Population Decline and Contemporary Durkheimian Theory*

Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 51 POPULATION DECLINE AND CONTEMPORARY DURKHEIMIAN THEORY* Swati Shirwadkar, University of Pune, India; Tom Segady, Stephen F. Austin State University; and Robert Szafran, Stephen F. Austin State University ABSTRACT Of the "classic" sociological theorists, it was Durkheim who established as a central concern the challenge of moral development in the face of rapid modernization. In traditional societies, characterized by mechanical solidarity, Durkheim saw religion constructing the basis for collective representations. The moral dimension of traditional societies was centralized and enforced with repressive laws. With the transition to organic solidarity, as a result of Durkheim's largely unstated assumption of the changes brought on by population growth-which he equated with 'moral density'-the centrality of religious beliefs de clined. From religion to law to social contracts, the foundations on which societies rest shifted dramatically. In postmodern societies, with declining populations and rapidly-evolving technological capabilities, the relationship between moral development and the basis for organic solidarity becomes less clear. Population growth and an increasing division of labor no longer foster the type of social integration and moral density that Durkheim posited. The shifting modalities of moral development that are emerging in postmodern societies were, however, anticipated by Durkheimian theory, and out of this several propositions for further investigation are outlined. 'Things fall apart; the center cannot hold' Durkheim's influence on the methods ofmod Yeats ern social science was extensive. He moved social philosophy in the direction of DURKHEIM'S LEGACY a concern with facts. (1989 28) Beyond the honorific of being designated as one of the "masters" of sociological Alexander has raised the estimation of thought,1 Emile Durkheim has also become, Durkheim's contribution yet higher: in Foucault's words, a "founder of dis course."2 Of the great ideas in classical so ...the modern theory of social change as ciological theory, Durkheim's formulations differentiation begins with Durkheim. (Alex stand alone in several respects. It was the ander 1986 3) intellectual trajectory of Durkheim's 'positiv istic organicism'3 that allowed him to develop With these distinctive accomplishments, entirely new conceptual approaches for un the question must then be asked why Durk derstanding the modern social world. For ex heim has been praised so highly, often above ample, despite the incorporation of data into the other "masters," yet the implications of their analyses, Marx and Weber accom his substantive thought have yet to be fully plished this only sporadically in their writ explored and extended. When the sociologi ings and data were largely treated as anec cal problem to be addressed is one of moral dotal support for theoretical conclusions development, many of Durkheim's ideas re reached in advance. Durkheim's positivistic tain their capacity to inform contemporary so organicism-reflected, for example, in his ciological investigations and to provide a masterful analysis in Suicide-constituted a unique moderninist perspective on contem revolutionary shift in social thought and so porary moral development in society. Emir ciological method. Van Poppel and Day have bayer has recently remarked that: asserted that [Durkheim's] writings all take on the task of ...the analytical rigor and theoretical under thinking through the significance for mod pinning of Suicide have made it the most ern social life of the moral integration and influential ofworks. It is the customary start regulation of the individual and of the dele ing point for both the sociological and the terious impact, in particular, of modern ten epistemological analysis of suicide. (1996 dencies towards egoism and anomie. (2003 501) 2) Cuzzort has remarked that: However, much of the discourse surround- 52 Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology ing Durkheim has been limited to descrip vative interpretations ofcurrent developments tive narrative, from the outset of the wider in society have been made by utilizing a Durk reception of his works (cf. Merton 1934). In heimian framework. Recently, TenHouton's point of fact, Durkheim's own ideas seem to (1995) reexamination of Durkheim's explica be increasingly buried under increasing lay tion of interaction rituals in Elementary Forms ers of secondary interpretive literature, how produced a new conceptual framework for a ever well intended these efforts may have structural analysis of primary emotions. Simi been. In her masterful translator's introduc larly, Alexander (1988) provided a penetrat tion to The Elementary Forms, Karen E. ing illustration of the power of Durkheimian Fields remarks that thought with his depiction of the American collective conscience and the reaction to ... Formes is widely mentioned and charac moral transgression, symbolic transforma terized, if not so widely read. Like broccoli, tion, and political crisis through his analysis classics are said to be good for one, even of the Watergate scandal. The fact remains, if swallowed unwillingly. (1995 xxii-xxiii) however, that the vast majority of writings have unfortunately been about Durkheim and The result is that some rather less than sat his thought, rather than attempting to apply isfying portions of Durkheim have been his often seminal ideas.4 served up, thus lacking the elegance of his reasoning and the potential of his ideas to MORAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE COMING inform subsequent efforts. OF THE MODERN WORLD There have been notable exceptions: However his works have been treated, the Swanson's (1960) The Birth of the Gods inescapable fact remains that Durkheim's leads the list of seminal post-Durkheimian conceptual approach to sociological ques investigations. Shils and Young's (1956) ex tions-with the Leitmotiv being the existence position of charisma, sacred meaning, and of the social fact-was revolutionary and re ritual (see their article "The Meaning of the mains a driving force that distinguishes so Coronation") ciology from other disciplines. These social facts, for Durkheim, did not exist as static or redeemed Durkheim's claim that a theory purely analytical structural entities, divorced developed in relation to Aboriginal totemism from the moral development of societies. was still relevant. (Smith & Alexander 1996 Durkheim's linkage of moral development 588) to the social facts that were emerging in modern societies was not unique, however. Additionally, several efforts have been made The tradition of considering the conse by those following a theory constructionist quences of modernization on moral devel approach (e.g., Gibbs 2003), who have at opment in societies was taken up in various tempted to refine Durkheim's concepts by and often theoretically productive ways by all developing out of his division of labor thesis the thinkers now defined as 'classicaL' We a series of empirically testable propositions. ber (1904/1958) predicted-in a somewhat Van Poppel and Day (1996), utilizing histori contradictory nondeterministic and yet mor cal documents, and following earlier critics ally condemning light-the rise of 'special of Durkheim's methodological approach (e.g, ists without spirit; sensualists without heart' Pope 1976; Pope & Danigelis 1981; Stark, as a result of a 'spirit' of capitalism emerg Doyle, & Rushing 1983; Day 1987), found ing from and then reducing to a utilitarian little evidence for Durkheim's thesis regard shell the societal power of religious belief. ing the societally-engendered sources of Even the strong sense of the 'goodness' of suicide. Similarly, an extensive content analy reason contained within the Enlightenment, sis of wills and beneficiaries found little evi the 'laughing heir' to these beliefs, Weber dence for a shift from purely familial to organi saw as 'irretrievably fading.'s Marx saw one zational ties as Durkheim posited (Schwartz outcome of capitalistic development the so 1996). Again, however, Fields' cautionary note cial and moral isolation of self from others, is in effect: It is not necessarily the answers in which obtained by a great classic mind, but the questions generated that retain their rele ...the limits within every man can move with vance. Increasingly, it appears that quite inno- out harming [italics in original] others are Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 53 determined by the law, just as the bound In this way, Durkheim distanced his theoreti ary between two fields is determined by a cal position on morality from structural de fence-post. This is the liberty of man as an terminism and acknowledging the impor isolated monad drawn into himself."6 tance of agency: For Durkheim, by contrast, the possibilities Only an act we have performed in total free for moral development in the emerging world dom, without any kind of coercion, do we of modernity appeared uncertain .and per regard as wholly moral. But we are not free haps dangerous, but certainly open. The if the law by which we regulate our behav thread ofthis theme repeats through his early ior is imposed upon us, ifwe have not freely works (The Division ofLabor, 1883; Suicide, desired it. (Durkheim 1925/1973 128) 1897) to his final major work (Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, 1912). This is the 'egoism' that Durkheim ascribed Perhaps the clearest expression

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