The Archaeology of Maroon Societies in the Americas

TERRY WElK Africa, or in political ideology, i.e., Pan- Africanism (Thompson 1989:2-5; Gilroy 1993:6, The Archaeology of Maroon 17). At the same time, a Diaspora perspective illuminates the cultural, geographical, and histori- Societies in the Americas: cal dimensions that distinguish people of African Resistance, Cultural Continuity, descent. and Transformation in the The archaeology of marronage reflects the wide scope of the African Diaspora in the African Diaspora Americas, which spans two continents and the Caribbean. The following discussion is centered ABSTRACT on archaeological investigations of Maroon sites at Palmares (Brazil); jose Leta (Dominican Re- Archaeology has been initiated in Maroon sites in various public); Pilaklikaha and Fort mose florida parts of the African Diaspora in the Americas. Data from Nannytown, Accompong and the seamans Jamaica, the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Florida, and North ley (Jamaica); and Culpepper Island (North Caro- Carolina were surveyed in order to examine the directions that studies of Maroon societies have taken. An assessment lina) Arrom and Garcia Arevalo 1986; is in order so that future studies can he planned with 1988; Marron 1989; Agorsah 1994; Herron cognizance of the problems and possibilities that current 1994:70; Deagan and MacMahon 1995: 13-15; research has uncovered. Approaches, theories, and archaeo- Orser 1992). Other sites which deserve mention logical evidence are analyzed and critiqued, and placed within are those of Ambrosio, in Minas Gerais (Brazil), the context of African Diaspora archaeology. The archaeology of Maroon sites is a rich and virtually untapped area and the cave sites located near Havana, Cuba of study. The archaeological study of Maroon sites will Arrom and Garcia Arevalo 1986:50; Guimaraes advance our knowledge of Africans in the Americas by 1990:161-174). As migrants, slaves, and exiles, fostering new perspectives on traditional concepts such as Africans have traversed the Atlantic in two di- ethnicity, resistance, cultural contact, and culture continuity rections. In light of this fact, archaeology may and change. one day uncover valuable information on the Introduction Trelawney Town Maroons, who were deported to Nova Scotia and then to Sierra Leone after Maroons are peoples of the African Diaspora the second Maroon War in 1796 (Campbell who escaped from enslavement and lived inde- 1993). pendently of plantation societies in the Americas (Price 1979: 1-2; Hart 1985: 1-5). Examining Maroons: A Definition marronage, the formation of Maroons, in an African Diaspora perspective is an important The English word, “Maroon,” like the French means of adding to the discourse on African word marronage, has been credited to the Span- agency beyond the African continent. ish term cimarron which originally referred to “Diaspora,” a Greek word meaning “to disperse” escaped cattle or hogs which ran to the moun- or “spread,” originally referred to the global dis- tains (Price 1979:l-2; Arrom and Garcia Arevalo persal of Jewish peoples (Tololyan 1996). It has 1986:15-17). In the Spanish colonies, Maroon been adopted by researchers studying the African settlements were referred to as palenques, or Diaspora because people of African descent have mambises in Cuba (Price 1979:l). In Brazilian experienced a similar history of migration- historiography, a Maroon community is called forced and voluntary, enslavement, and persecu- a quilombo, a magote, or a mocambo schwartz tion in various parts of the world (Shepperson 1979:205). 1976:4, 1982:51; Harris 1982:5-8; Thompson Marronage, like rebellion, occurred wherever 1989). African Diaspora denotes shared experi- slavery existed (Craton 1982:23; Genovese ences, whether in oppression, in cultural ties to 1979:2-3). A distinction is made between two

Historical Archaeology, 1997, 31(2), 81-92. Permission to reprint required. 82 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 31(2) types of Maroon activity, petit marronage and 18th century to the 1990s (Price 1990; Agorsah grand marronage. Petit marronage refers to 1994). short-term escape of enslaved people. Grand In general, Maroon enclaves were formed in marronage refers to long-term or permanent inaccessible or marginal areas. The right kinds escape with the intent of living in autonomous of environments were necessary for successful communities (Price 1979:3). Enslaved Africans flight and marronage: black Seminoles found escaped for a variety of reasons: to avoid refuge in central Florida’s swamps; Saramaka forced labor, to heal from the wounds inflicted Maroons thrived in the forests and riverbanks of by abusive overseers, to find food, to visit fam- Surinam; Brazilian, Cuban, and Jamaican Maroon ily members such as spouses or relatives on communities could not have enjoyed longevity other plantations, or to interact with friends or without the formidable mountains and densely potential mates (in many places the male to fe- vegetated hills on which they settled (Price male ratio was quite high during slavery) (Kent 1979:5; Schwartz 1992:105). The environment 1979:179; Price 1979:l-5; Reis 1993:21-40). In was also important for subsistence needs. Bra- addition, the desire for freedom of cultural ex- zilian quilombos produced many crops through pression such as religious worship led some en- horticulture, such as manioc, tobacco, cotton, slaved peoples to flee temporarily or permanently bananas, corn, pineapples, and sweet potatoes (Reis 1993). (Schwartz 1992: 115). Honey, beeswax, and As anthropologist Richard Price (1979:4) dem- game were acquired by Maroons from the forests onstrates in Maroon Societies, marronage var- of Cuba Perez De La Riva 197953). ied in time, space, and character throughout the A number of Maroons, such as the Americas. Small Maroon sites, such as jose palenqueros of Cuba, went through two stages Leta in the Dominican Republic and Pilaklikaha of development. First there was a nomadic in Florida, ranged from five or less to around stage. If they found a defensible location, Ma- 100 inhabitants. Larger Maroon sites such as roons moved to a second stage of development, Nannytown and Accompong, in Jamaica, and a sedentary lifestyle Perez De La Riva Culpepper Island, NC, had hundreds of Maroons 1979:49). In many cases Maroons set up forti- (Littlefield 1977:9; Arrom and Garcia arevalo fied palenques. Maroons were not isolated, nor 1986:49-50; Campbell 1990: 164-194). were they merely concerned with escape, for Palmares, in Brazil, was at the extreme end of they raided colonial settlements and plan- the size range, with estimates suggesting 5,000 tations for commodities and new recruits to 20,000 people (Carneiro 1966:66; Schwartz (Price 1979: 12-13; Schwartz 1992: 108-109; 19921106-107, 117-118). Schweninger 1992: 116-120). They traded crops As with size, duration of occupation varied and forest products with pirates and European for Maroon settlements in different periods and traders in exchange for weapons or tools (Parris places. Historical documents suggest that most 1983). As Maroons were a threat to the obedi- Maroon settlements were short-lived. For in- ent attitudes that slaveowners demanded of their stance, historian Raymond Kent (1979) affirmed slaves, colonists reacted by attempting to destroy that seven out of 10 of the largest quilombos in them. If military confrontation failed, colonists Brazil were destroyed within two years of for- signed treaties with Maroons (Kopytoff 1979; mation. However, Palmares proved to be an Price 1979:4; Schwartz 1992:112). Some Euro- exception, lasting 100 years (Kent 1979). In co- peans tried to undermine each other by forming lonial Florida, “black Seminole” sites such as trade and military alliances with Maroons, “Abraham’s Old Town,” lasted several decades thereby instigating Maroon raiding parties to (Herron 1994). By contrast, Maroon settlements destroy the commerce of their colonial rivals. in Jamaica and Surinam have lasted from the Preoccupied by fighting and competing for land THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF MAROON SOCIETIES IN THE AMERICAS 83 and resources in strategically located areas, Eu- Archaeology and the African Diaspora ropean forces sometimes neglected checking the growth of the Maroons (Parris 1983; Mulroy Plantations have been the focus of most his- 1993:9-10). The disorder caused by European torical archaeology of the African Diaspora rivalries probably facilitated escape for many (Singleton 1985:2). Most plantation studies have enslaved people, for the planters could not con- been conducted in North America, where social- trol any considerable number of people without political movements of the 1960s and federal a stable and united effort among European mi- legislation helped to convince archaeologists to litia and patrols. In sum, the history of study early African Americans (Fairbanks marronage demonstrates the pervasiveness of the 1984:l-2). Charles Orser (1991:51), who has Maroons in a wide variety of places throughout done research on plantation and Maroon archae- the Americas. Their ability to undermine plan- ology, has observed that historians and anthro- tation societies makes Maroons all the more pologists have given disproportionate attention to worthy of continued investigation. the master/slave relationship. This overemphasis has been noted by others, and archaeological Historical and Archaeological Analyses investigation of colonial-period free blacks and postbellum-period black communities have been Historical and archaeological analyses have offered as alternative avenues of research been based on research questions and have ad- (Fairbanks 1984; Singleton 1991: 168). Now that dressed the archaeology of the African Diaspora, slave sites on plantations have been explored, historical supplementation, and maroon settle- much work must be done to expand the archaeo- ments. Each of these facets is discussed more logical discourse on Africans in the Americas fully below. beyond the plantation context. Archaeological investigation of Maroon societies has emerged in Research Questions, Resistance, and the 1980s and 1990s as another alternative to the Archaeological Relevance sole study of plantations. Thus far, the general goals of Maroon archae- As the above definition illustrates, the histori- ology have been modest: archaeologists have ography of marronage has matured through a sought to locate sites, expand new research ar- stage of description and location of Maroon eas, survey site boundaries and features, and test communities. Yet it is important that Maroon for settlement patterns (Fairbanks 1984; Arrom sites be investigated more intensively and exten- and Garcia Arevalo 1986; Joseph 1989; Single- sively, for recent studies have demonstrated that ton 1991; Agorsah 1993). In general, archaeolo- they are a rich and virtually untapped area of gists of marronage have met these goals: sites archaeological study. There are a number of were located, artifacts recovered, and foundations fundamental questions that have guided the fol- for future excavations were established. Archae- lowing examination of Maroon archaeology. ologists studying Maroon sites such as For example, how does Maroon archaeology fit Pilaklikaha, Culpepper Island, and Palmares have into the discourse on the archaeology of the pursued anthropological questions related to en- African Diaspora? What problems of historical vironmental adaptation, land use, living condi- interpretation have guided research on Maroon tions and cultural contact (Nichols 1988; Herron communities? Also, what special theoretical is- 1994; Orser 1994). In the future, Maroon ar- sues pertain to Maroon sites? Finally, why chaeology will likely address traditional themes should archaeology be employed to study Ma- that have emerged from African Diaspora archae- roons? With these issues in mind, the goal of ology, such as everyday living conditions, health, this article is to critique Maroon archaeology and ethnic identification, settlement patterns, suggest new avenues of investigation. Colonoware, symbolism and ritual objects, hous- 84 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 31(2) ing construction, social organization, culture con- ton 1982:24-27). Orlando Patterson (1969) pro- tact, and resistance (Singleton 1991:155-157, posed that both passive and violent forms of 162-163, 169). slave resistance existed. Essentially, resistance to “Africanisms,” the transfer of African traits to slavery and colonial domination seems best the Diaspora, is a popular theme that archaeolo- viewed as a continuum of behaviors, with more gists have examined by discerning foodways, “everyday” forms of resistance such as work building techniques, and pottery traditions (Deetz slowdowns and tool damage at one end, and 1977; Vlach 1978; Otto 1984; Armstrong revolt, flight, and marronage (establishment of 1990:268-273; Ferguson 1992). Maroon sites runaway settlements) at the more confrontational may be an important testing ground for cultural or violent end of the spectrum (Geggus 1982). continuities and changes which are manifest in Archaeologists have only recently begun to Colonoware type pottery which has been uncov- seriously look at resistance and domination, as ered. Colonoware is a term for plain earthen- well as underlying power relationships (Miller ware which was originally attributed to Native and Tilley 1984; Miller et al. 1989; Paynter and American potters, but is now attributed to either McGuire 1991). Much of the archaeological African-American or Native American potters, or discussion of the concept of power, the common both, depending on the historical and geographi- denominator of domination and resistance, has cal context (Ferguson 1992). Both Jamaican and focused on the elite or formal sources of control Brazilian Maroon sites have yielded plain earth- in society and the highly visible architectural and enwares of local production which may have monumental features with which they are iden- been African, Native American, or syncretic in tified (Paynter and McGuire 1991:7-10, 14). inspiration, as are Colonowares (Orser 1992; Recent studies on resistance focus on the peas- Agorsah 1994). According to one documentary ant, the rural or marginal person, the slave, and source, the account of Johannes King, a member the nonelite European (Paynter and McGuire of the Matawai Maroons of Saramaka, “The 1991:16). Historical archaeology has played an women made giant clay pots to cook things in. important role in articulating the experiences of Likewise, they made big clay pans and big tubs these underrepresented peoples in history that could hold a lot of water . . . and they (Deagan 1991). Colonial-period archaeology will made water jugs, big ones and little ones (King benefit from researchers bringing the people on in Price 1979:299). Hence, one can propose that the periphery of European colonies-Maroons, at some sites Maroons were producers of their Native Americans, trailblazing European fortune own earthenwares. Maroon archaeology will seekers-into the center of attention. Our abil- provide an important vantage from which to ity to view the dynamism of colonial societies is evaluate the Colonoware debates, by allowing thus enhanced by broadening the realm of inves- more precise linkages between variants in wares tigation beyond colonial plantation and city lo- and specific communities. cales. Theoretically, Maroon archaeology could contribute to the ever-increasing corpus concerning Historical Supplementation and Interpretation resistance (cf. Paynter and McGuire 1991). Resistance to slavery and colonialism in the Problems of historical relevance have been Americas can be conceptualized as including but important to the pursuit of historical archaeology. not limited to behaviors such as sabotage, The “historical supplement,” a term denoting feigned sickness, intentional tool damage, strikes, archaeological contributions to neglected areas of slowdowns, poisoning, and arson (Aptheker historical research, is a classification which I 1969:140-149; Blassingame 1972:104-124; employ to characterize the work of archaeolo- Wood 1974:286, 308; Scott 1985; Katz 1990). gists such as Manuel Garcia Arevalo who exca- But before they reached the shores of the vated at Jose Leta (Dominican Republic) and Americas, Africans rebelled on slave ships (Cra- Elaine Nichols, whose work concerned Maroons THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF MAROON SOCIETIES IN THE AMERICAS 85 on Culpepper Island, NC (Arrom and Garcia African and European ironworking technology, as Arevalo 1986; Nichols 1988). Similarly, well as Maroon interaction with colonial society. Kathleen Deagan, who has done research at Ft. Maroons worked at Reeder Foundry alongside Mose, has stressed the “historically supplemen- slaves during the 18th century, producing weap- tal” function of Maroon archaeology (Deagan ons and other implements. Goucher (1990:201- and MacMahon 1995). In Brazil, archaeology 207) proposed that African ironworking technol- has helped to pinpoint the location of Palmares, ogy was employed in blacksmith shops and se- which had been misrepresented by colonial maps cret Maroon furnaces throughout the Caribbean. of the site (Orser 1992:ll). Perhaps in the fu- Historical documents suggest that smithies and ture the wide-ranging population estimates for iron smelting furnaces existed in Maroon settle- Palmares, ranging from 5,000 to 20,000 people, ments at Palmares and St. James (northwest Ja- can be verified or refuted. However, the “his- maica) (Kopytoff 1975; Kent 1979: 177-179; torical supplemental” function of archaeology Goucher 1990). Manuel Garcia Arevalo has should be pursued only as an incidental outcome identified iron slag at the Jose Leta site in the of this type of archaeological research, not as a Dominican Republic (Arrom and Garcia Arevalo goal. The goals should be the creation of bet- 1986). Hence, archaeologists could advance the ter interpretation and the enhancement of theories discourse on the transfer of African culture and in which archaeology can play a role in helping technology if they could locate Maroon forges or to reconstruct the past. iron smelting furnaces in the archaeological From ethnohistoric studies of Jamaican Ma- record. roons we can conclude that strong affinities with However, archaeological signatures of iron- West African cultures exist (Braithwaite 1971; making or black-smithing are no guarantee of Kopytoff 1975; Bilby 1981, 1983; Ebanks 1984; the presence of African or European technology Campbell 1990). Kenneth Bilby’s (1981) eth- or knowledge. John Otto’s work on Cannon’s nography of “Kromanti Play,” a ritual enacted by Point plantation serves as a useful cautionary the Mooretown Maroons of Portland, the moun- note. His work suggests that slaves used Euro- tainous northeastern district of Jamaica, is one pean-produced ceramics in an African way. For example of the ritual and linguistic ties of Ja- example, they preferred using bowls instead of maican Maroons to Akan culture. “Kromanti” is plates in their kitchens, just as their ancestors the ethnic distinction that Mooretown Maroons had in Africa. In other words, bowls outnum- claim. “Kromanti“ is most likely a distortion of bered plates in the material record of the slave the word kromantse, which was a small settle- cabins Otto examined (Otto 1984). However, ment on the coast of Ghana from which many the usage of a material item does not always African slaves were shipped during the 17th cen- explain its role as a marker of identity, its cul- tury. Kofi Agorsah has examined the West Af- tural significance, or its meaning any more than rican site of Efutu, on the coast of Ghana, in an object’s origin of manufacture (Beaudry et al. order to create an archaeologically and histori- 1991:162). Similarly, clay pipes uncovered from cally informed background against which the last Maroon sites in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, experiences of enslaved Africans contributing to and Brazil must be assessed in light of the prob- slave and Maroon populations could be inter- lems of interpretation concerning artifacts (Arrom preted. His attempt at linking artifacts such as and Garcia Arevalo 1986:50; Orser 1996:123- kaolin pipes from both sides of the Atlantic has 129). From his study of clay pipes from the met with limited success, in terms of showing Chesapeake region, Matthew Emerson (1988) has African cultural influences on Maroon artifacts designed a convincing comparative method for (Agorsah 1993). exploring African traditions of pipe making and Candice Goucher and Kofi Agorsah’s work at overlapping European and Native American cul- the Reeder Steel Foundry, in northeastern Ja- tural influences. Archaeologists studying Ma- maica, provides insights into possible transfers of roons will contribute to African Diaspora archae- 86 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 31(2) ology if they are ever mindful of the multiple for enslaved females and scrap iron which the cultural influences which are embedded in the pirates acquired. The Maroons and English pi- context of African cultural transfer and transfor- rates conducted joint raids on both land and sea, mation. and exchanged vital knowledge concerning geog- Maroon case studies provide a useful avenue raphy and warfare (Parris 1983:182-186). of study which allows researchers to explore It may be useful to ask at what point does the how societies are created through cultural inter- uniqueness or distinction of the identity of a action. In order fully to assess the range of Maroon become apparent? Conversely, at what responses to colonial society by Diaspora point do regional and local cultural identities peoples, a comparative perspective on Maroons, subsume Maroon cultural identity? Maroon plantation slaves, free blacks, and urban slaves is identity is a product of a culturally diverse com- required. The extent of contact and exchange munity setting, which historians of have high- between Maroons and plantation slaves is an is- lighted. The work of historian Raymond Kent sue which could provide insights into the perme- (1979), who did an analysis of the Brazilian ability of the boundaries of slave societies, as quilombo (Maroon enclave) called Palmares, is well as the (in)dependence of Maroons in terms instructive. Kent proposed that the Angolan Ki- of culture identity and economics. lombo, a ritual society which was central to the It is important to recognize that Native Ameri- cohesion of the ruling warrior groups in Angola, cans preceded Maroons of African descent and was transplanted to Palmares, an “African state were both allies and enemies of the Maroons in the Brazilian hinterland” (Kent 1979). Origi- (Hart 1985:1-4). Groups like the Miskito Indi- nally, mocambo was the term that chroniclers ans were employed to hunt down Jamaican Ma- used to describe Maroon communities, but by roons (Campbell 1990). On the other hand, the 17th century during the height of Palmares’s Brazilian Amerindians such as the Aimore and power, quilombo became a more popular word the Cabixes both allied themselves with and has remained the keyword for Brazilian quilombos (Schwartz 1979:210). Though there Maroon communities (Kent 1979: 174-176). was a constant intermingling of African and Raymond Kent and later authors such as Stuart Native peoples among Florida Maroons, “black Schwartz (1992) have stressed the multicultural Seminole Maroons” maintained a distinctiveness character of Palmares: criollos, mulattos, Indians, from their Seminole allies and patrons (Bateman renegade whites, and mestizos made up the 1990:16-17; Mulroy 1993). A complete assess- quilombo (Kent 1979:181, 188; Schwartz ment of the problem of Native American and 1992:128). Maroon interaction must take into account the Native American and European artifacts, as common political cause of Maroons and native well as locally-produced earthenwares uncovered peoples against European colonialism and sla- from Maroon sites must be analyzed with the very. cultural identity of Maroon in mind (Nichols Similarly, Europeans, though predominately 1988; Agorsah 1994:174-176; Herron 1994:70; enemies of the Maroons, were sometimes allies Deagan and MacMahon 1995:13-15). The his- in war and trade. In 16th-century Panama, for tory of marronage suggests that two hypotheses instance, palenques-Spanish term for Maroon are applicable to the above-mentioned European towns-were allied with English pirates such as and Native American finds: 1) Maroons were Sir Francis Drake. Maroons interacted with dependent on, or assimilated to, slave society, English pirates on the edges of towns and plan- and any underlying European economic and so- tations which served the mining, shipbuilding, cial forms; and 2) Maroon resistance to colonial and agricultural pursuits of the Spanish coloniz- society coincided with occasional raiding or traders (Parris 1983:182). The Maroons raided the ing for European goods such as pottery, pipes, bullion of the Spanish overland caravans. They arms, or other commodities. These finds may then exchanged gold and silver from the raids signify an opportunistic type of resistance on the THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF MAROON SOCIETIES IN THE AMERICAS a7 part of Maroons. But would a high presence of Settlement and Social Organization European and native artifacts suggest a prefer- ence for European or native-inspired material Of special interest to archaeologists are the culture? From the archaeology and historiogra- detailed documentary descriptions of Maroon phy of marronage it is possible to get the im- settlements (Perez De La Riva 197952-53; Price pression that Maroons were simply reacting to 1979:7-12). Soldiers and prisoners of the colo- the military and economy of colonial societies. nial armies sent to destroy the quilombos re- For example, some scholars have termed the ported that over 200 houses, a church, four maroon economy “parasitic,” when we know that smithies, a 6-ft.-wide street, a large meeting hut, Maroons also showed agency by cultivating a as well as cultivated fields and monarchical resi- wide range of crops, by engaging in various dences existed at the capital town of Palmares, trade relationships, and by making their own Macaco (Kent 1979:177-179). From the docu- pottery (Nichols 1988; Schwartz 1992:109). ments we know that a system of status, birth Critiques of this view are given in Flory (1979). rights, slavery, and royalty developed at Thus, one cannot assume that European and Palmares (Cardoso 1983: 154). Accounts of Native American artifacts found in Maroon sites Palmares further describe an election process, such as Nannytown automatically translate into ceremonial postures, and obedience to status fig- explanations for cultural assimilation, depen- ures (Schwartz 1992:104, 117). Besides the king dency, or association. and the military commander-the king’s brother, With attention to historical context, one could there was a council of quilombo chiefs from hypothesize that earlier Maroons, i.e., from each of the 10 settlements of Palmares, which Palmares, Jose Leta, or Surinam, preserved and met only to discuss collective issues such as utilized more aspects of African culture than defense (Cardoso 1983:155). Kent (1979) asserts later groups, i.e., Jamaican Maroons or Florida that an African monarchy reigned over Palmares. Seminole Maroons. One could also hypothesize The most recent work on Palmares has built on that Caribbean and Latin American Maroons the African cultural and linguistic analyses of were more likely to exhibit African cultural con- Kent, and has debated the nature of Palmares as tinuities than North American Maroons, based on a monarchy or confederation (Schwartz 1979, larger population ratios of Africans to Europeans 1992; Anderson 1996). The input of Africanist in Caribbean and Latin American plantation sys- perspectives will provide useful comparative data tems. Herbert Klein (1986:203; cf. McFarlane from which future discussions of Palmares’s 1986:148) hypothesized that marronage in the settlement patterns and social organization can be 16th to 17th century was more “restorationist” in formulated. character-Maroons attempted to recreate African Archaeologists may some day investigate institutions-compared to 18th- and 19th-century whether the above-mentioned African types of marronage which were more sociopolitical organization is discernible in arti- “assimilationist” in nature, i.e., religion. That is, facts and settlement layouts found at Maroon Maroons were more likely to be creolized or sites. Archaeologists doing work on Maroons assimilated into the slave society surrounding have commented on the need for settlement re- them in the latter centuries of slavery than in the search so that any patterns of spatial order that former. The “restorationist” versus Maroons employed could be examined (Nichols “assimilationist” dichotomy that characterizes the 1988; Marron 1989; Orser 1992; Herron 1994). historiography of Maroons will likely continue to Thus far, only intensive excavations in Jamaica guide research on Maroon archaeology-see have addressed the settlement level of analysis, Orser’s (1994) comparison of Palmares Maroons and a clear pattern of community layout has not and European settlement. been discerned (Agorsah 1994). Horticulture and 88 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 31(2) fortifications may be other topics that archaeolo- In light of this comparative approach, histori- gists could explore in order to expand knowl- cal allusions to Native American and European edge of Maroon settlement strategies. inhabitants as military allies or economic part- ners who were present at Maroon sites must be Comparative Approaches to Cultural accounted for in archaeological interpretations. Resistance and Resiliency Examples include Littlefield (1977), Kent (1979:49), Parris (1983), Reis (1993), and Orser The final section of this paper highlights the (1994) for Brazil; Bateman (1990) and Mulroy major issue of the dynamics of cultural interac- (1993) for Florida; and Learning (1979, 1995) tion in Maroon sites in terms of resistance and for North Carolina. The question remains: at cultural syncretism. For Paynter and McGuire what level were Maroons showing opposition to (1991) resistance is conceptualized as a part of European cultural influence, if at all? As the a dialectic with domination. However, the dia- above discussion of resistance literature has lectic becomes a potential impediment to inter- stressed, there are many different ways to resist. pretation of Maroon sites if one assumes that The Maroons’ economic dependence or inrerde conflicting interests in social contexts are prima- pendence with Native Americans and Europeans rily dyadic in nature. According to historian may have allowed for cultural and physical re- Thomas Flory (1979), resistance is too often sistance at another level. Colonoware merits conceptualized as a part of a dichotomy in consideration here because of the implications which it is opposed to accommodation and for both comparative studies and cultural resis- domination. This approach reinforces the tradi- tance. Leland Ferguson (1991) has suggested tional emphasis on the master/slave dichotomy, that Colonoware is an “unconscious” manifesta- thereby simplifying historical processes shaping tion of slave resistance. His premise is that Maroon social relations. Multiple interests and Colonoware is a major indicator of difference levels of conflict, ranging from individual to between the elite white planter class of the social to global, must be assessed and situated South Carolina coastal region and the slaves who before the nature of Maroon societies and the worked the rice plantations owned by this elite. meaning of their resistance can be interpreted. The second important argument he makes is that For this reason, comparative perspectives are Colonoware is a West African cultural continu- necessary for Maroon studies. ity (Ferguson 1992). A question which one Within the last couple of years scholars have could pose to give the discourse on Colonoware begun to apply the comparative perspective on an added nuance is, “when does the reproduction Maroon societies following Richard Price (1979), of cultural difference in material culture, be it who took this approach in his book Maroon old-world continuity or new-world adaptation, Societies over a decade ago. Elizabeth Reitz’s become resistance and not cultural resiliency?” comparative study of Fort Mose’s faunal assem- The implication of the above discussion of blage with materials from southeastern U.S. plan- resistance for Maroon history and anthropology tations demonstrates the relative autonomy of the is that the concept of resistance is limited in its Fort Mose Maroons compared to slaves in the explanatory capabilities. Perhaps, as Michael Southeast regarding diet (Higman 1984:l-3; Otto Brown (1996) suggests, we should “resist resis- 1984:42; Reitz 1994:37). Similarly, Agorsah tance” and look to the internal dynamics, contra- has led the way in attempting to bring a trans- dictions, and power relations of societies, as well atlantic perspective on Maroons from the African as the cultural creativity and resistance which are context (Agorsah 1993). Likewise, Orser important aspects of social formation. For Ma- (1994:7) argues for global-scale comparative roons this means examining both their assimila- studies, noting that interpretation and analysis of tion and syncretism with Native American and Maroon sites should be both “site-specific and slave societies as well as their fight to maintain transcontinental in scope.” their independence. THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF MAROON SOCIETIES IN THE AMERICAS 89

Conclusions which intersects and engages these societies in economic and cultural dimensions. This paper This paper was designed to illustrate three contends that only through expanded archaeologi- points. First, Maroon archaeology is in its de- cal contributions to Maroon studies will under- veloping stages but shows much potential for standing of African Diaspora responses to adver- providing a badly needed alternative to sity as well as motivations for cultural creativity archaeology’s traditional focus on elite and Eu- move beyond the limits of the available colonial ropean perspectives and experiences, such as the accounts. heavy emphasis on plantation contexts for studies on the African Diaspora. Second, there is a ACKNOWLEDGMENTS need to delineate and critique literature concerning themes of relevance to history and historical I would like to thank Peter Schmidt, Kathleen Deagan, archaeology, particularly African cultural continu- and Kofi Agorsah, for their invaluable comments on ity, culture transformation and change, cultural earlier drafts of this paper and their help attaining fieldwork experience relevant to Maroon archaeology. contact, and resistance. Finally, African experi- Special thanks to Michelle Moyd and James A. Wilson, ences in the Diaspora have much in common Jr., for their patient editing assistance, support, and and should be examined in comparative and re- friendship. An earlier version of this paper was gional perspective, with a critical view towards presented at the 29th Society for Historical the local contexts. Archaeology Conference on Historical and Underwater Archaeology in January 1996. My use of Maroon historiography has been heavily weighted to Brazilian cases and the site REFERENCES of Palmares. Brazil is a good case because it featured one of the longest running slave re- AGORSAH,KOFI E. (EDITOR) gimes in the Americas, across diverse environ- 1993 Archaeology andResistance History in theCaribbean. ments and industries. Brazil will be a crucial The African Archaeological Review 1 1: 175-196. 1994 Maroon Heritage: Archaeological, Ethnographic, area from which to examine the variety and and Historical Perspectives. Canoe Press, Kingston, scope of marronage and its influence on planta- Jamaica. tion societies. Yet the Caribbean and other parts of North and Latin America will also provide ANDERSON,ROBERT NELSON important cases for study. My emphasis on 1996 The Quilombo of Palmares: A New Overview of a Maroon State in Seventeenth-Century Brazil. Journal African cultural continuity is indicative of its of Latin American Studies 28(3):545-566. importance in Maroon societies. However, I do not mean to simplify the nature of Maroon so- APTHEKER,HERBERT cieties by implying that African culture is the 1969 American Negro Slave Revolts. International, NY. only influence on Maroon communities. Rather, ARMSTRONG,DOUGLASS I want to highlight the emphasis placed by past 1990 The Old Village and the Great House. University of and present researchers of Maroon archaeology Illinois Press, Chicago. on African cultural continuity. Native Ameri- ARROM,JOSE JUAN, AND MANUELA. GARCIAAREVALO cans were important contributors to Maroon 1986 cimarron FundacionGarcia Arevalo Santo Domingo, settlements and their presence will be another Dominican Republic. major issue in future discussions of marronage (Peguero Guzman 1994:112-131). BATEMAN,REBECCA B. 1990 Africans and Indians: A Comparative Study of the Intensive settlement studies are essential for Black Carib and Black Seminole. Ethnohistory the advancement of archaeological interpretation 37(1):5-23. of Maroon societies. Maroon social formation BEAUDRY,M., LAURENC. COOK,AND STEPHENA. should not be viewed solely as resistance to MROZOWSKI colonial societies but also as a phenomenon 1991 Artifacts and Active Voices: Material Cultureas Social 90 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 31 (2)

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