2A, Tinker, 1938) sent by RS to CW, in a letter dated 21 July 1798. The MS of the letter is in NLW MS 4811D and both letter and enclosed fragment are reproduced in full in NL, Vol. I, pp. 172–4.

5. NLW MS 4819E, National Library of Wales. Autograph fair copies of various books of Madoc sent by RS to CW, mostly undated but all from the period covering the revision of the poem in 1801–4 and are almost certainly made from KESMG/WC35, RS’s working copy of this stage of the poem. These can be subdivided as follows:

5A. Part 1: Books I–II: A fair copy made from Books I and II of WC35/ KESMG. The copy contains material cancelled (obviously at a later date) in WC35/KESMG and provides evidence of the various stages of recomposi-

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tion and revision involved in RS’s reworking of the poem in 1801–4. RS is probably referring to these books in his letter to CW, 29 October 1801, NL, Vol. I, p. 253.

5B. Part 1: Book V: Fair copy made from KESMG/WC35.

5C. Part 1: Book XIII: Fair copy made from KESMG/WC35, but lacks material on Bernard of Clarivaux in that MS though not in Madoc (1805).

5D. Part 1: Book XVI: fragment, fair copy made from KESMG/WC35, but with deletions, in particular, it removes the material on Caradoc and Senena.

6. BL Add. MS 30, 927. Fair copies of two books of Madoc, almost certainly made from KESMG/WC35 and sent by RS to TS in 1804. Other copies sent to TS at this time were lost: ‘there were long letters in each, with scraps of Madoc written by Edith in double columns. all gone to edify the sharks’ (RS to CD, 2 August 1804, Add. MS 30928, f, 47).

6A. ff.103–4. Copy of Part 2: Book V, ‘Madoc 5. The War’, possibly in the hand of ES.

6B. ff. 105–6. ‘Madoc, 6. ‘The Battle’’, in hand of RS and also a letter to TS Feb- ruary 17 1804 with details of progress with the poem.

7. Edinburgh University Library, Laing Collection, La II. 144, two undated, autograph fragments. It is unknown if these were taken from a complete MS of the poem or were originally enclosed in a letter to an unknown correspondent.

7A. Madoc (1805), Book XI, ll. 1–32 and 162–6, fair copy. ‘pp. 282–284’ pencilled left hand of recto in another hand. On quarter sheet, watermarked ‘Britannia’.

7B. Madoc (1805), Book XII, ll. 1–49, fair copy. ‘p. 117’ pencilled in other hand top left hand of recto. Single sheet, written on recto and verso. Repaired, watermark not visible.

Other related MSS:

8. WC429/KESMG: Collection of notes and letters relating to Madoc. Includes autograph draft of ‘Preface’ originally intended for 1805 edition but abandoned by RS.

9. Saffron Walden Museum, 1 box containing loose notes from RS’s commonplace books, including his plans for Madoc, reprinted in full by Warter in CB, Vol. IV, pp. 205–8.

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This volume falls into two main sections which reflect the poem’s own history. The first deals with the Madoc most familiar to romantic period and contemporary readers. In accordance with the principles of this edition, copy text for this section is taken from the first edition of 1805. This has been collated against both all subsequent authorised lifetime editions (1807, 1812, 1815, 1825 and 1838) and the autograph manuscript of poem produced by Southey between 1801–4 and now in the Keswick Musuem (WC35/KESMG). The only intervention in the copy text is to insert line numbers. All textual variants are listed by line number at the bottom of the page. Southey’s notes, a crucial component of Madoc and an area that has attracted increasing interest, follow (as in the 1805 edition) at the end of the poem, with variants to these listed at the bottom of the page. Critical debate on Southey’s annotated poems has been hampered by the fact that neither he nor later scholars accurately identified his sources. Madoc makes substantial use of numerous quotations from travel books and histories dealing with Wales and America, particularly the Spanish conquest of the Ameri- cas. This edition traces these notes back to their source in Southey’s reading. Wherever possible the editions he used have been identified, author, page and publication details given and any adaptation by Southey of the original source indicated. Foreign language quotations have also been translated. The result of this is to reveal the range and depth of Southey’s reading and also some overlaps between sources for this poem and Thalaba, between his hybridised epic and his first oriental romance. It will also, hopefully, allow future scholars to reappraise his – and his contemporaries’ – engagement with the ‘Welsh Indians’, with the materials from which romantic period narratives of conquest and colonisation were constituted and reconstituted. Section two of this volume deals with the earlier versions of Madoc, those which had a select romantic period audience and which are virtually unknown to twenty-first century readers. It reproduces in full the manuscripts of the one-and- a-half-book Madoc of 1794–5 and the fifteen-book poem of 1797–9. Copy text for the latter is taken from the manuscript now in the Beinecke Library, Yale, on the grounds that it represents this stage of the poem in its most complete and finished form and because it is almost certainly the manuscript that Southey left behind in Bristol in 1800 and that his contemporaries had access to. The Bei- necke manuscript is collated against the other surviving manuscript from this stage of the poem’s development, rough drafts of the poem at one stage given by Southey to his brother Thomas and now in the Keswick Museum and Art Gal- lery (KESMG/WC36). This section also provides added information on the gestation of the poem by reproducing Southey’s abandoned ‘Preface’ to Madoc (1805) (KESMG/WC429). This volume will facilitate scholarly work on all of the surviving versions of Madoc, allowing comparisons of these to be made for the first time. It will also

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aid future study of the poem’s relationship to Romantic preoccupations with generic experimentation (particularly the epic), colonisation, religion and the Welsh renaissance. In addition, Madoc’s links with other texts and other writers will be able to emerge fully for the first time. The product of the late eighteenth- century epic revival, it is contemporaneous with other – perhaps dissimilar – engagements with the genre, for example, ‘The Recluse’ and the Prelude. It has parallels with other examples of the annotated long poem, such as Scott’s Lay of the Last Minstrel (1805), and was itself an influence on William Lisle Bowles’s The Missionary (1813) and Samuel Rogers’s Voyage of Columbus (1810). Moreo- ver, it is an important reminder of the extra-English dimensions of the period and of Southey’s own role as conduit for disseminating information about Ibe- rian culture. Influenced by Camoens’s Lusiad and Ercilla’s Araucana, Madoc’s own topicality increased in the late 1800s with the growth of independence movements in Spanish America.

‘So did not Madoc’

As the versions published in this volume indicate, Madoc was not static. Its text expanded and its ideological concerns shifted during the sixteen years it took to reach the press and Southey himself admitted that integrating old and new materials was a time-consuming and tricky process. The versions of Madoc reproduced here will facilitate new work on the development of the poem and a reconsideration of Southey’s own career as he moved from the unknown, ambi- tious young poet of 1794 to the controversial public figure of 1805, a poet increasingly turning to prose. Madoc emerges from this process of textual recla- mation as a complex poem, one whose shifts (from radicalism to enlightenment toleration, to conversion narrative) reflect the ideological and intellectual con- flicts that beset its author and also the period within which it was written and consumed. The surviving versions – with their ideological and generic complexities and inconsistencies – also raise questions about what Madoc actually is. On the sur- face, Southey’s magnum opus is a foundation epic, a work which deals with the formation of a new society. Yet it is surprisingly evasive about exactly what is being founded. For example, the concluding book of 1797–9 is dominated by the fate of the Aztecas: the suicide of the warrior Tlalala and the emigration of the Azteca King, Huitziton, and those of his followers who are unable to accept the new order. Although the final line assures us that ‘So in the land/ Madoc was left without an enemy’, there is no sense of what he will do next or what his new society will eventually lead to (Madoc (1797–9), Book XV, l. 351). The published version of the poem shifts interest even more dramatically away from the Welsh settlers, replacing the concluding line ‘Madoc was left without an enemy’ retained in the 1801–4 manuscript with:

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So in the land Madoc was left sole Lord; and far away Yuhidthiton led forth the Aztecas, To spread in other lands Mexitli’s name, And rear a mightier empire, and set up Again their foul idolatry; till Heaven, Making blind Zeal and bloody Avarice Its ministers of vengeance, sent among them The heroic Spaniard’s unrelenting sword. (Madoc (1805), Part 2, Book XXVII, ll. 387–95) The recorded fate of the Aztecas – a destiny chronicled in many of the Spanish sources used by Southey when working on the first published version – is, it seems, more interesting or at least more describable than the unknown fate of Madoc and his followers. Contemporary readers saw this shift of focus to the Aztecas as problematic. Southey himself was, as his defence of the ‘heroism’ of his Aztecas and his planned revisions show, also aware of it (RS to WT, 9 April 1805, Robberds, Vol. II, p. 82). However his inability to make the changes he felt were necessary, whilst influenced by lack of time and energy, perhaps also related to his consciousness of a more fundamental problem with his hero. Southey’s interest in the heroic individual links his poetry and prose, the slow- selling Madoc with the best-selling Life of Nelson (1813). However, his choice of heroes – and the way in which he chose to depict them – was not always successful, especially in the longer poems. Madoc’s immediate predecessor, Thalaba, contained a central character described by an acute contemporary reader, William Taylor, as a ‘talismanic statue’ (WT to RS, 2 August 1801, Robberds, Vol. I, p. 373). Madoc proved to be an equally problematic choice, particularly because of the failure of one part of Southey’s early plans for the poem. Southey’s hero is meant to be the founder of a new society, a society which in the earliest versions of his poem had much in common with pantisocracy and at one point in the writing of the 1797–9 manuscript was to be identified with late 33 enlightenment descriptions of Incan Peru. His inability to make this connection had important implications, particularly in the period 1797–9. By summer 1799 Southey had completed fourteen books of Madoc (1797–9), but instead of looking forward to the end of his labours he was overwhelmed by finding ‘that one part of my plan has utterly faild, that of identifying Madoc with Mango Capac’ (RS to CW, 8 July [17]99, NL, Vol. I, p. 196). Although he knew that connecting his hero with the semi-mythical founder of Incan Peru meant ignor- ing the more ‘rational’ view that Madoc had landed in Florida, Southey had good reasons for doing so, reasons connected to the raison d’être of the poem (NL, Vo l . I, p 196). In June 1796, before beginning work on the first complete draft of Madoc, he had sketched out his plans: when Peru was discovered by Pizarro the whole country was divided into three parts. The King & the Priests had one each. The remaining part … was the property of the nation – they cultivated it by their common toil –

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the produce was laid up in common storehouses – & enjoyed by all according to their respective wants. Individual property thus annihilated – all motives for vice necessarily ceased. This system was established by Mango Capac. Suppose the King & the Priests two wens of state that spring forth in after ages – make Mango Capac – Madoc & you see the main design of the poem! (RS to HWB, 12 June 1796, Eng Lett. c. 22, f. 191). Although Southey’s letter transforms Madoc/Capac into the progenitor of a pantisocratic society and his prospective poem into a pantisocratic epic, his plans were also inextricably linked to a rethinking of heroism. Influenced by the writings of Joel Barlow, who had incorporated Capac into his own revisionist epic The Vision of Columbus (1787), Southey planned to use Madoc/Capac to redefine 34 the nature of the hero and the heroic. As he explained to Humphry Davy: Hitherto heroic poetry has been confined almost wholly to the triumph of animal courage – this [the Manco Capac story] would be the victory of intellect, the ascendancy of a strong mind over ignorance (RS to HD, August 1799, Fragmentary Remains, p. 37). Southey intended the 1797–9 version of Madoc to engage with cultural change and displacement. In his grand scheme, the old Aztec system of blood sacrifice would be replaced with a theistic system based on fraternal love, just as the old world of war-torn Europe would be left behind in favour of the new. Moreover, the old martial epic, embodied in the fierce colonialism of Aztecan society, would be displaced by a new type of poem, an epic of intellect, liberty and peace whose values were encapsulated in a new type of hero – Madoc/Capac. The failure of this plan in 1799 left Southey with just Madoc, a solitary central character whom he was unable to transform into a pantisocratic Inca and who had founded a society which had no direct lineal descendants. Whereas Bristolian contemporaries like Ann Yearsley had already written foundation epics on subjects with clear connections to present-day society, Southey’s generic revisionism and his distaste for writing national poems on national themes had led him away 35 from this. As he was well aware, there was a potential (if fictional) solution to his dilemma – Madoc’s marriage. Indeed, his plans for the 1797–9 poem indicate that he toyed with the idea of marrying his hero to Elen, mistress of Madoc’s dead half-brother, Hoel (CB, Vol. IV, p. 205). This idea was abandoned, perhaps because it had connotations of incest. However, the possibility of Madoc as the father of a numerous brood arose again in 1801–4, when Southey introduced an entirely new character, the widowed Indian queen Erillyab. This presented the chance of a very different type of union, one which joined the Welsh settlers with the indigenous population of their newly-colonised land and produced the ‘Welsh Indians’ of popular legend. Yet Southey refused to take advantage of this, citing the rather odd grounds that Madoc was too old and that a political marriage would be out of character and inappropriate (RS to Seward, 25 July 1798).

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Introduction

Anna Seward, with whom these observations were shared, disagreed, claiming that in the reader’s mind [Madoc was] some years under thirty … Is it at that age, at life’s high noon, that men lose the propensity to love and marriage? I thought it the season at which men feel and inspire ardent 36 passion. Seward’s views made no difference and Southey’s hero remained alone, unable to display ‘amorous propensities either towards the ruddy damsels of Wales, or the 37 olive princesses of America’. The problem was that Madoc’s lack of interest in sex extended to other characters, a serious limitation in a poem describing the foundation of a new society. In 1801 Southey decided that when revising it he would marry Cadwallon, Madoc’s loyal second-in-command, to a young Indian widow, whom he had saved from a forced marriage (CB, Vol. IV, p. 208). The child of this union would be ‘the first born of the colony’, the first ‘Welsh Indian’, and would be shown to Madoc on his return from his second voyage as proof of Caermadoc’s successful future (CB, Vol. IV, p. 209). By 4 October 1801 this subplot had been rejected as ‘too epi- sodical’. Instead, Southey began to develop a new story, one which eventually found its way into the published poem: a relationship between Goervyl (Madoc’s sister) and a noble Azteca (originally called Hiolqui and later Malinal). However, his deep-seated unease with romance emerged in a note that ‘nothing else of love can be suffered in the poem’. This carried over into the published work, where the union through marriage of the Welsh and the Aztecas is deferred until after Madoc itself has finished (CB, Vol. IV, p. 210). If Madoc fights shy of love and sex, it also has little to say about the relation- ships between men and women. The only marriage depicted in the poem is the ill-judged political union between David, Madoc’s brother, and Emma, sister of the King of England. Just as Southey envisaged the identification of Madoc with Capac as central to his work, so in the completed versions of the poem relation- ships between men are more numerous and resonant than those between men and women. Moreover, they also form the most significant human ties: be it between Madoc and Cadwallon, Madoc and his nephew young Hoel, the Azteca warriors Ocelopan and Tlalala, and Madoc and the Aztecan king Huitziton. With its interest in male friendship and male ritual, shown in the arming scenes and single combats, Madoc displays a complex, revisionary preoccupation with heroic manifestations of masculinity and with the ties which bind men of honour, be they brave Welshmen or noble Aztecas. Madoc, in all its incarnations, is therefore a foundation epic in which nothing lasting is founded and in which male friendship takes the place of the breeding of future citizens. It is a poem in which ‘So did not Madoc’ takes on a great significance and in which Southey is more successful in describing what he is both repelled and fascinated by (be it in European or Aztecan society) than he is in inscribing the values he supports. Yet Madoc’s thematic and ideological complex-

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ities and inconsistencies contain the key to its importance. As the texts included in this volume make clear, the production of Southey’s Welsh-American poem coincides exactly with the cultural, social and political transformations of the 1790s and 1800s. Its prolonged development and the inconsistencies and eli- sions produced by that process are a reflection of the negotiations and renegotiations of literary and political allegiance and practice that marked the careers of Southey and his direct contemporaries. Madoc, though lacking the aes- thetic underpinning with which Wordsworth was careful to bolster his own works, is foundational in a literary historical sense. It is the complex, irreducible product of a decade and a half during which, as contemporary critics like Jeffrey recognised, Southey and his peers constructed the basis not of the skull-capped temple of the Aztecas but of romantic period culture.

Endnotes

1. Epigraph to Felicia Hemans, ‘Prince Madoc’s Farewell’ in T. J. Ll. Pritchard (ed.), The Cambrian Wreath; a selection of English poems on Welsh subjects . Original and translated from the Cambro-Britain, historic and legendary, including Welsh mel- odies: by various authors of celebrity, living and departed (Aberystwyth, 1828), p. 185. 2. George Burder, The Welch Indians; or, a collection of papers, respecting a people whose ancestors emigrated from Wales to America, in the year 1170, with Prince Madoc, (three hundred years before the first voyage of Columbus), and who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side of the Missippi. Dedicated to the Missionary Society (London, 1797), p. iv. 3. See Gwyn Williams, Madoc: the making of a myth (Oxford, 1987). 4. Edward Williams, Poems Lyric and Pastoral, 2 vols (London, 1794), Vol. II, p. 65, see also his note on ‘Welsh Indians’, Vol. II, pp. 64–9. 5. For accounts of the poem’s pre-publication versions, Kenneth Curry, ‘Southey’s Madoc: the Manuscript of 1794’, PQ, 22 (1943), pp. 347–69 and Lynda Pratt, ‘Revising the national epic: Coleridge, Southey and Madoc’, Romanticism 2.2 (1996), pp. 149–63. 6. Abandoned draft of ‘Preface’ originally intended for R. Southey, Madoc (Lon- don, 1805), WC429/KESMG, unfoliated. 7. Ibid. For the 1794–5 version see pp. 355–76. 8. For the possibility that RS returned to and revised the early books of Madoc (1797–9) during the process of revision which took place in 1797–9 see Cum- bria County Library, Carlisle, the Diary of James Losh, 1796–1805, MS B/320/ 1–6, Vol. V, 4 September 1800. 9. Losh Diary, Vol. II, 25 May 1797. 10. See ‘Manuscript Descriptions’, pp. xxii–xxiv. 11. Compare with STC’s observation ‘I should not think of devoting less than 20 years to an Epic Poem’, STC to RS, CL, Vol. I, p. 320. 12. For the composition of the abandoned ‘Preface’, RS to CW, 11 April 1805, NL, Vol. I, p. 382.

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13. RS later sent Seward early drafts of TCK. 14. Anna Seward to RS, 15 August 1807 [misdated 1809], in W. Scott (ed.), Letters of Anna Seward; Written between the years 1784 and 1807, 6 vols (Edinburgh, 1811), Vol. VI, p. 358. 15. Seward, Letters, Vol. VI, p. 358. 16. Romaine Joseph Thorn, Lodon and Miranda (Bristol, 1799), p. 187 n*. 17. STC also discussed possible revisions to the 1801–4 Madoc with WW and passed their joint suggestions onto RS. STC to RS, 13 January 1804, CL, Vol. II, pp. 1030–1 18. For STC’s relationship to the poem, Pratt, ‘Revising the national epic’, pp. 160– 1 and for his reading of and borrowing from the 1797–9 version see Lynda Pratt, ‘A Coleridge borrowing from Southey’, N&Q, n.s. 41 (1994), pp. 336–8. 19. These were: Annual Review, 4 (1805), pp. 604–13; British Critic, 28 (1806), pp. 395–410, 486–94; Critical Review, n.s. 7 (1806), pp. 72–83; Eclectic Review, 1 (1805), pp. 899–908; Edinburgh Review, 7 (1805), pp. 1–29; European Maga- zine 48 (1805), pp. 279–82; General Review of British and Foreign Literature, 1 (1806), pp. 505–26; Imperial Review, 5 (1805), pp. 417–26, 465–73; Literary Journal, 5 (1805), pp. 621–36; Monthly Magazine, 19, supplement (1805), pp. 656–8; Monthly Review, 48 (1805), pp. 113–22; New Annual Register, 26 (1805), pp. [354–5]; Poetical Register, 5 (1805), pp. 483–4; Universal Magazine, n.s. 4 (1805), pp. 149–53. 20. Annual Review, 4 (1805), p. 605. 21. Monthly Magazine, 28, supplement (1805), pp. 657–8. 22. General Review, 1 (1806), pp. 505–26, quoted in Madden, p. 112. 23. Eclectic Review, 1 (1805), pp. 899–908, quoted in Madden, p. 106. 24. See for example, RS to Anna Seward, 25 October 1807, NYPL, Pforzheimer Collection. 25. Monthly Review, 48 (1805), quoted in Madden, p. 103; Edinburgh Review, 7 (1805), pp. 16–17. 26. Monthly Review, 48 (1805), quoted in Madden, pp. 103–4. 27. Edinburgh Review, 7 (1805), p. 1. 28. Nigel Leask, ‘Southey’s Madoc: Reimagining the Conquest of America’, in Lynda Pratt (ed.), Robert Southey and the Contexts of English Romanticism, forthcoming. 29. The Poets of Lakeland. Southey. Containing the Curse of Kehama, Minor Poems, and Extracts (London and Windermere, 1872), p. 126. 30. C. J. Battersby (ed.), Robert Southey. Ballads and other poems (London, 1899), p. 8. 31. Curry, ‘Manuscript of 1794’, pp. 347–69. 32. See for example, Marilyn Butler, ‘Welsh Nationalism and the English Poets 1790–1805’, unpublished paper; Leask, ‘Reimagining the Conquest’. 33. For further details of the connections between Madoc and pantisocracy see Lynda Pratt, ‘The Pantisocratic Origins of Southey’s Madoc: An Unpublished Letter’ N&Q, n.s. 46 (1999), pp. 34–9, and of RS’s plans to connect Madoc with Manco Capac, Pratt, ‘Revising the national epic’, pp. 156–60. 34. Joel Barlow, The Vision of Columbus: A Poem, in Nine Books (London, 1787). For Barlow’s generic revisionism see Stuart Curran, Poetic Form and British Romanti-

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cism (New York and Oxford, 1986), pp. 170–2 and for his connections with RS, Pratt, ‘Revising the national epic’, pp. 157–9. 35. Ann Yearsley, ‘Brutus, a fragment’ in her The Rural Lyre (London, 1796), pp. [1]–26. 36. Seward, Letters, Vol. VI, p. 361. 37. Edinburgh Review, 7 (1805), p. 10.

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MADOC,a BY ROBERT SOUTHEY

MADOC, A POEM, IN TWO PARTS.b

TO CHARLES WATKIN WILLIAMS WYNN, THIS POEM IS INSCRIBED,c AS A TOKEN OF SIXTEEN YEARS OF UNINTERRUPTED FRIENDSHIP.2d

a MADOC,] KES MS, 1807 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 add epigraph after title: ‘OMNE SOLUM FORTI PATRIA’1 b MADOC,/ A POEM,/ IN TWO PARTS.] KES MS, 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 omit c THIS POEM IS INSCRIBED,] THIS POEM IS INSCRIBED, IN 1805, 1838 d TO … FRIENDSHIP.] KES MS omits; 1838 adds: ‘/ AND IS NOW REINSCRIBED WITH THE SAME FEELING,/ AFTER AN INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO’

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PREFACE.a

The historical facts on which this Poem is founded20 may be related in few words.b On the death of Owen Gwyneth, king of North Wales, A. D. 1169, his

a PREFACE.] KES MS omits preface; in 1838, RS placed a new ‘Preface’ in front of the original one in the volume of his PW containing Madoc (V): When Madoc was brought to a close in the summer of 1799, Mr. Coleridge advised me to publish it at once, and to defer making any material alterations, if any should suggest themselves, till a second edition.3 But four years had passed over my head since Joan of Arc was sent to the press, and I was not disposed to commit a second imprudence. If the reputation obtained by that poem had confirmed the confidence which I felt in myself, it had also the effect of making me perceive my own deficiencies, and endeavour with all diligence to supply them. I pleased myself with the hope that it would one day be likened to Tasso’s Rinaldo, and that as the Jerusalem had fulfilled the promise of better things whereof that poem was the pledge, so might Madoc be regarded in relation to the juvenile work which had preceded it.4 Thinking that this would probably be the greatest poem I should ever produce, my intention was to bestow upon it all possible care, as indeed I had determined never again to undertake any subject without due preparation. With this view it was my wish, before Madoc could be considered as completed, to see more of Wales than I had yet seen. This I had some opportunity of doing in the autumn of 1801, with my old friends and schoolfel- lows Charles Wynn and Peter Elmsley.5 And so much was I bent upon making myself better acquainted with Welsh scenery, manners, and traditions, than could be done by books alone, that if I had succeeded in obtaining a house in the Vale of Neath, for which I was in treaty the year following, it would never have been my fortune to be classed among the Lake Poets.6 Little had been done in revising the poem till the first year of my abode at Keswick: there, in the latter end of 1803, it was resumed, and twelve months were diligently employed in reconstructing it.7 The alterations were more material than those which had been made in Joan of Arc, and much more extensive. In its original form the poem consisted of fifteen books, containing about six thousand lines. It was now divided into two parts, and enlarged in the proportion of a full third. Shorter divisions than the usual ones of books, or cantos, were found more convenient; the six books therefore, which the first part comprised, were distributed in seventeen sections, and the other nine in twenty-seven. These changes in the form of the work were neither capriciously made, nor for the sake of novelty. The story consisted of two parts, almost as distinct as the Iliad and Odyssey; and the subdivisions were in like manner indicated by the subject. The alterations in the con- duct of the piece occasioned its increase of length. When Matthew Lewis published the Castle Spectre,8 he gave as his reason for introduc- ing negro guards in a drama which was laid in feudal times, that he thought their

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children disputed for the succession. Yorwerth, the eldest, was set aside without a struggle, as being incapacitated by a blemish in his face. Hoel, though illegiti-

appearance would produce a good effect; and if the effect would have been better by making them blue instead of black, blue, said he, they should have been. He was not more bent upon pleasing the public by stage effect, (which no dramatist ever studied more suc- cessfully,) than I was upon following my own sense of propriety, and thereby obtaining the approbation of that fit audience, which, being contented that it should be few, I was sure to find. Mr. Sotheby, whose Saul was published about the same time as Madoc, said to me a year or two afterwards, ‘You and I, Sir, find that blank verse will not do in these days; we must stand upon another tack.’9 Mr. Sotheby considered the decision of the Pie- Poudre Court as final. But my suit was in that Court of Record which sooner or later pro- nounces unerringly upon the merits of the case. Madoc was immediately reprinted in America in numbers, making two octavo volumes.10 About nine years afterwards there appeared a paper in the Quarterly Review, which gave great offence to the Americans; if I am not mistaken in my recollections, it was the first in that journal which had any such tendency.11 An American author, whose name I heard, but had no wish to remember, supposed it to have been written by me; and upon this gratuitous supposition, (in which, moreover, he happened to be totally mistaken,) he attacked me in a pamphlet, which he had the courtesy to send me, and which I have pre- served among my Curiosities of Literature. It is noticed in this place, because, among other vituperative accusations, the pamphleteer denounced the author of Madoc as having ‘meditated a most serious injury against the reputation of the New World, by attributing its discovery and colonization to a little vagabond Welsh Prince.’ This, he said, ‘being a most insidious attempt against the honour of America and the reputation of Columbus.’* This poem was the means of making me personally acquainted with Miss Seward.13 Her encomiastic opinion of it was communicated to me through Charles Lloyd, in a way which required some courteous acknowledgement; this led to an interchange of letters, and an invitation to Lichfield, where, accordingly, I paid her a visit, when next on my way to London, in 1807. She resided in the Bishop’s palace. I was ushered up the broad brown staircase by her cousin, the Reverend Henry White, then one of the minor canons of that cathedral, a remarkable person, who introduced me into the presence with jubilant but appalling solemnity. Miss Seward was seated at her desk. She had just finished some verses to be ‘Inscribed on the blank leaves of the Poem Madoc,’ and the first greeting was no sooner past, than she requested that I would permit her to read them to me. It was a mercy that she did not ask me to read them aloud. But she read admirably herself. The situation, however, in which I found myself, was so ridiculous, and I was so apprehensive of catching the eye of one person in the room, who was equally afraid of meeting mine, that I never felt it more difficult to control my emotions, than while listening, or seeming to listen, to my own praise and glory. But bending my head as if in a posture of attentiveness, and screening my face with my hand, and occasionally using some force to compress the risible muscles, I got through the scene without any misbehaviour, and expressed my thanks, if not in terms of such glowing admiration as she was accustomed to receive from

* The title of this notable pamphlet is, ‘The United States and England; being a Reply to the Criti- cism on Inchiquin’s Letters, contained in the Quarterly review for January 1814. New York: published 12 by A. H. Inskeep; and Bradford and Inskeep, Philadelphia. Van Winkle and Wiley, Printers. 1815.’

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Madoc: Preface

others, and had bestowed upon my unworthy self, yet as well as I could. I passed two days under her roof, and corresponded with her from that time till her death. Miss Seward had been crippled by having repeatedly injured one of her knee-pans. Time had taken away her bloom and her beauty, but her fine countenance retained its animation, and her eyes could not have been brighter nor more expressive in her youth. Sir Walter Scott says of them, ‘they were auburn of the precise shade and hue of her hair. In reciting, or in speaking with animation, they appeared to become darker, and as it were to flash fire. I should have hesitated,’ he adds, ‘to state the impression which this peculiarity made upon me at the time, had not my observation been confirmed by that of the first actress on this or any other stage, with whom I lately happened to converse on our deceased friend’s expressive powers of countenance.’* Sir Walter had not observed that this peculiarity was hereditary. Describing, in one of her earlier letters, a scene with her mother, she says, ‘I grew so saucy to her, that she looked grave, and took her pinch of snuff, first at one nostril, and then at the other, with swift and angry energy, and her eyes began to grow dark and to flash. ’Tis an odd peculiarity: but the balls of my mother’s eyes change from brown to black, when she feels either indignation or bodily pain.’† Miss Seward was not so much over-rated at one time, as she has since been unduly depreciated. She was so considerable a person when her reputation was at its height, that Washington said no circumstance in his life had been so mortifying to him as that of having been made the subject of her invective in her Monody on Major André.16 After peace had been concluded between Great Britain and the United States, he commissioned an American officer, who was about to sail for England, to call upon her at Lichfield, and explain to her, that instead of having caused André’s death, he had endeavoured to save him; and she was requested to peruse the papers in proof of this, which he sent for her perusal. ‘They filled me with contrition,’ says Miss Seward, ‘for the rash injustice of my censure.’‡ An officer of her name served as lieutenant in the garrison of Gibraltar during the siege. To his great surprise, … for he had no introduction which could lead him to expect the honour of such notice … he received an invitation to dine with General Elliot. The Gen- eral asked him if he were related to the author of the Monody on Major André. The Lieutenant replied that he had the honour of being very distantly related to her, but he had not the happiness of her acquaintance. ‘It is sufficient, Mr. Seward,’ said the General, ‘that you bear her name, and a fair reputation, to entitle you to the notice of every soldier who has it in his power to serve and oblige a military brother. You will always find a cover for you at my table, and a sincere welcome; and whenever it may be in my power to serve you essentially, I shall not want the inclination.’§ These anecdotes show the estimation in which she was, not undeservedly, held. Her epistolary style was distorted and disfigured by her admiration of Johnson; and in her poetry she set, rather than followed, the brocade fashion of Dr. Darwin.19 Still there are unquestionable proofs of extraordinary talents and great ability, both in her letters and her poems. She was an exemplary daughter, a most affectionate and faithful friend. Sir Walter has estimated, with characteristic skill, her powers of criticism, and her strong preposses- sions upon literary points. And believing that the more she was known, the more she would have been esteemed and admired, I bear a willing testimony to her accomplish- ments and her genius, to her generous disposition, her frankness, and her sincerity and warmth of heart./ Keswick, Feb. 19. 1838. b in few words.] in a few words. 1838

* 14 Biographical Preface to the Poetical Works of Anna Seward, p. xxiii. † 15 Literary Correspondence. Ib. p. cxxi. ‡ 17 Letters of Anna Seward, vol. v. p. 143. § 18 Letters of Anna Seward, vol. i. p. 298. 5 Southey 2-01.fm Page 6 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:34 PM

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mate, and born of an Irish mother, obtained possession of the throne fora a while, till he was defeated and slain by David, the eldest sonb of the late king by a second wife. The conqueror, who then succeeded without opposition, slew Yor- werth, imprisoned Rodri, and hunted others of his brethren into exile. But Madoc, meantime, abandoned his barbarous country, and sailed away to the West in search of some better resting place. The land which he discovered pleased him; he left there part of his people, and went back to Wales for a fresh supply of adventurers, with whom he again set sail, and was heard of no more. There is strong evidencec that he reached America, and that his posterity exist there to this day, on the southern branches of the Missouri, retaining their complexion, their language, and, in some degree,d their arts. About the same time, the Aztecas, an American tribe, in consequence of certain calamities, and of a particular omen, forsook Aztlan, their own country, under the guidance of Yuhidthiton. They became a mighty people, and founded the Mexican empire, taking the name of Mexicans, in honour of Mexitli, their tutelary god. Their emigration is here connected with the adventures of Madoc, and their superstition is represented thee same which their descendants practised, when discovered by the Spaniards. The manners of the Poem, in both its parts, will be found historically true. It assumes not the degraded title of Epic; and the question, therefore, is not whether the story is formed upon the rules of Aristo- tle, but whether it be adapted to the purposes of poetry.f

Three things must be avoided in Poetry; the frivolous, the obscure, and the superfluous. The three excellencies of Poetry; simplicity of language, simplicity of subject, and simplicity of invention. The three indispensible purities of Poetry; pure truth, pure language, and pure manners. Three things should all Poetry be; thoroughly erudite, thoroughly animated, and thoroughly natural. Triads.21

a for] 1838 omits b eldest] elder 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 c There is strong evidence] Strong evidence has been adduced 1815, 1825, 1838 d some degree,] 1815, 1825, 1838 add footnote: ‘That country has now been fully explored, and wherever Madoc may have settled, it is now certain that no Welsh Indians are to be found upon any branches of the Missouri. – 1815.’ e represented the] represented as the 1807 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 f 1812, 1815, 1825 add ‘1805’; 1838 adds ‘Keswick, 1805’ 6 Southey 2-01.fm Page 7 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:34 PM

CONTENTS.a

PA RT 1 . MADOC IN WALES. I. Madoc’s return to Walesb II. The Marriage Feast III. Cadwallon IV. The Voyage V. Lincoya VI. Erillyab. Coanocotzinc VII. The Battle VIII. The Peace IX. Emma X. Mathraval XI. The Gorsedd XII. Dinevawr XIII. Bardsey. Llewelynd XIV. Llaian XV. The Excommunication XVI. David XVII. The Departure XVIII. Rodri

PA RT 2 . MADOC IN AZTLAN I. The Returne II. The Tidings III. Neolin IV. Amalahta V. War Denounced VI. The Festival of the Dead

a CONTENTS] KES MS omits table of contents b Madoc’s return to Wales] THE RETURN TO WALES 1838 c Erillyab. Coanocotzin] ERILLYAB 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 d Bardsey. Llewelyn] LLEWELYN 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 e The Return] THE RETURN TO AZTLAN 1838

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VII. The Snake God VIII. Conversion of the Hoamen IX. Tlalala X. The Arrival of the Gods XI. The Capture XII. Hoel XIII. Coatel XIV. The Combata XV. The Battle XVI. Goervylb XVII. The Deliverance XVIII. The Victory XIX. Funeral. Coronationc XX. Death of Coatel XXI. The Sports. Mexitlid XXII. Death of Lincoya XXIII. Caradoce XXIV. The Embassy XXV. The Lake Fight XXVI. The Close of the Century XXVII. The Migrationf

COME, LISTEN TO A TALE OF TIMES OF OLD! COME, FOR YE KNOW ME! I AM HE WHO SUNG THE MAID OF ARC; & I AM HE WHO FRAMED OF THALABA THE WILD & WONDEROUS SONG. COME, LISTEN TO MY LAY, & YE SHALL HEAR HOW MADOC FROM THE SHORES OF BRITAIN SPREAD THE ADVENTUROUS SAIL, EXPLORED THE OCEAN WAYS,g AND QUELLED BARBARIAN POWER, & OVERTHREW THE BLOODY ALTARS OF IDOLATRY, AND PLANTED IN ITS FANES TRIUMPHANTLY THE CROSS OF CHRIST. COME, LISTEN TO MY LAY!

a The Combat] THE STONE OF SACRIFICE 1838 b Goervyl] THE WOMEN 1838 c Funeral. Coronation] THE FUNERAL 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 d The Sports. Mexitli] THE SPORTS 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 e Caradoc] CARADOC AND SENENA 1838 f The Migration] THE MIGRATION OF THE AZTECAS 1838 g WAYS,] PATHS, 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838

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THE FIRST PARTa MADOC IN WALES

I.b

Fair blows the wind,c .. the vessel drives along, Her streamers flutteringd at their length, her sails All full, .. she drives along, and round her prow Scatters the ocean spray. What feelings thene Filledf every bosom, when the mariners, 5 After the peril of that weary way, Beheld their own dear country! Here stands one, Stretching his sight toward the distant shore, And, as to well-known forms his busy joy Shapes the dim outline, eagerly he pointsg 10 The fancied headland and the cape and bay, Till his eyes ache, o’erstraining; this man shakesh His comrades hand, and bids him welcome home, And blesses God, and theni he weeps aloud: Here stands another, who, in secret prayer, 15 Calls on the Virgin and his patron Saint, Renewing his oldj vows of gifts and alms

a THE … PART] PART THE FIRST 1838 b I.] 1 KES MS; I/ THE RETURN 1815, 1825; I/ THE RETURN TO WALES 1838 c Fair blows the wind,] The west wind blew, {Fair blows the wind,} KES MS d fluttering] flutting fluttering KES MS e spray. What feelings then] xxxx oh then what thoughts {spray what feelings then} KES MS f Filled] Swelled {Filld} KES MS g Stretching … points] And strains his eyes toward the distant shore,/ Shaping the dim & indistinct, & points {Stretching his sight toward the distant shore,/ And, as to well- known forms his busy joy/ Shapes the dim outline, eagerly he points [on verso of preceding page]} KES MS h Till … shakes] ’Till his sight {eyes} aches, {oerstraining} & then he chides the wind/ That it should {[3 illegible words]} xxxxxx idly! … this man grasps {shakes} KES MS i then] then {so} KES MS j old] former KES MS 9 Southey 2-01.fm Page 10 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:34 PM

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And pilgrimage, soa he may find all well.b Silent and thoughtful, and apart from all, Stood Madoc; now his noble enterprize 20 Proudly remembering, now in dreams of hope, Anon of bodings full, and doubt and fear.c Fair smiled the evening, and the favouring gale Sung merrily,d and swift the steady bark Rushed roaring through the waves. 25 The sun goes down. Far off his light is on the naked crags Of Penmanmawr, and Arvon’s ancient hills; And the last glory lingers yet awhile, Crowning old Snowden’s venerable head, That rose amid his mountains. Now the shipe 30 Drew nigh where Mona, the dark island, stretched Her shore along the ocean’s lighter line. There through the mist and twilight, many a fire Up-flaming, streamedf upon the level sea Red linesg of lengthening light,h that,i far awayj 35 Rising and falling, flashed athwart the waves. At thatk didl many a thought of ill disturb Prince Madoc’s mind: … did some new conqueror seizem The throne of David? had the tyrant’s guilt Awakened vengeance to the deed of death?n 40 Or blazedo they for a brother’s obsequies, The sport and mirth of murder? .. Like the lights Which there upon Aberfraw’s royal walls Are waving with the wind, the painful doubt

a so] if KES MS b Here stands … well.] {[on verso of preceding page]} KES MS c Anon … fear.] Anon of doubt & fear & bodings full KES MS d merrily,] in the shrouds, 1815, 1825, 1838 e That rose … ship] That rose amid his mountains, not a bird/ Rides on the waters now & now the ship KES MS f Up-flaming, streamed] Bright blazing {Up-flaming} poured KES MS g lines] lines {streams} KES MS h light,] flame {light,} KES MS i that,] which, 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 j far away] rose & fell {far away [on verso of preceding page]} KES MS k At that] Thereat 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 l did] full 1838 m Rising … seize] Upon the billows. Then attwixt the mind/ Of Madoc, fearful & uncertain thoughts/ Past rapid {How quickly}; … did some new Usurper seize {Rising […] seize [on verso of preceding page]} KES MS n death?] blood death? KES MS o blazed] shone KES MS

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Madoc: Book I – Madoc’s return to Wales

Fluctuates within him. .. Onward drives the gale, 45 On flies the bark, .. and she hath reached at length Her haven, safe from her unequalled way! And now in louder and yet louder joy, Clamorous, the happy mariners all-haila Their native shore, and now they leap to land. 50 There stood an old man on the beach, to wait The comers from the ocean; and he asked, Is it the Prince? And Madoc knew his voice, And turned to him, and fell upon his neck; For it was Urien,b who had fostered him, 55 Had loved him like a child; and Madoc loved, Even as a father loved he that old man.c My sister? quoth the prince. .. Oh, she and Id Have wept together, Madoc, for thy loss, .. That long and cruel absence! .. She and I, 60 Hour after hour, and day by day, have looked Toward the waters, and with aching eyes, And aching heart, sate watching every sail. And David, and our brethren? cried the prince, As they moved on. .. But then old Urien’se lips 65 Were slow at answer; and he spake, and paused In the first breath of utterance, as to chuse Fit words for uttering some unhappy tale. More blood, quoth Madoc, yet! Hath David’s fear Forced him to still more cruelty? Alasf .. 70 Woe for the house of Owen!g Evil stars, Replied the old man, ruled o er thy brethren’s birth. From Dolwyddelan driven his peaceful home, Poor Yorwerth sought the church’s sanctuary; The murderer followed! .. Madoc, need I say 75 Who sent the sword? .. Llewelyn, his brave boy,h

a all-hail] acclaim all hail KES MS b man.] 1815, 1825, 1838 omit stanza break c Urien,] Edwal, KES MS d Oh, she and I] Goervyl! She,/ Said Edwal, ‘in the house of merriment/ Sits now alone – oh! she & I’ KES MS e Urien’s] Edwal’s KES MS f alas] more accuse {alas} KES MS g Woe for the house of Owen!] Alas my fathers house! {Woe for the house of Owen!} Alas the {[2 illegible words]}/ Of Kings! O Hoel, Hoel! KES MS h Llewelyn, his brave boy,] against that gentle heart{Llewelyn}/ That never made a foe? his gallant {brave} boy, KES MS

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Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810 – Volume 2

Where wanders he? in this his rightful realm, Houseless and hunted! richly would the king Gift the red hand that rid him of that fear! Ririd, an outlawed fugitive, as yet 80 Eludes his brother’s fury;a Rodri lives, A prisoner he, .. I know not in what fit Of natural mercy, from the slaughter spared. Oh, if my dear old master saw the wreck And scattering of his house! .. that princely race! 85 The beautiful band of brethren that they were! Madoc made no reply, .. he closed his lids,b Groaning; but Urien,c for his sould was full, Loving to linger on the woe, pursued:e I did not think to live to such an hour 90 Of joy as this! and often, when my eyesf Turned dizzy from the ocean, overcome With heavy anguish, Madoc, I have prayed That God would please to take me to hisg rest.h So as he ceased his speech, a sudden shout 95 Of popular joy awakened Madoc’s ear; And calling then to mind the festal fires, He asked their import. The old man replied, Iti is the giddy people’s merry-makej To welcome their new queen; unheeding they 100 The shame and the reproach to the long line Of our old royalty!k … thy brother weds The Saxon’s sister. What! in loud reply Madoc exclaimed, Hath he forgotten all! David! King Owen’s son … my father’s son.l …105 He wed the Saxon … the Plantagenet! Quoth Urien,m He so doats, as she had dropt

a brother’s fury;] deadly purpose; 1838 b lids,] eyes, 1838 c Urien,] Edwal, KES MS d soul] heart 1838 e pursued:] pursued:/ To see how things are changed! it was well nigh/ Enough to break a younger heart than mine/ KES MS f eyes] sight 1838 g his] my KES MS h 1815, 1825, 1838 insert stanza break i It] This {It} KES MS j merry-make] merry-making 1807, 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 k our old royalty!] their good Kings … Madoc {our old royalty!} KES MS l King Owen’s … son.] the King {Owens} – the son, of Owen, {my fathers son} he KES MS m Urien,] Edwal, KES MS 12 Southey 2-01.fm Page 13 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 1:34 PM

Madoc: Book I – Madoc’s return to Wales

Some philtre in his cup, to lethargya The Britonb blood, that camec from Owen’s veins. Three days his halls have echoed to the song 110 Of joyaunce. Shame! foul shame!d that they should hear Songs of such joyaunce! cried the indignant prince. Oh that my father’s hall, where I have heard The song of Corwen and of Keiriog’s day, Should echo this pollution! Wille the chiefs 115 Brook this alliance, this unnatural tie? There is no face but wears a courtly smile, Urienf replied; Aberfraw’s ancient towers Beheldg no pride of festival like this, No like solemnities, when Owen came 120 In conquest, and Gwalchmaih struck the harp. Only Goervyl, careless of the pomp, Sits in her solitude, lamenting thee. Saw ye not then my banner? quoth the Lord Of Ocean; on the topmast-headi it stood 125 To tell the tale of triumph; .. or did night Hide the glad signal, and the joy hath yet To reach her? Now had they almost attained The palace portal. Urienj stopt and said, The child should know your coming; it is long 130 Since she hath heard a voice that to her heart Spake gladness, .. none but I must tell her this! So Urienk sought Goervyl, whom he found Alone, and gazing on the moonlight sea. Oh you are welcome, Urien!l cried the maid.m 135 There was a ship came sailing hitherward ..

a to lethargy] letharg{y}ize KES MS; lethargize 1812, 1815, 1825, 1838 b Briton] British 1815, 1825, 1838 c came] drew {[1 illegible word] came} KES MS d Shame! foul shame!] Oh shame! shame! KES MS e Will] can {will} KES MS f Urien] Edwal KES MS g Beheld] Witnessed {Beheld} KES MS h Gwalchmai] Gowalchmai 1838 i topmast-head] topmast-mast {head} KES MS j Urien] Edwal KES MS k Urien!] Edwal! KES MS l Urien] Edwal KES MS m maid.] maid./ For I in truth am weary of myself,/ And sick of all this noise and rev- elry/ KES MS

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Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810 – Volume 2

I could not see his banner, for the night Closed in so fast around her; but my heart Indulged a foolish hope!a The old man replied, With difficult effort keeping down his heart,b 140 God, in his goodness, may reserve for us That blessing yet! I have yet life enowc To trust that I shall live to see the day, Albeit the number of my years well-nighd Be full. Ill-judging kindness! said the maid. 145 Have I not nurst for two long wretched years, That miserable hope, thate every day Grew weaker, like a baby sick to death, Yet dearer for its weakness, day by day! No,f never shall we see his daring bark! 150 I knew and felt it in the evil hour When forth she fared! I felt it.. his lastg kiss Was our death-parting!h And she paused to curb The agony: anon, .. But thou hast been To learn their tidings, Urien? He replied,i 155 In half-articulate voice,j .. they said, my child,k That Madoc lived .. that soon he would be here. She had received the shock of happiness: Urien!l she cried, .. thou art not mocking me!m Nothing the old man spake, but spread his arms, 160 Sobbing aloud. Goervyl from their hold Started, andn sunk upon her brother’s breast.

a Indulged a foolish hope!] Indulged a foolish hope! O Madoc! Madoc!/ My dear dear brother! KES MS b down his heart,] his heart down, KES MS, 1815, 1825, 1838 c I have yet life enow] I have {yet} life enough yet left KES MS d well nigh] almost KES MS e that] which 1815, 1825, 1838 f No,] Oh, KES MS g his last] then! That 1815, 1825, 1838 h parting!] 1815, 1825, 1838 no break in stanza i To learn … replied,] {Down} To the haven? for perhaps these mariners/ Might bring some rumour// ‘I was there’ quoth he KES MS j voice,] words, 1838 k my child,] Goervyl, KES MS l Urien] Edwal KES MS m thou art not mocking me!] either thou mockest me {thou art not mocking me!} KES MS n and] to KES MS

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Madoc: Book I – Madoc’s return to Wales

Recovering first, the aged Uriena said, Enough of this, .. there will be time for this, My children! better it behoves ye now 165 To seek the king. And, Madoc, I beseech thee, Bear with thy brother! gently bear with him, My gentle prince! he is the headstrong slave Of passions unsubdued; he feels no tie Of kindly love, or blood; .. provoke him not, 170 Madoc! .. It is his nature’s malady. Thou good old man! replied the prince, be sure I shall remember what to him is due, What to myself; for I was in my youth Wisely and well trained up; nor yet hath time 175 Effaced the lore my foster-father taught.b Haste, haste! exclaimed Goervyl; .. and her heart Smote her, in sudden terror, at the thought Of Yorwerth, and of Owen’s broken house; .. I dread his dark suspicions! Not for me 180 Suffer that fear, my sister! quoth the prince. Safe is the straight and open way I tread! Nor hath God made the human heart so bad, That thou or I should have a danger there. So saying, they toward the palace-gate 185 Went on, ere yet Aberfraw had receivedc The tidings of her wanderer’s glad return.d

a Urien] Edwal KES MS b What to myself … taught.] What to myself. time, Edwal hath not worn/ My foster fathers lessons from my heart {What to myself […] taught. [on verso of previous page]} KES MS c So saying … received] {[on verso of previous page]} KES MS d Return.] return./ Not yet had reached Aberfraw, when he crost/ The threshold. David raised his eyes & saw/ A man apparelled like a mariner KES MS

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EDITOR’S NOTES

The abbreviation DNB in parenthesis against the names of persons below indicates that further biographical information can be found in the Dictionary of National Biography.

Madoc 1 OMNE … PATRIA] The epigraph is taken from Ovid, Fasti, book I, l. 493 and translates as ‘The whole earth is a brave man’s country’. 2 SIXTEEN YEARS … FRIENDSHIP.] RS and CW (1775–1850) had become friends at Westminster School in the late 1780s. 3 Mr. Coleridge … second edition.] For STC’s links with Madoc see Pratt, ‘Revising the National epic’, pp. 149–63. 4 Tasso’s Rinaldo… juvenile work which had preceded it.] Torquato Tasso, Rinaldo (1562) and Gerusalemme Liberata (1575). 5 Peter Elmsley.] Peter Elmsley (1773–1825, DNB), classical scholar and friend of RS’s since their schooldays. 6 house in the Vale of Neath … Lake Poets.] For RS’s unsuccessful attempts to move to Neath in 1802 see Lynda Pratt, ‘Southey in Wales: inscriptions, monuments and Romantic posterity’ in Damien Walford Davies and Lynda Pratt (eds), Romantic Wales, forthcoming. 7 first year of my abode at Keswick … reconstructing it.] RS and his wife moved into Greta Hall, Keswick, after the death of their first child Margaret in 1803. 8 Matthew Lewis … Castle Spectre,] Matthew Gregory Lewis, The Castle Spectre (London, 1798). 9 Mr. Sotheby … stand upon another tack.’] William Sotheby, Saul (London, 1807). 10 Madoc was immediately … two octavo volumes.] Robert Southey, Madoc, 2 vols (Boston, 1806). 11 Quarterly Review … any such tendency.] RS is referring to the review of Inch- quin’s letters in Quarterly Review, 10 (1814), pp. 494–539. 12 The title … 1815.’] [James Kirke Paulding], The United States and England; being a Reply to the Criticism on Inchiquin’s Letters, contained in the ‘Quarterly Review’ for January 1814 (New York, 1815). 13 Miss Seward.] Anna Seward (1747–1809, DNB). For her links with Madoc see ‘Introduction’. 14 Poetical Works of Anna Seward, p. xxiii.] Poetical Works of Anna Seward, ed. Walter Scott, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1810), Vol. I, pp. xxii–xxiii. 15 Literary Correspondence. Ib. p. cxxi.] Seward, Poetical Works, Vol. I, p. cxxi 16 Miss Seward … Monody on Major André.] Anna Seward, Monody on Major Andre (London, 1781). 573 Southey 2-endnotes.fm Page 574 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 2:21 PM

Notes to pages 3–278

17 Letters of Anna Seward, vol. v. p. 143.] Letters of Anna Seward: written between the years 1784 and 1807, ed. W. Scott, 6 vols (Edinburgh, 1811), Vol. V, p. 143. 18 Letters of Anna Seward, vol. i. p. 298.] Letters of Anna Seward, Vol. I, p. 299. 19 Dr. Darwin.] Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802, DNB). 20 historical facts on which this Poem is founded] RS’s main source for Welsh history was William Warrington, The History of Wales, in Nine Books: with an Appendix (London, 1786), esp. pp. 333–9. 21 Triads.] Edward Williams, Poems, Lyric and Pastoral, 2 vols (London, 1794), Vol. II, p. 256 [triads 1, 3 and 4, 2 omitted]. 22 A Nao … Lusitano.] Francisco Vieira, known as ‘Vieira Lusitano’, O Insigne Pin- tor e Leal Esposo Vieira Lusitano, Historia Verdadeira, que elle escreve em Cantos Lyricos (Lisbon, 1780), pp. 277–8 [adapted]. The passage translates as ‘The Ship, unfurling its sails/ Now profits from the wind;/ And with evident happiness/ Now filled, the Portuguese/ Are on deck every one;/ On land are coming into sight/ Churches, Palaces, Estates,/ With which they are acquainted,/ Here, there, with their fingers/ They point merrily./ When they talk, they make plain/ Their unmistakable joy;/ But the occupied Vieira/ Travels in conspicuous silence./ The excessive and turbulent/ Agitation, that within/ His breast he feels, creates in him/ Effects unforeseen./ The closer he draws/ To his longed for end,/ The greater grows his delighting/ Fear in his sweet project.’ RS read Vieira’s poem in June 1800, during his second visit to Portugal (Cabral, p. 97.) 23 Ynys … island.] This reference is from The Cambrian Register, 3 vols (London, 1796–1818), Vol. I, p. 384. 24 ‘It is strange…defenceless.’] William Warrington, The History of Wales (London, 1786), p. 145. 25 ‘It was … History.’] John Wynne, The History of the Gwedir Family (London, 1770), pp. 103–4. 26 Caradog … Biography.] William Owen Pughe, The Cambrian Biography: or His- torical Notices of Celebrated Men among the Ancient Britons (London, 1803), p. 79. 27 ‘The order … Dha’.] Laws of Hoel Dha, book I, ‘The Laws of the Court’, section 2, ‘The Royal Family’, ‘The Order of the Court’. RS is referring to William Wotton, Laws Cyfreithjeu Hywal Dda ac eraill, seu Leges Wallicae ecclesitasticae et civiles Hoeli Boni et aliorum Walliae Principum, quas ex variis codicibus manuscriptis eruit, interpretatione Latina, notis et glossario illustravit Gulielmus Wottonus (Lon- don, 1730), pp. 13–14. The translation is probably his own. The Laws were summarised in William Warrington, The History of Wales (London, 1786), pp. 164–90. 28 ‘1165 … POWELL.] David Powell, The Historie of Cambria, now called Wales: a part of the most famous ysland of Brytaine, written in the Brytish language about two hundredth years past: translated into English by H. Lloyd Gentleman: corrected, aug- mented and continued out of Records and best approved authors (London, 1584), pp. 221–2. 29 During … Giraldus.] Sir Richard Colt Hoare, The Itinerary through Wales and the Description of Wales by Giraldus Cambrensis, 2 vols (London, 1806), Vol. II, p. 361. 30 ‘Brientston … Camden.] Camden’s Britannia newly translated into English, with large additions and improvements. Published by Edmund Gibson, of Queen’s College in Oxford (London, 1695), p. 55. 574 Southey 2-endnotes.fm Page 575 Wednesday, April 7, 2004 2:21 PM

Notes to pages 278–82

31 There is…hold.] Powell, The Historie of Cambria, pp. 199–200. 32 Of this … 1. 26.] Ranulph Higden, Polychronicon, translated by John Trevisa (London, 1482). The standard modern edition is Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, monachi Cestrensis; together with the English translations of John of Trevisa and of an unknown writer of the Fifteenth Century, ed. Churchill Babington, 9 vols (London, 1865–86), Vol. I, pp. 259, 261. 33 Henry … HOLINSHED.] Raphael Holinshed, Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland, 3 vols (London, 1577), Vol. II, p. 408. 34 ‘The foot … Dha.] RS is referring to Wotton, Laws Cyfreithjeu Hywal Dda, p. 58. The translation is probably RS’s own. 35 The crier … court.] Wotton, Laws Cyfreithjeu Hywal Dda, p. 38. RS’s quotation is very similar to that in Warrington, History of Wales, p. 175. 36 The lines … Plenitude.’] Edward Williams, Poems Lyric and Pastoral, 2 vols (Lon- don, 1794), Vol. II, pp. 241–2 [adapted]. 37 ‘By the … Tr. 35.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 245. 38 ‘The Three … 40. 38. 45.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, pp. 246–7. 39 ‘I will … Poetry.] Evan Evans, called Ieuan Brydydd Hir, Some Specimens of the Poetry of the antient Welsh Bards (London, 1764), pp. 25–6. 40 Hoel … Biography.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, p. 186. 41 The history … fratres.’] The Pentarchia is described in Philip Yorke, The Royal Tribes of Wales (Wrexham, 1799) as ‘a MS. History of the Five Royal Tribes, in Latin verse’ by ‘Powell the Poet … [dedicated] to Charles the First, then Prince of Wales, but it does not appear it was ever printed. He has taken great liberties with prosody and orthography; there are however many good lines, and he is accurate in his facts’, pp. 133, 189. It is also quoted in Thomas Pennant, The History of the Parishes of Whiteford and Holywell (London, 1796), p. 314. RS possibly had access to a MS copy through his patron CW. A later MS copy of the poem, made in 1872 by the MP and antiquarian William Watkin Edward Wynne (1801–80), of Peniarth, is National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS 440D, ff. 54-9v. The passage translates as: ‘Youthful Cynetha was rightly the son of Cadwallon; oh, for shame! His paternal uncle Oenus deprived him of his eyes and, at the same time, of his testicles, when he seized his ancestral farm. Houel was hanged by the angry King John, and as for Leolinus, his brothers robbed him of life.’ 42 Finitam … Suasoria, 1.] RS’s source is Seneca, Suasoriae, 1. ‘Alexander debates whether to sail the Ocean’, Section 1. The passage can be translated as: ‘to whatever thing nature has granted size she has granted a limit as well; nothing is infinite except the Ocean. – They say that in the Ocean there lie fertile lands, while beyond it in turn are born new shores, a new world: that nature stops nowhere – always it appears in a fresh guise just at the point where one thinks it had come to a halt. These are fictions of easy invention – for the Ocean cannot be sailed.’ 43 ‘Two … Poems.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 41 n. 44 When Makea … 153.] John Williams, A Narrative of Missionary Enterprizes in the South Sea Islands (London, 1837), pp. 134–5. 45 ‘It was … Poems.] Williams, Poems, Vol. I, pp. 80–1 n. 46 ‘A Mermaid … WILLIAMS.] RS is referring to Edward Williams. An unpublished letter from Williams to William Owen Pughe, 1 July 1803, National

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Notes to pages 282–3

Library of Wales, NLW MS 1322E, enclosed an item for: ‘The 2d Edition of Camb. Topgoy. Biogy. Gwenhidwy, a Mythological personage, the Genius of the Ocean, the breaking waves (or breakers) are by the Poets termed her sheep, from their fleecy appearance of the waves. The Nine Swells (Nawton eigion) are termed her rams, naw hw[rdd] Gwenhidwy.’ The projected second edition of the Cambrian Biography did not appear and RS probably received his information directly from Williams or Pughe, with both of whom he corresponded. See also P. C. Bartrum, A Welsh Classical Dictionary: people in history and legend up to about AD 1000 (Aberystwyth, 1993), p. 317, which cites Williams, along with the poet Rhys Llwyd and more recent authors, as sources for Gwenhidwy. I am deeply grateful to Mary-Ann Constantine for providing the information in this note. 47 ‘Everyche … L. 1. c. 9.] Polychronicon, Vol. I, pp. 59, 61. 48 ‘The see … L. 1. c. 9.] Polychronicon, Vol. I, p. 59. 49 ‘Physici … cap. 36.] RS is referring to Caius Julius Solinus’s Polyhistor, seu rerum orbis memorabilium collectanea, cap. 35. It is not certain which edition he used, but it was published in Cologne in 1520, with further editions appearing in Geneva in 1577 and Paris in 1629. The passage was translated in From the excellent and pleasant worke of Iulius Solinus Polyhistor … Translated out of Latin into English by Arthur Golding, Gent. (London, 1587), p. [72] as: ‘The naturall Phi- losophers hold opinion, that the world is a living creature, and that being compact of the diverse bodies of the Elements, it is moved by a soule, and gov- erned by a minde: bothe which beeing shed through all the members, doo pit in use the force of theyr eternal mooving: and therefore that like as in our bodies there is an intercourse of the breath and the soule so in the deepes of the Ocean, there are as it were, certaine nostrils appointed, at which ye breathe being sent out or drawn in againe, dooth one whyle puffe uppe the Seas, and another while call them backe againe.’ 50 M. Gregoire … Sectes. T.1. xvii.] Gregoire, Histoire des Sectes, 2 vols (Paris, 1814), Vol. I, p. xvii. 51 ‘I suppose … Dec. 3. c. 6.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde or west India, Conteyning the nauigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes, trans. Richard Eden (London, 1555), p. 119. 52 ‘Ιν’ … v. 741–748.] Euripides, Hippolytus, ll. 742–9. The passage translates as: ‘And that I might reach my journey’s end at the apple-sown shore of the Hes- perides, the singers, where the sea-lord of the dark mere vouchsafes to sailors no journeying more, stablishing the holy bourne of the sky, that Atlas holds and divine fountains flow by the place where Zeus lays’. 53 Stat … Suasoria, I.] Seneca, Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae, divisiones, colores, ‘Suasoria 1. [Alexander considers whether he should sail the ocean]’. The passage translates as: ‘There lies the motionless sea, a lifeless bulk of nature, as it were, which here has its appointed end. There are strange and frightful shapes, great monsters in the ocean also, which that deep abyss rears. The light is min- gled in dense gloom: the dark makes a curtain for the day; in ponderous bulk fast-rooted lie the waters; of stars there are none or they are unknown.’ 54 ‘Our … Indies.] Daniel McKinnen, A tour through the British West Indies, in the years 1802 and 1803: giving a particular account of the Bahama Islands (London, 1804), p. 4.

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Notes to pages 283–6

55 ‘And forasmuch … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde, pp. 5–6. 56 A Spanish…Nino.] RS is referring to Gutierre Diaz de Gamez, Cronica de Don Pedro Nino Conde de Buelna. Although often cited in earlier sources, it was not printed until 1782, when a version edited by Eugenio Llaguno y Amirola appeared in Madrid. RS probably used this as his source, the passage appears on p. 141 of this edition. It translates as: ‘There are found there certain fishes which fly over the water; some passed flying above the galleys and others fell.’ 57 A still … EANNES.] Gomes Eannes de Zurara, Chronica del Rey Don Joam I, de boa Memoria e dos Reys de Portugal o Decimo composta por Fer, Lopez e G. d’Azurara, 3 vols in 1 (Lisbon, 1644), Vol. III, pp. 167–71 [adapted]. The translation is probably by RS. 58 ‘At Barbadoes … M‘KINNEN.] McKinnen, A tour through the British West Indies, p. 5. 59 These flying … neither.] RS is referring to ‘A Relation of Sir Thomas Roe’s Voy- age to East-India. With a Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great Mugul’, printed in The Travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta (London, 1665), pp. 325–480, the quotation appears on p. 329. 60 Atkins … Weymouth.] John Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West- Indies; In His Majesty’s Ships the Swallow and Weymouth (London, 1737), p. 33. 61 Herbert … Travels.] Sir Thomas Herbert, Some Years Travel into Divers Parts of Africa and Asia the Great (London, 1665), p. 26. The first Latin quotation translates as: ‘Having turned to face each other, dolphins celebrate sweet wed- dings [and] cling together in embraces, as humans do’. Herbert includes a translation of the Latin verse in his text: ‘On every side they leap and dew their fin,/ Advance from Sea and Bath again therein/ In Sport, and measured dances, nimbly fling/ Themselves, whilst seas do from their nostrils spring’. 62 ‘There is … FRANKLIN.] Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Two Tracts: Information To Those Who Would Remove To America. And, Remarks Concerning The Savages Of North America (London, 1784), pp. 34–5. 63 ‘They are easily … 1643.] Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America: or, An help to the Language of the Natives in that part of America called New-England (London, 1643), ‘To the Reader’, pp. 5–6. 64 ‘The war pole … ADAIR.] James Adair, The History of the American Indians (Lon- don, 1775), footnote to p. 187. 65 ‘The widow … shelter.’] Adair, History of the American Indians, pp. 186–7. 66 ‘So dazzlingly … DIAZ, 30.] Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva-Espana (Madrid, 1632), p. 30. RS’s translation. 67 Torquemada … T. I. p. 251.] Fray Juan de Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana. De los veinte y un libros rituales y Monarchia Indiana, 10 vols (Madrid, 1723), Vol. I, p. 251. 68 How large … notice.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera. RS is referring to The True History of the Conquest of Mexico, trans. Maurice Keatinge (London, 1800). 69 Gomara’s … India.] Francisco Lopez de Gomara, The pleasant historie of the conquest of the Weast India, now called New Spayne, atchieved by the worthy prince, Hernando Cortes, Marques of the valley of Huaxacac, most delectable to read. Trans-

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Notes to pages 286–9

lated out of the Spanish tongue by T[homas] N[icholas] (London, 1578), pp. 74–5 [adapted]. 70 Cortes … Carta de Relacion, 16, 20.] Ferdinand Cortes, De Insulis nuper inventis Ferdinandi Cortesii ad Carolum V. Rom. (Cologne, 1532), see ‘Narratio Secunda’ (unpaginated). For a modern translation of this Latin edition see Letters of Cortes: The Five Letters of Relation from Fernando Cortes to the Emperor Charles V, ed. F. A. MacNutt, 2 vols (New York and London, 1908), Vol. I, pp. 220, 230– 1. See also Abbe D. Francesco Saverio Clavigero, The History of Mexico, 2 vols (London, 1787), Vol. I, pp. 49 and 62. 71 Islets … CLAVIGERO.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 376. 72 Te n d i l l i … India.] Gomara, Conquest of the Weast India, pp. 55, 81, 136, 151–2 [adapted]. 73 Gage’s … represents.] Thomas Gage, The English-American his Travail by Sea and Land: or, A New Survey of the West-India’s, Containing a Journal of Three thousand and Three hundred Miles within the main Land of AMERICA (London, 1648). 74 The Great … DIAZ.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, pp. 70–2 [adapted]. 75 The lines … Conquerors.] Clavigero, The History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 262–4. 76 Gumilla … metal.] José Gumilla, El Orinoco Illustrado, Historia Natural, Civil Y Geographica de Este Gran Rio (Madrid, 1741), pp. 383–5. The ‘tambor de guerra’ is illustrated in plate 2a, between pp. 378–9. 77 ‘There in … DIAZ.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 71. 78 After Cortes … terrific.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 146. RS has confused events which happened during the Spanish retreat from Mexico City in 1520 with the successful Spanish assault on the city of 1521. 79 These … De Bry.] RS is referring to Bernard Picart, The Ceremonies and Religious Customs of the various Nations of the known World; together with historical annota- tions, and several curious discourses equally instructive and entertaining, translated by a Gentleman some time since of St. John’s College in Oxford, 7 vols (London, 1733– 9), Vol. III, pp. 148, 150 and also plates between pp. 152–3. He also refers to Theodor de Bry, Idaea Vera et Genuina Praecipuarum Historiarum Omnium, ut et Variorum Rituum, Ceremonarium, Consuetudi Mimquagentis Indiciae (Frankfurt, 1602), plate VIII. 80 Tavernier … trophies.] Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Les Six Voyages en Turquie, en Perse, at aux Indies, 2 vols (Paris, 1682). Jonas Hanway, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: with the Author’s journal of Travels from England through Russia into Persia; and back through Russia, Germany and Holland, 4 vols (London, 1753), Vol. I, p. 295. 81 The Casa … hall.] RS visited Evora during his second visit to Portugal in 1800– 1. His journal for 10 April 1801 noted that it gave him ‘a good idea of a Mexi- can temple’ (Cabral, p. 36.) 82 The King … TORQUEMADA, i, 151.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 151. 83 This same … Ditto, 152.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 152. 84 Gomara’s … India.] Gomara, Conquest of the Weast India, pp. 393–4 [adapted]. 85 After the … HERRERA, 5.3.12.] Antonio de Herrera Tordesillas, Historia Gen- eral De Los Hechos de Los Castellanos Enlas Islas Y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, 4 vols (Madrid, 1601–15), Vol. III, pp. 89–91.

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Notes to pages 289–92

86 Gomara thus … India.] Gomara, Conquest of the Weast India, pp. 119–20 [adapted]. 87 In the … behold] There are several accounts of Juan de Grijalva’s expedition to Yucatan (and Hispaniola and Cuba) in 1518, but they all give varying accounts of the treasure that he collected, for instance see: Itinerario de larmata del Re Catholico in India verso la Isola de Iuchathan del anno M. D. XVIII (1520); or for a modern English account, The Discovery of New Spain in 1518 by Juan de Gri- jalva, ed., Henry R. Wagner (Berkeley, 1942). It is likely that RS adapted the information in this note from the accounts of Grijalva’s voyage in the following sources: Bernal Diaz del Castillo, The True History of the Conquest of Mexico, trans. Maurice Keatinge (London, 1800) and Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India, Conteyning the navigations and Conquest of the Spanyardes, trans. Richard Eden (London, 1555). 88 When the…DIAZ, 3.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 2. 89 At the sacring … Camerarius.] P. Camerarius, The Living Librarie, or meditations and observations historical, natural, moral, poetical and political, trans. I. Molle, 2nd edn (London, 1625), pp. 35–6. The Latin translates as: ‘Holy father, thus passes the glory of the world’. 90 The Tlaxcaltecas … Torquemada, i. 34.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 34. 91 This is … India.] Gomara, Conquest of the Weast India, pp. 141–2 [adapted]. 92 ‘Sunt … Cambrensis.] The passage is from Itinerarium Cambriae seu Laboriosae Baldvini Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi per Walliam Legationis Accurata Descripto Auctore Silr. Giraldo Cambrensis (London, 1804), p. 124. It is translated by Hoare, Vol. II, p. 78 as: ‘The lances of this country are very long; for as South Wales excels in the use of the bow, so North Wales is distinguished for its skill with the lance’. 93 Thus … Polycronicon.] Polychronicon, Vol. I, p. 401. 94 ‘The Indians … ADAIR.] Adair, The History of the American Indians, pp. 181–2. 95 When the body … CHARLEVOIX.] Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, His- toire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, 3 vols, (Paris, 1744), Vol. III, p. 373. Probably RS’s translation. 96 Adair … blood.’] Adair, The History of the American Indians, p. 182. 97 ‘The Mosqueto Indians … Collection.] The Mosqueto Indian and his Golden River; being a familiar description of the Mosqueto Kingdom in America (‘written by M.W.’), in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, 6 vols (London, 1732), pp. 283– 98 (p. 295). 98 Papa … Purchas.] For example, Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 2; Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage, 2nd edn (London, 1614), p. 679 h 13. 99 The appellation…Quaquil.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 134. 100 I am … meaning.] Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage, p. 871. 101 I perceive … Church.] Herrera, Historia, Vol. II, pp. 85–9. 102 The Mexicans … CLAVIGERO.] Clavigero, The History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 241–2. 103 Torquemada … L. vi. c. 8.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 21. 104 ‘About thirty miles … CARVER.] Jonathan Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North-America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 1768 (London, 1778), pp. 63–5.

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Notes to pages 293–302

105 ‘The Prince … CARVER.] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North- America, pp. 67–8. 106 There is…Lib. 2. c. 13.] Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentia Anglorum, book II, ch. 13. 107 John Wesley…Journal, No. I. 39.] An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal, from his embarking for Georgia, to his return to London, nos. I and II, 6 vols (Lon- don, 1797), Vol. I, pp. 39–41. 108 ‘Dolwyddelan … Snowdon.] Thomas Pennant, The Journey to Snowdon (London, 1781), pp. 135–6. 109 ‘In the beginning … History.] John Wynne, The History of the Gwedir Family (London, 1770), pp. 132–3. 110 At some distance … Snowdon.] Pennant, The Journey to Snowdon, pp. 89–90. 111 The ninth … Arch. p. 217.] Owen Jones, William Owen Pughe and Edward Wil- liams (eds), The Myryvian Archaiology of Wales, collected out of ancient Manuscripts, 3 vols (London, 1801–7), Vol. I, pp. 135, 217. 112 Mr Owen … truth.] The Myryvian Archaiology, Vol. I, pp. 265–7, prints the poem in its original Welsh. Owen, who corresponded with RS, provided him with the English translation. 113 The passage … lost.] RS is referring to ‘A Poem composed by Owain Cyveiliog, prince of Powys, entitled by him HIRLAS from a large drinking horn so called, used at feasts in his palace’ in Evans, Specimens of the Poetry of the antient Welsh Bards, pp. [7]–13. 114 Their groundless … ever.] Sharon Turner, A vindication of the genuineness of the ancient British poems of Aneurin, Taliesin, Llywarch Hen, and Merdhin: with specimens of the poems (London, 1803), esp. pp. 49–57. 115 ‘In Pennant-Melangle … Camden.] William Camden, Britannia: or, a chronologi- cal description of the flourishing kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the islands adjacent; from the earliest antiquity, trans. Richard Gough, 3 vols (Lon- don, 1789), Vol. II, p. 535. 116 The Bardic … Covenant.] William Owen, The Heroic Elegies and Other Pieces of Llywarc Hen, Prince of the Cimbrian Britons (London, 1792), pp. xlvi–xlvii. 117 Mr Owen’s … poem.] Owen, The Heroic Elegies and Other Pieces of Llywarc Hen, pp. xliv–lii. 118 That … indebted.] RS consulted both Edward Williams and William Owen Pughe for information relating to Madoc, see for example, RS to Owen, 9 August 1797, National Library of Wales, NLW MS 13222C, p. 409. Sharon Tu r n e r, The History of the Anglo Saxons (London, 1799). 119 The Bard … recited.] Owen, The Heroic Elegies and Other Pieces of Llywarc Hen, pp. xxxvi–xli, xlvii. 120 By the principles … Llywarc Hen.] Owen, The Heroic Elegies and Other Pieces of Llywarc Hen, pp. xxv–xxvi. 121 Six … WARRINGTON.] William Warrington, The History of Wales (London, 1786), p. 533. 122 No people … Llywarc Hen.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 255, Owen, The Heroic Elegies and Other Pieces of Llywarc Hen, pp. lxv–lxvii. 123 ‘The Welsh … Poems.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 7 n. [adapted]. 124 ‘Gavran … Biography.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, pp. 124–5.

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Notes to pages 302–8

125 Of these … Ireland.] Charles Vallancey (ed.), Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis, 5 vols (Dublin, 1786), Vol. III, no. XI containing ‘William Beauford, The Ancient Topography of Ireland (Dublin, 1783)’, p. 282. 126 General Vallancey … discovered.’] Charles Vallancey, A Vindication of the ancient history of Ireland, wherein is shewn, I. The descent of its old inhabitants from the Pheno Scythians of the East. II. The early skill of the Pheno Scythians, etc. III. Accounts of the ancient Irish bards etc. (Dublin, 1786), p. 52 [adapted]. 127 This Enchanted … there.] Vallancey, A Vindication, pp. 51–2. 128 Is that … apparition.] RS is referring to the weather phenomenon known as the Fata Morgana, a spectacular mirage which appeared about stretches of water. Its occurrence in the Straits of Messina had been described by Antonio Minasi, Dis- sertazioni sopra diversi fatti meno ovvj della storia naturale, 2 vols (Roma, 1773–5). 129 I had … supposed.] William Latham, ‘On a Singular Instance of Atmospherical Refraction’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, 88 (1798), pp. 357–60. Nicholson unidentified. 130 The name … orthography.] Merlin appears in Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene and Ludovico Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso. 131 Drayton’s … glory.] Michael Drayton, Polyolbion (London, 1612), ‘The Third Song’, ll. 61–2. 132 The Welsh … Biography.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, p. 249. 133 A diving … passado.] RS is referring to the Libro de Alexandre. Segura is one of a number of authors to whom it is attributed. RS includes a prose translation, almost certainly his own, of this section of the poem in his note. For the standard modern edition of the poem see El Libro de Alexandre, ed. Raymond Willis (Princeton, 1934). 134 The Poet … unnoticed.’] Ibid. 135 The same … p. 196.] Edward Davies, Celtic researches, on the origin, traditions and language, of the Ancient Britons; with some introductory sketches, on primitive society (London, 1804), p. 196. 136 Flath-innis … Britain.] James Macpherson, An Introduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, 2nd edn (London, 1772), pp. 181–5. 137 ‘The softer … Joy.’] Macpherson, Introduction to the History of Great Britain, p. 318. 138 I have … Thummim.] Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohen- heim (known as Paracelsus), Paracelsus of the Chymical Transmutation, Genealogy and Generation of Metals and Minerals Also, of the Urim and Thummim of the Jews, trans. R. Turner (London, 1675), pp. 47–8 [adapted]. 139 He is … armis.] Pentarchia, see n. 41 above. The passage translates as: ‘Who could describe such a great hero with the pen, so great as he was? At one moment, among his fellow-citizens, he was the equal of Hector; at another, brave among the enemy squadrons, he was the equal of Achilles. He avenged his country’s forebears for almost sixty years – how many battle-lines were scattered in rout, how many camps were captured, how many cities! – the hope of his country, a pillar of peace, the light of the city and the world, the glory of his people, the splendour of his soldiers, a thunderbolt of warfare; there was no other man superior to him in peace, nor any other braver in arms.’ 140 In Hearne’s … eloquium.] The poem appears in ‘A further Discourse on Epi- taphs. By Mr. Camden’ included in Thomas Hearne, A Collection of Curious

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Notes to pages 308–17

Discourses, 2 vols (London, 1771), Vol. I, p. 323. The passage translates as: ‘The noble diadem of Cambria’s glory has fallen – that is, Rhys has passed away, all of Cambria groans. He is quietly drawn away, but he does not die, because his famous name is always kept fresh in the world. He is buried here, but is unburied, because perennial renown does not allow a leader made famous by its voice to stay hidden. His probity passed all bounds; his judgment surpassed his probity; his eloquence surpassed his judgment; his morals surpassed his eloquence.’ 141 Rhys … Tribes.] Yorke, Royal Tribes of Wales, p. 36. 142 When Giraldus … habet.] Itinerarium, p. 115. The Latin is translated by Hoare, Vol. II, p. 49 as: ‘The river Teivi has another singular peculiarity, being the only river in Wales, or even in England, which has beavers’. 143 The Beaver … pool.] William Wotton, Laws Cyfreithjeu Hywal Dda, p. 260. The Spanish translates as: ‘pools of the river’. 144 This very … dogs.’] Yorke, Royal Tribes of Wales, p. 55 n. 145 A large track … Biography.] Williams, Poems, Vol. I, pp. 78–9 [adapted]; Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, pp. 170–1, 314. 146 The two other … Biography.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, p. 129, pp. 168–9. 147 ‘This little … buried there.’] Itinerarium, p. 126. The translation is probably by RS. 148 ‘The coracles … WYNDHAM.] [Henry Penruddocke Wyndham], A Gentleman’s Tour through Monmouthshire and Wales, in the months of June and July, 1774 (Lon- don, 1775), pp. 61–3 [adapted]. 149 Andrew Marvell … appear.] Andrew Marvell, ‘Upon Appleton House. To My Lord Fairfax’, ll. 769–76. 150 Eight poems … tongue.] Owen, The Myryvian Archaiology, Vol. I, pp. 275–78, provides the poems in their original Welsh. 151 ‘The three names … Register.] The Cambrian Register, 3 vols (London, 1796– 1818), Vol. I, p. 22 n. 152 Ynys Prydain …WILLIAMS.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, p. 287. 153 Oenum … CAMBRENSIS.] Itinerarium, p. 156. The passage is translated by Hoare, Vol. II, p. 174, as: ‘We also excommunicated Owen Cevelioc, because he alone, amongst the Welsh princes, did not come to meet the archbishop with his people. Owen was a man of more fluent speech than his contemporary princes, and was conspicuous for the good management of his territory.’ 154 Owen … HENGWRT MS.] Yorke, Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 4–5 n. 155 One of … vol. I. p. 602.] Edward Daniel Clarke, Travels in various countries of Europe, Asia and Africa, 11 vols (London, 1816–24), Vol. II, pp. 336–8. 156 ‘I am … wind.’] Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England, 2 vols (London, 1662), Vol. II, pt IV ‘Wales’, p. 20. 157 Borrowed … Corombona.] John Webster, The White Devil, IV.iii.123–5 158 The three … Bardism, 32.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 245. 159 I have … Poems.] Turner, A vindication, esp. pp. 92–100. 160 Columbus … Dec 1. Book 6.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde, p. 32. 161 ‘A devout … L. 6. c. 43.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 78. 162 The particular … L. 10. c. 14.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 256– 62.

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Notes to pages 317–23

163 The expression … sleepe.] John Gower, Confessio Amantis, book II, l. 102. 164 Every Spring … TONTI.] Henri de Tonti, An Account of M. de Salle’s last expedition and discoveries in North America … Made English from the Paris original. Also the adventures of the Sieur de Montauban, Captain of the French Buccaneers on the coast of Guineam in the year 1695 (London, 1698), p. 62. 165 ‘The manner … Journal.] David Brainerd, ‘Divine Grace displayed; or, the Con- tinuance and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace Among some of the Indians Belonging to the Provinces of New-Jersey and Pensylvania, Justly Rep- resented in a Journal’, in An Account of the Life of the late Reverend Mr David Brainerd (Edinburgh, 1765), pp. 373–472 (pp. 452–4). 166 Had Brainerd … BRAINERD.] David Brainerd, ‘Mirabilia Dei inter Indicos; or, the Rise and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace Amongst a Number of the Indians in the Provinces of New-Jersey and Pensylvania, Justly Represented in a Journal’, in An Account of the Life of the late Reverend Mr David Brainerd (Edinburgh, 1765), pp. 321–71 (pp. 356–7). 167 Olearius … Travels.] Adam Olearius, The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors Sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia, in Three Books (London, 1662), p. 44. 168 A good … duty.’] Yorke, Royal Tribes of Wales, p. 29. 169 This ceremony … Morgues.] Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provicia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in allam Navigatione, du ce Renato de Laudoniere classis Præfecto: Anno MDLXIIII (Frankfurt, 1591), plate xi. 170 Lafitau. Charlevoix.] Moeurs des sauvages Ameriquains, compares aux moeurs des premieres temps. Par Le P. Lafitau, de la compagnie de Jesus, 2 vols (Paris, 1724), Vol. II, pp. 444–58. Charlevoix, Histoire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, Vol. III, pp. 377–8. 171 ‘The town … in 1762.] The Memoirs of Lieut. H. Timberlake (who accompanied the three Cherokee Indians to England in the year 1762) containing whatever he observed remarkable … during his travels to and from that nation … Also the principal occur- rences during their residence in London (London, 1765), p. 32. 172 ‘The children … TIMBERLAKE.] Memoirs of Lieut. H. Timberlake, pp. 45–6. 173 ‘The doors … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo (Paris, 1587), Third Decade, Book V, pp. 222–31. 174 ‘They firmly … ADAIR.] Adair, History of the American Indians, p. 151. 175 ‘The answering … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo, Eighth Decade, Book IX, pp. 581–90. 176 This superstition … HERRERA, 3, 4.11.] Herrera, Historia, Vol. II, p. 164. 177 The word … Prince.] Williams, A Key into the Language of America, p. 193. 178 On the coast … L. 6. c. 26.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 54. 179 This opinion … employ.’] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North-Amer- ica, pp. 403–6. 180 Among … Techo.] F. Nicholas del Techo, The History of the Provinces of Paraguay, Tucuman, Rio de la Plata, Parana, Guaira and Urvaica, in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, eds Awnsham Churchill and John Churchill, 4 vols (London, 1704), Vol. IV, pp. 680–807 (p. 702). 181 The mode … plate.] Le Moyne de Morgues, Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ, plates xix, xxi.

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Notes to pages 323–9

182 Snake … DIAZ, p. 3. 7. 125.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, pp. 2, 7, 125. 183 The Idol … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde, p. 157. 184 Charlevoix … play.] Charlevoix, Histoire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, Vol. III, pp. 378. 185 Some passages … MACKENZIE.] [Sir Alexander Mackenzie], A narrative or journal of voyages and travels, through the north-west continent of America in the years 1789 and 1793 by Mr. Maclauries (London, 1802), p. 8 [adapted]. 186 ‘An Indian … Travels.] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North-America, pp. 43–5. The Spanish quotation in the following paragraph can be translated as: ‘There is no creature so free, to whom the governor is lacking’. 187 Og … MARACCI.] Lodovico Marracci, ‘Prodronius Ad Refutationem Alcorani’ in Alcorani Textus Universus ex correctioribus Arabum exemplaribus summa fide … descriptus, eademque fide … ex arabico idiomate in Latinum translatus; oppositis uni- cuique capitis notis, atque refutatione …, 2 vols (Padua, 1698), Vol. I, p. 55. Probably RS’s translation. 188 Even if … MARACCI.] Marracci, Alcorani Textus Universus, Vol. I, pp. 54–9. 189 This mode … Morgues.] Le Moyne de Morgues, Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Flor- ida Americæ, plate xxxi. 190 ‘The Medes … History.] An Universal History, from the earliest account of time to the present: compiled from original authors, 8 vols (London, 1736–44), Vol. II, p. 7. 191 Laceras … Debellata.] Petrus Mambrunus, Constantinus , sive Idolotaria Debellata (Paris, 1658), p. 127. The Latin translates as: ‘His palms lacerated by all the weight of his limbs’. 192 They are … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde, p. 183 [adapted]. 193 When I was … DE OVIEDO.] Gonzalo Fernandez De Oviedo, De la Natural Hystoria de las Indias (Toledo, 1526), f. 15. RS’s translation. 194 The Tlascallans … L. 6. c. 47.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 82. 195 The two … Biography.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, pp. 33–4, 84, 277–8, 324–5. 196 An able … Anglo-Saxons.] RS is referring to a comment made in a review of Rev. P. Roberts, Sketch of the early History of the Cymry, or Ancient Britons, from the Year 700 before Christ, to A.D. 500 (London, 1803), in Annual Review, 2 (1803), p. 230. Turner, History of the Anglo-Saxons, Appendix A, pp. 395–6. 197 Te i l o … Monmouthshire.] David Williams, The History of Monmouthshire; Illus- trated and ornamented by views of its principal landscapes, ruins, and residences; by John Gardnor, Vicar of Battersea (London, 1796), pp. 88–9. 198 This miracle … Martyrology.] [John Wilson], The English Martyrologe: conteyning a summary of the lives of the glorious and renowned Saintes of the three Kingdomes, England, Scotland and Ireland (St Omer, 1608), pp. 81–2. 199 Godwin … original] Francis Godwin, A Catalogue of the Bishops of England since the first planting of Christian Religion in this Island, Together with a briefe History of their lives and memorable actions, so neere as can be gathered out of antiquity (Lon- don, 1615), p. 516. 200 St. Teilo … Brittany.] R. F. S. Cressy, The Church-History of Brittany, from the beginning of Christianity to the Norman Conquest (Rouen, 1668), p. 238.

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Notes to pages 330–3

201 ’Mongst Hatterill’s … DRAYTON.] Drayton, Polyolbion, ‘The Fourth Song’, ll. 219–32; ‘The Fifth Song’, ll. 333–42. 202 ‘A.D. 462. …Britain.] Thomas Fuller, Church History of Great Britain; From the birth of Jesus Christ, until the Year MDCXLVIII (London, 1655), p. 36. 203 ‘David … FULLER.] Fuller, Church History of Great Britain, pp. 40–1. 204 Elmur … spear.] Pughe, The Cambrian Biography, pp. 96, 115. 205 Esta fiesta … TORQUEMADA, L.X.c.24.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 278–9. The passage translates as: ‘This celebration, or waiting upon these diabolical gods, was a very solemn affair and much believed in by these barbarous nations because the devil had persuaded them it was the truth, and as such they came from all regions out of a desire to stay there for the day of their great feast. These blind and foolish men were persuaded into this belief because he [that is the devil] provided them with a sign of his arrival, in a visible form although by invisible means, as follows. On the night in question, the vigil before the day of celebration, during which, as the devil had persuaded them, the young god Tezcatlipuca would arrive, they put out a mat called a “petate”, laying it on the floor of the main chapel of their abominable temple. This mat is then dusted or coated with corn flour, that is, their wheat, an action that takes place at the start of the night. The high priest spends the night keeping watch over the mat, frequently coming and going in case the footprint of the awaited god should appear in the flour. After many hours of the night have passed (that is, ordinarily from midnight onwards), he sees the sign of the arrival, a footprint or mark of a human foot, outlined or impressed in the flour. Having seen the mark the satrap or priest then begins to cry out “Our god has arrived! Our god has arrived! Our god has arrived!” At the sound of his voice the whole town comes together, for they have been waiting for the call, some in the temple, and others keeping watch in their homes. They then sound all their musical instruments and begin their great rejoicing, dancing and singing in harmony, with great solemnity and contentment, celebrating the arrival of the false and deceit- ful god. They continue in the dance until daylight, by which time they believe all the other gods have arrived. This is due to their pretence that some [of the gods] were younger than others, some more vigorous and stronger than others, and for this reason they could not arrive at the one time but at different stages.’ 206 The Feast … foolishness.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 278–9. 207 In the reign … Ayeen-Akbery.] Francis Gladwin, Ayeen Akbery, or the Institutes of the Emperor Akbar, 2 vols (London, 1800), Vol. II, pp. 162–3. 208 It was thought … L. 6. c. 20.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 40. 209 Though the … L. 6. c. 21.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 254–5, Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 41. 210 God … GOMARA.] Gomara, Conquest of the Weast India, p. 203 [adapted]. 211 Some history…L. 6. c. 24.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, pp. 254–6, Vol. II, pp. 48–52. 212 One of … Incas.] Garcilasso de la Vega, The Royal Commentaries of Peru, 2 vols (London, 1688), Vol. I, p. 19. 213 God … his command.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 251–2 [adapted]. 214 The writers … Lib. 4. c. 8. § 2.] Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid, 1729), pp. 143–4.

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Notes to pages 334–40

215 The quaintest … tribute.’] Pedro Simon, Primera parte de las Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de tierra firme en las Indias Occidentales (Cuencc, 1627), p. 37. RS’s translation. 216 This was … scalps.] RS’s note is a compilation of information taken from standard histories of the Americas, including Clavigero, History of Mexico, and William Robertson, History of America, 2 vols, 2nd edn (London, 1788). The Mexican Tygers are described in Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 364–5. 217 The Chinese … China.] John Barrow, Travels in China (London, l804), p. 409. 218 The Gods … Dagon.] 1 Samuel 5. Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 266. 219 Before … 1625.] Agustín Dávila Padilla, Historie de le Fundacion y Discuros de la Provincia de Santiago de México de la Orden de Predicadores (Brussels, 1625), p. 75. RS’s translation. 220 Torquemada … Clavigero.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 212–3, Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 286–7. 221 The most painful … L. 10. c. 32.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 291–2. 222 The mother … CLAVIGERO.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 254, 257. 223 Mr Jefferson … require.’] RS’s source is William Winterbotham, An historical, geographical, commercial, and philosophical view of the American United States, and of the European Settlements in America and the West Indies, 4 vols (London, 1795), Vol. III, pp. 138–9 n. 224 The following…WINTERBOTHAM.] Winterbotham, An historical … view, Vol. III, pp. 139–40. 225 In Florida … MORGUES.] Le Moyne de Morgues, Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americae, plate xx. 226 There is … history.] Geoffrey Keating, The General History of Ireland (London, 1732), p. 261. 227 This dance … taken.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 399–400 [Southey’s description closely follows the diagram of the dance in plate XVI, Vol. I, p. 398]. 228 ‘I was awakened … BARTRAM.] William Bartram, Travels Through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida (London, 1791) pp. 81–2. 229 ‘They wore … them.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 2. 230 ‘They distinguished … CLAVIGERO.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 242–3 (including fn. (c)). 231 When any … L. 13. c. 48.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 529. 232 The souls … L. 8. c. 14.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 151–3. 233 ‘The Chinese fishermen … China.] Barrow, Travels in China, pp. 558–9. 234 There were … L. 7. c. 21.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 119–21. 235 ‘In the country … PADILLA, p. 643.] Agustín Dávila Padilla, Historie, p. 643. RS’s translation. 236 ‘The head … DIAZ.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 69. 237 Probations … Gumilla, c.35;] Gumilla, Historia natural, pp. 371–9. 238 Some of…scorpion!’] François Augier de Marigny, Histoire des revolutions de l’empire des Arabes, 4 vols (Paris, 1750), Vol. I, p. 52. The translation is probably by RS. 239 Rank … Araucana, 1.] Alonso de Ercilla, La Araucana, pt I, I.121–36. The passage translates as: ‘And from childhood they press them into training by force

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Notes to pages 340–2

and incitement, and when they are come of age, turn them to the study of war and difficult duties; should anyone show a sign of weakness, they bar him from the tasks of warfare; he who takes up arms is ranked according to the level of his valour.// Responsibilities and pre-eminence in war are not gained through insig- nificant means, not by quality, or inheritance, not by estate, or family line; but through strength of arm and excellence, such qualities create the preferred men; they enlighten, prepare, perfect and assay a person’s value.’ 240 In some … Vega.] The Royal Commentaries of Peru, Vol. I, p. 200. 241 ‘In the Palazzo … Italy.] Lady Anne Miller, Letters from Italy, Describing the Man- ners, Customs, Antiquities, Paintings, &c. of that Country, in the Years MDCCLXX and MDCCLXXI, to A Friend residing in France, by an English Woman, 3 vols (London, 1776), Vol. II, pp. 7–8. 242 Clavigero.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 280–1. 243 One instance … fact.] This event is in fact related in Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 281. 244 Schyr … B. 13. p. 417.] John Barbour, Bruce, book XIII, ll. 417–22. 245 Con flautas … ARAUCANA, C. 4.] Ercilla, Aruacana, pt I, IV.169–72. The passage translates as: ‘With flutes, horns, raucous instruments, a loud thundering, and scornful howls, the fierce and bloody barbarians set out against the valiant Spanish’. 246 ‘James Reid … Bards.] Joseph C. Walker, Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards (London, 1786), p. 78 n. (k). 247 This construction … another.] RS is referring to Aesop’s fables ‘The Soldier and the Trumpet’ and ‘The Sensible Ass’, both included in Samuel Croxall, Fables of Aesop and others (London, 1722). Whilst the Scottish piper was condemned for not knowing the principle embodied in the first fable, Gilbert Wakefield (1756– 1801, DNB) was imprisoned for his political application of the second in his pamphlet A reply to some parts of the Bishop of Llandaff ’s Address to the People of Great Britain (London, 1798), pp. 36–7. 248 The Romans … REES’s Cycl.] Abraham Rees, The Cyclopaedia: or Universal Dic- tionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature, 45 vols (1819–20), Vol. I, ‘ACLIDES’. 249 A retractile … Epicum.] De Prima expeditiones Attilae regis Hunnorum in Gallias, ac de rebus gestis Waltharii Aquitanorum principis, carmen epicum saeculi VI. E codice manuscripto membranaceo optimae notae summa fide descriptum, nunc pri- mum in lucem productum, et omni antiquitatum genere, in primis vero monumentis coaevis, illustratum et adauctum a Friderico Christophoro Ionathan Fischer (Lipsiae, 1780), pp. 54–5. The passage translates as: ‘And the ninth man, Helmnod, marched into battle; he himself was carrying a trident tied with a triple rope, and his comrades, standing behind his back, held it also. The plan was that, when the spear had been thrown and was lodged in his shield, everyone should simultaneously apply themselves to pulling, so that perhaps in this way they might overthrow the frenzied man. And in this hope they reckoned their triumph to be assured. There was no delay; the leader, pouring all his strength into his arms, threw the trident at his adversary with a great cry, declaring, “Bald one, may this weapon be the end of you.” As it pierced the air, the trident quivered, after the fashion of javelins, because the type of spear made from a tall tree sends itself with such a great whirling that it overcomes everything in its way. Why do I delay? It split the boss and settled in the shield. The Franks raised a shout, and

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Notes to pages 342–9

the valleys resounded. Resolutely they pulled the rope, together and by turns. And the prince did not hesitate to adapt himself to such a labour; rivers of sweat flowed down all his limbs. But amidst these things, however, the hero stood upright like an oak, which seeks the stars with its foliage no more than it seeks Tartarus with its roots, and, holding in contempt all the crashing of the winds, is unmoved.’ 250 This weapon … exposed.] Suidas: tenth-century Greek lexicographer; Eustathius: thirteenth-century Byzantine Scholar; Agathius (536–82): Greek poet and historian. 251 The Cataia … Register.] The Cambrian Register, 3 vols (London, 1796–1818), Vol. II (1799), p. 20. 252 The Irish … Ireland.] Sir James Ware, The Antiquities and History of Ireland, 9 vols (London, 1705–14), Vol. I, p. 30. 253 When this … L. 6. c. 22.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 44. 254 The name … L. 8. c. 13.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, p. 150. 255 Cortes … HERRERA, 2.8.9.] Herrera, Historia, Vol. I, pp. 272–4. 256 An old … L. 8. c. 58.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 177. 257 ‘When the warriors … Canada.] George Heriot, The History of Canada, from its first discovery, comprehending an account of the original establishment of the colony of Louisiana (London, 1804), pp. 516–7. 258 ‘As I … TIMBERLAKE.] Memoirs of Lieut. H. Timberlake, pp. 77–9. 259 ‘In Hispaniola … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo, pp. 516–20. 260 Among … MARTIRE.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde, p. 170 (verso). 261 ‘His tall … Busiris.] Edward Young, Busiris, King of Egypt. A Tragedy (London, 1735), p. 60. 262 Clavigero … L. 13. c. 47.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 322–3; Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 526–8. 263 ‘L. Martio … Officina, f. 210.] Ioan Ravisii Textoris, Officina (Venice, 1638), in ‘Prodigia and Portenta Diversa’, p. 17. The passage translates as: ‘During the consulship of Lucius Martius and Sextus Julius, two mountains in the region of Mutina ran together, leaping towards each other with a very great crash, and drawing back; flame and smoke came out between them. All the houses were crushed by this collision; very many animals, which had been between the mountains, were killed.’ 264 Clavigero … Torquemada.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 323–6; Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 367–8, pp. 523–8. 265 This coronation … BARROW.] Barrow, Travels in China, p. 485. 266 ‘A Chief … money.’] Carsten Niebuhr, Travels through Arabia and other countries in the East, trans. Robert Heron, 2 vols (Dublin, 1792), Vol. I, p. 231 [adapted]. 267 A similar … approuve.] Charles de Bourdigné, La Légende de Maistre Pierre Faifeu (Paris, 1723), pp. 58–61. The passage translates as: ‘How the mistress of a large house where he was staying lost a diamond, which he cunningly helped her to find again.// One day, the lady of the house had a mishap, which in fact was this. She had, either on her left or right hand, a diamond, which was said to be worth at least five hundred ducats. Well, to tell you straight away what happened, either

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while she slept or while she was awake, the ring slipped from her finger, and she was very surprised at not being able to find it and her heart was very heavy, although she dare not tell her husband about it. Instead she went to complain about it to Faifeu, who replied, with scant sympathy, that her lord must needs know about the loss and that she had better tell him before he found out for himself. Saying this, gallant Master Peter promised to go and get it back for her, in return for fifty écus. This she promised him without argument, unless anyone else in the house had found it, then they would be accountable for it. When they had finished speaking the aforementioned lady went off with a sure and steady step to tell her husband all about the diamond. He made no great fuss over it – even though it had been a wedding gift which he had given in addition to other dowries – as he could see that his wife was very upset at having lost it. Nonethe- less he was very sad about it and ordered Faifeu to do as he should choose and gave him power to act as he might like and think best. Pleased, Faifeu immediately gathered together all the servants, both men and women, and had them line up in a room set apart for the purpose, at which they were all very terrified. When he had done this, he called the lord and the lady, by whom he was thoroughly beloved, and in their hearing addressed the servants thus concerning the diamond: “We will make enchantments and will know by the art of necromancy who has got it”, and with that he gave every appearance of casting spells over the room in every corner. As he wandered about amongst the lame and the sound, he happened to see through a window, down in the courtyard, a young man lurking who had not come with the others and you shall hear what happened to him. Although there were a great many people in the room, he pretended all at once to sense, as though by divination, that not everyone was there who should be. The servants, who did not know what he was up to, said that no one was missing except the shepherd. “Well,” said he, “let him be called. I knew it all along, and I know something else, too. Let him come straight away and you’ll see what will come of it.” When he had come, Faifeu called for a crossbow which he caused to be strung, with great effort and difficulty as it was one of the best and most powerful bows there was. The onlookers were filled with consternation at what he might be about to do, as he had put a bolt on top of the crossbow and then placed it on the table, all strung as it was and turned so that it was aiming at the very spot where people would pass in front of the table. All this he did with great firmness and resolution, and said to the lady and to her lord too, that neither of them should have such confidence in their luck as to demand the aforementioned ring out of trickery or accursed cunning. Each of them, without drawing back, must take their turn and pass in front of the shaft, bow, crossbow, or arrows, without their hearts fainting or failing them. After them the servants would pass in front of it. “And, believe me, the person or persons who have the diamond will not pass in front of it twice. Rather, that can count themselves dead.” When he had finished speaking, everyone passed in front of the table without any being hurt or injured. But when it was the turn of the one who had the ring, he did not want to brazen it out or boast, for he felt himself to be such a faint-hearted coward that he did not know how to explain himself. All at once his heart softened, he begged for mercy and handed back the ring, claiming that he hadn’t stolen it. Yet but for Faifeu it would have been taken. Faifeu was asked if he had been certain who the thief was and he said he

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had not and that without foreknowledge of the kind they imagined, he had searched out the evil design and sought to terrify those who had the ring by means of a cunning demonstration. Thus by subtle contrivance it may be proved that he who claims to be good may be shown to be evil.’ 268 I remember…alarm.] John Henderson (1757–88, DNB), eccentric scholar and schoolmaster, whose pupils included the young JC, from whom RS probably heard this anecdote. 269 These are … L. 6. c. 21.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 401–2 (including plate XVII), Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 41–3. 270 I have … original.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 71. RS’s translation. 271 There was … Tom I. p. 401.] Lafitau, Moeurs sauvages, Vol. I, pp. 402–3. The translation is probably by RS. 272 ‘One … BRAINERD.] David Brainerd, ‘Divine Grace displayed’, p. 451. 273 The Mocking … tendency.] John Davis, Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America: during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, and 1802 (London, 1803), p. 287 n [adapted]. 274 A good … WILLIAMS.] Williams, A Key into the Language of America, p. 89. 275 The carryon … GASCOIGNE’s Good-morrow.] George Gascoigne, ‘Gascoigne’s Good-Morrow’, ll. 57–64. 276 But of … Musician.] William Priest, Travels in the United States of America; com- mencing in … 1793 and ending in 1797, with the author’s journals of his two voyages across the Atlantic (London, 1802), pp. 49–50. 277 ‘I have … blaze!”’] Priest, Travels, pp. 50–1. 278 The expression … NINO.] de Gamez, Cronica de Don Pedro Nino, p. 130. The passage translates as: ‘played upon all kinds of instruments to make music, wind instruments and stringed, that are played with the hand or with a bow; there were also choirs of voices’. 279 ‘And when the … EZRA, III. 10. 13] Ezra 3:10–13. 280 Kill … DIAZ, p. 56.] Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, p. 56. RS’s translation. 281 Torquemada, L. 10. c. 33.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 292–5. 282 The tradition … stated.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 288–9; 246–7; Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. II, pp. 77–8. 283 My excuse … CLAVIGERO.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 78; Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 112. 284 Mexitli … L. 2. c. 1.] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I, p. 78. 285 The hideous … PADILLA.] Padilla, Historie, p. 643. RS’s translation. 286 It will … L. 3. c. 7. § 2.] Garcia, Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo, p. 122.

MSS Drafts of Madoc 1 Madoc … England.] For Warrington’s account, see History of Wales, p. 334. 2 Aberffraw … Wales.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 145. RS’s ‘Ode’ (‘In vain the trav’ller seeks Aberffraw’s tow’rs’) was published in the Morning Post, 31 December 1798. See Volume 5, p. 265. 3 To subdue … love.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 339. 4 So whimsical … Warrington.] Warrington, History of Wales, pp. 333–4.

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Notes to pages 359–415

5 Besides … Warrington.] Eight of Howel’s poems were published in The Myryvian Archaiology, Vol. I, pp. 275–78 and RS supplied translations by William Owen Pughe in Madoc (1805). 6 The Cantrevs … died.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 333. 7 A spirit … realm.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 339. 8 This was the … standard.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 314. 9 Exasperated … Gwynedh.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 328 [adapted]. 10 One of the royal … sat.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 175. 11 When the King … exploits.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 182. 12 To render … received.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 310. 13 Madoc first … England.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 334. 14 Anglesey … time.] Cambrian Register, Vol. I, p. 384. 15 Aberffraw … Wales.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 145. 16 ‘To subdue … Wales.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 339. 17 After the death … tyrant.] Warrington, History of Wales, pp. 333–4 [adapted]. 18 The pillars … hall.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 171. 19 This was the …standard.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 314. 20 After his defeat … Gwynedh.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 328 [adapted]. 21 One of the royal … office.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 175 [adapted]. 22 When the King … Kings.] Warrington, History of Wales, p. 182 [adapted]. 23 This hymn … Triads.] Williams, Poems, Vol. II, pp. 239–48. 24 Angau … enlargement.] Probably adapted from Williams, Poems, Vol. II, p. 236 n. 25 Nifoedd … renovations.] Probably adapted from Williams, Poems, Vol. II, pp. 107–8 n. 26 I have in this … Page 408.] Cambrian Register, Vol. I, pp. 407–8. RS is also referring to Thomas Gray, ‘The Triumphs of Owen’. 27 Some account … Encyclopaedia.] RS is referring to A New and General Biographi- cal Dictionary; containing an Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of the most eminent persons in every nation, 12 vols (London, 1761), Vol. I, pp. 410–11. The ‘Scotch Encyclopaedia’ is the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1768–71). 28 In one of Strutts … Rous.] J. Strutt, A compleat view of the manners, customs, arms, habitts etc of the inhabitants of England from the arrival of the Saxons to the present time, 3 vols (1775–6), Vol. II, plate LVI. 29 Observe the sea … purple.] Probably a nature observation by RS, rather than a quotation. 30 This was believed … ancestors.] RS is referring to Macpherson, Introduction to the History of Great Britain, p. 155. 31 Flath-Innis … poem.] Macpherson, Introduction to the History of Great Britain, pp. 181–5. 32 See Evans’s Old Ballads.] Evans, Specimens of the Poetry of the antient Welsh Bards, pp. [7]–13. 33 Robertson … correct.] William Robertson, History of America, Vol. I, pp. 325–6, 472, 327–8. 34 St Pierre.] Bernardin de St Pierre, Paul et Virginie (Paris, 1788). 35 Caramura.] Frei Jose de Santa Rita Durao, Caramuru (Lisbon, 1781). 36 Robertson.] Robertson, History, Vol. I, p. 249.

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Notes to pages 415–26

37 The inhabitants … savages.] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, pp. 243–4. 38 Robertson.] Robertson, History, Vol. I, p. 249. 39 The paddle … used.] Native Amerian canoes are described in Robertson, History of America, Vol. I, p. 376. 40 Clavigero.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 266. 41 Clavigero.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 273. 42 Robertson. Clavigero.] Robertson, History, Vol. II, p. 51; Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 366. 43 Clavigero.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, pp. 367–8. 44 Clavigero.] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Vol. I, p. 364. 45 The residence … brother.] Warrington, History of Wales, Vol. I, p. 333 and n.

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