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View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Huddersfield Repository University of Huddersfield Repository Webster, Wendy “Europe against the Germans”: The British Resistance Narrative, 1940–1950 Original Citation Webster, Wendy (2009) “Europe against the Germans”: The British Resistance Narrative, 1940– 1950. The Journal of British Studies, 48 (04). pp. 958-982. ISSN 0021-9371 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/16598/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ ‘Europe Against the Germans’: The British Resistance Narrative, 1940-50 There is considerable consensus among historians about the impact of the Second World War on British attitudes to continental Europe: one which identifies 1940 as a defining moment. The fall of France and the retreat from Dunkirk figure strongly in the view that the Second World War reinforced the story of Britain as an island nation. Richard Weight’s comment that the Second World War ‘honed the island identity of the British’ is echoed by Timothy Garton Ash who uses a David Low cartoon to illustrate his argument that an island identity ‘acquired a huge boost during the second world war, and particularly in the formative moment of 1940’. 1 The Low cartoon, captioned ‘very well alone!’, Ash notes, shows a British soldier standing defiantly on a shore nearly engulfed by waves and shaking his fist at a sky full of Nazi planes. According to Kenneth Morgan, ‘Dunkirk, the Battle of Britain, the image of ‘standing alone’ and subsequently saving a stricken continent from itself went deep into British folk memories’. Morgan argues that: ‘the triumphant record of the Second World War strengthened amongst the British people a powerful sense of detachment from continental Europe’. 2 Malcolm Smith similarly notes that: ‘France’s defeat, and Britain’s subsequent survival, not only worked to confirm Britain’s sense of innate national superiority but also helped to cement a more general distrust of European entanglements for generations’. 3 ‘Europe against the Germans’ — the slogan of the V for Victory campaign begun in 1941 — suggests a rather different version of British-European relations from the island story. From 1941, at a time when mass murder and genocide were under way on a vast scale, the continent was increasingly portrayed in the British 1 media through a narrative of resistance that told of civilised, decent and gallant nations united against Nazi Germany. Repeated tributes were paid to the courage and heroism of resisters, often showing resistance movements working autonomously, but also showing unity between British and continental Europeans in common resistance to Germany. Such images, I argue, meant that in 1942-4 the British media came close to identifying Britons as European — perhaps closer than at any other moment in the twentieth century. Indeed in 1942-4 the connection made between Europe and civilisation was so emphatic, and the definition of ‘good Europeans’ so routinely constructed against Germany, that the narrative of a continent united in resistance meant that it was Germans who were sometimes explicitly, and always implicitly, shown as ‘not-European’. The V for Victory campaign of 1941 was initiated by Victor de Laveleye, a Belgian refugee in Britain: one of a number of European exiles in Britain who contributed to the development of the resistance narrative through their work in the British media. De Laveleye, who worked for BBC radio, used the letter ‘V’ as a rallying sign in a broadcast on Radio Belgique, choosing the letter because it stood for ‘Victoire’ in French and ‘Vrijheid’ in Flemish. 4 His idea was quickly taken up in propaganda radio broadcasts targeted at occupied European nations. Like other British wartime propaganda aimed at recruitment to the war effort — women to war industries in Britain, Indians to the armed forces and, before December 1941, America to the Allied cause — the V campaign aimed to recruit resisters to the war effort, creating ‘the frame of mind in which our listeners will feel themselves part of a great army’ and encouraging them to identify their resistance particularly through the V sign — chalked on a wall, signed with the fingers, or made with sound through the 2 Morse code rhythm for ‘V’ — the same rhythm as the opening notes of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony — which became the identification signal of the BBC European service. 5 The resistance story was also produced for domestic consumption. As Michael Stenton, commenting on British wartime broadcasts to occupied Europe observes: ‘Resistance was a story, a meaning, which Radio London could transmit to others because the British told it to themselves’. 6 The V for Victory campaign may have been targeted at occupied Europe, but it was also widely reported for domestic audiences, while a range of cartoons about the campaign in the British press in 1941 assumed a considerable level of knowledge from their audiences. 7 A similar assumption that British audiences were familiar with the idea of clandestine listening to BBC radio in Europe is evident in a cartoon in Punch captioned ‘The Secret Hope’, which depicts a group of three men and one woman listening intently to the radio in a cellar, but makes no reference to the BBC, suggesting the extent to which the audience were assumed to recognise the identity of the broadcaster that brought Europeans hope. 8 After 1941 the V campaign often featured in resistance films, as in The Day Will Dawn (1942), where Norwegians defy a compulsory German entertainment with a noisy assertion of the rhythm of 'V', tapping it on table-tops and stamping it with their feet, before it is taken up by the band in a musical rendition. 9 The extent to which a wider narrative of the resistance became quickly established is also suggested by complaints about its over-familiarity by film critics. Despite the novelty of resistance films, the Times as early as September 1942, reviewing The Secret Mission set in France, urged producers to ask themselves ‘whether, if they are determined to set their scenes in one of the occupied countries, they have anything 3 fresh to say or any fresh way of saying what has become distressingly familiar’. 10 The Monthly Film Bulletin ’s review of Undercover (1943), set in Yugoslavia, complained less than a year later: ‘The incidents are all too familiar to war audiences who, for years , have been made aware of hostages, torture, raids and death’. 11 Tony Judt, commenting on the emergence of a range of stories about resistance in post-war continental Europe suggests that, in the Netherlands, ‘accounts of heroic farmers rescuing downed British airmen became part of national mythology’. 12 But such an account was first given in a British wartime film, set in the Netherlands, which enjoyed considerable popularity: One of Our Aircraft is Missing (1942). 13 The British wartime resistance narrative in many ways foreshadowed those produced so rapidly in continental Europe once the war was over. Like them it obscured genocide against Jews, the extent of collaboration, and divisions within resistance movements, showing nations united against the German oppressor. In countries occupied by Germany where resisters were subject to arrest, imprisonment, torture and death, no public narrative of resistance could be produced in wartime outside the underground press. For the same reason, with occasional exceptions, it was not possible in wartime to disseminate British visual imagery to occupied countries. Although two French-language films about the French resistance directed by Alfred Hitchcock were made for screening in France, they had very limited distribution there. 14 The British resistance narrative was thus the first to be produced and disseminated publicly in Europe, largely to British audiences. The public resistance narrative produced in continental Europe once the war was over has attracted considerable attention from scholars. 15 This literature points up 4 its importance to unity, stability and the development of post-war identity in nations that were formerly occupied by Germany. It also pays considerable attention to the idea of a wider continent united in resistance as one of the foundational myths that supported ideas of European integration, providing heroes that Pieter Lagrou calls ‘a very convenient, noble and consensual set of founding fathers’ for the nation-building project of European federalists. 16 However, the onset of the Cold War meant that — unlike the British wartime narrative of a continent united in resistance — ideals of European integration encompassed only Western Europe. By comparison with the post-war resistance narrative on the continent, the British resistance narrative has received little attention. Although there is interesting work on the wartime cycle of British resistance films, this does not situate these films within any wider investigation of the impact of war on British attitudes to Europe. 17 This article, tracing the development of stories of the resistance and focusing on those that the British told themselves, argues that they suggest considerable British engagement with the continent.

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