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The European Cross-Border Cooperation in The
The European cross-border cooperation in the Balkan countries: Marking space and the multi-scalar production of locality Cyril Blondel, Guillaume Javourez, Meri Stojanova To cite this version: Cyril Blondel, Guillaume Javourez, Meri Stojanova. The European cross-border cooperation in the Balkan countries: Marking space and the multi-scalar production of locality. UET. Pratiques sociales et reconfigurations locales dans les Balkans, 2014. halshs-02560470 HAL Id: halshs-02560470 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02560470 Submitted on 13 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The European cross-border cooperation in the Balkan countries: Marking space and the multi-scalar production of locality Cyril Blondel (UMR CITERES, CNRS 7324- Université de Tours) Guillaume Javourez (Université de Provence-UMR TELEMME) Meri Stojanova (NI Institute and Museum, Bitola) 97 Considering borders as the limit of the States’ sovereignty and territorial competency is not enough. During the past thirty years, more and more authors have shown the necessity to take into account the complexity of the processes related to the border issue and have called for a postmodern perspective1. This theoretical approach will constitute our basis for observing border reconfigurations in the Balkans. -
Hamilakis Nation and Its Ruins.Pdf
CLASSICAL PRESENCES General Editors Lorna Hardwick James I. Porter CLASSICAL PRESENCES The texts, ideas, images, and material culture of ancient Greece and Rome have always been crucial to attempts to appropriate the past in order to authenticate the present. They underlie the mapping of change and the assertion and challenging of values and identities, old and new. Classical Presences brings the latest scholarship to bear on the contexts, theory, and practice of such use, and abuse, of the classical past. The Nation and its Ruins: Antiquity, Archaeology, and National Imagination in Greece YANNIS HAMILAKIS 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oYces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York ß Yannis Hamilakis 2007 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. -
Report from Greece
Reprinted fro~ THE AMERICAN Scuo~, Volume 119, Number 11, Summer, 1970 Copynght@ 1970 by the Umted Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. REPORT FROM GREECE Under the Junta NICHOLAS GAGE and EUAS KULUKUNDIS The hold of Greece's military dictator arrested for insulting a representative of ship on the average Greek citizen might the regime, condemning the coup or other be compared to the effect of a choke col such offenses. But they have been held lar on a dog. The colonels hold the leash only briefly and then released. In one vil carefully-the repression, the controls are lage in the northwest corner of the coun there-but the leash is so long that it is try, for example, a merchant was arrested not felt until someone forgets and steps for calling the new junta-appointed mon too far, and is brought to the realization arch of the province a thief, in the heat of that the initiative for his actions is not his a debate with fellow villagers. He was own. arrested, imprisoned for a month and The regime has an unusually good sense then tried and acquitted. The purpose of of when to pull and when to give rein. such arrests is to cut off open criticism At the funeral of the late Premier George by making the threat of imprisonment Papandreou, the junta did not use its real in every village. People are made an full police power to scatter the huge example of, and then freed to create the crowd that had gathered. Had it done so, impression that the regime is not arbitrary it probably would have caused further and oppressive but capable of compas demonstrations that would have been sion and even justice. -
Political Parties I Discourse & Ideology
Continuities and Change in Greek political culture: PASOK’s modernization paradigm 1996-2004 Nikolaos Bilios (MPhil LSE) PhD student UoA- Marshall Memorial Fellow [email protected] [email protected] University of Athens Faculty of Law Department of Political Science and Public Administration Summer 2009 Paper for the 4th Biennial Hellenic Observatory PhD Symposium on Contemporary Greece Session II- Panel 5- Political Parties I: Discourse & Ideology Room : U110, Tower 1 Chair: Prof. Kevin Featherstone 1 ABSTRACT Throughout the 90s, PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Movement), in common with the other European social democratic parties, has advocated a revisionist approach towards socialism and has placed the 'modernization' of the Greek society high on its political agenda. By focusing on the characteristics of PASOK’s transformation, this paper aims to exemplify the repercussion of this development on its political discourse i.e. the modernization paradigm (eksychronismos). Key questions will be addressed: What is the significance of ‘modernization’ as a political discourse? What is its empirical documentation and how its methodological use will help us to study and to decipher the role of this political ideology in conjunction with PASOK’s new character, ideological agenda, social base. The material composing the analysis of this paper derives from empirical research on the speeches delivered and interviews given by the Prime Minister Kostas Simitis and other members of the ‘modernizers group’ and by articles and texts which have been published in the daily press, periodicals and books. INTRODUCTION The discussion about the ideology, role and organization of political parties is continuous and classic. The scope and intensity of the challenges currently faced in Western European political parties is exceptionally great, threatening the viability of the manner in which they have traditionally operated and causing them to seek new behaviors and strategies. -
Königs-Und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN
GESCHICHTE und politische Bildung STAATSOBERHÄUPTER (bis 2019) Dynastien Bedeutende Herrscher und Regierungschefs europ.Staaten seit dem Mittelalter Königs-und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN Römisches Reich Hl. Römisches Reich Fränkisches Reich Bayern Preussen Frankreich Spanien Portugal Belgien Liechtenstein Luxemburg Monaco Niederlande Italien Großbritannien Dänemark Norwegen Schweden Österreich Polen Tschechien Ungarn Bulgarien Rumänien Serbien Kroatien Griechenland Russland Türkei Vorderer Orient Mittel-und Ostasien DYNASTIEN und ihre Begründer RÖMISCHES REICH 489- 1 v.Chr Julier Altrömisches Patriziergeschlecht aus Alba Longa, Stammvater Iulus, Gaius Iulius Caesar Julisch-claudische Dynastie: Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero 69- 96 n.Ch Flavier Röm. Herrschergeschlecht aus Latium drei römische Kaiser: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian 96- 180 Adoptivkaiser u. Antonionische Dynastie Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Mark Aurel, Commodus 193- 235 Severer Aus Nordafrika stammend Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabal, Severus Alexander 293- 364 Constantiner (2.flavische Dynastie) Begründer: Constantius Chlorus Constantinus I., Konstantin I. der Große u.a. 364- 392 Valentinianische Dynastie Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian, Valentinian II. 379- 457 Theodosianische Dynastie Theodosius I.der Große, Honorius, Valentinian III.... 457- 515 Thrakische Dynastie Leo I., Majorian, Anthemius, Leo II., Julius Nepos, Zeno, Anastasius I. 518- 610 Justinianische Dynastie Justin I.,Justinian I.,Justin II.,Tiberios -
Merkel's Move to Reunify Cyprus Gets a Turkish Boot
O C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek Americans c v A wEEKly GREEK AmERICAN PuBlICATION www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 14, iSSUE 692 January 15-21 , 2011 $1.50 Daopoulos Merkel’s Move to Reunify Cyprus Gets a Turkish Boot Replays Erdogan Slaps His NFL Her Down With Odyssey Hard Reprimand NICOSIA - Citing her own coun - By Constantine S. Sirigos try’s post-World War II experi - TNH Staff Writer ences as a model, German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s sug - NEW YORK – Jim Daopoulos gestions on how to re-unify the has seen the battles up close and divided island of Cyprus were inside the command centers. He almost immediately rebuffed by has witnessed the blood and the Turkish Prime Minister Recep guts and has scars of his own to Tayyip Erdogan, who has had a prove it. He has observed the history of clashes with her be - flower of America’s athletic cause Merkel does not want his youth clash with opponents and country admitted into the Euro - give everything they’ve got, and pean Union. Merkel, after a visit has gone toe-to-toe with their to Nicosia, the divided capital commanders when they were on the island, said Turkey was upset they hadn’t won the game doing too little to help resolve or gotten the best out of their the crisis that has been ongoing people, spewing words a family since that country invaded newspaper cannot print. Cyprus in 1974, and which still Daopoulos has devoted four keeps a standing army there. -
Dissertation / Doctoral Thesis
DISSERTATION / DOCTORAL THESIS Titel der Dissertation /Title of the Doctoral Thesis „Karagiozis – Schattenspiel und Politik: Der griechische Karagiozisspieler Sotiris Spatharis“ verfasst von / submitted by Mag. Fatma Peri Efe angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doktorin der Philosophie (Dr. Phil.) Wien, 2017 / Vienna 2017 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / A 092 383 degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: Dissertationsgebiet lt. Studienblatt / Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik field of study as it appears on the student record sheet: Betreut von / Supervisor: Univ. Prof. Dr. Maria A. Stassinopoulou DANKSAGUNG Die Vorbereitungen für diese Arbeit, zu denen auch einige Publikationen zum Thema gehörten, erstreckten sich über eine lange Periode, die Niederschrift meiner Dissertation hingegen erfolgte binnen eines Jahres und fiel, wie ich leider sagen muss, in eine schwere Zeit. Die Probleme in meinem Land machten es mir mitunter schwer, mich auf meine Arbeit zu konzentrieren und ließen des Öfteren Zweifel an der Sinnhaftigkeit dieses Unterfangens aufkommen. Dass ich die Arbeit schließlich doch zu Ende führen konnte, liegt daran, dass es Menschen gab, die mir außerordentlich viel Unterstützung, Hilfe und Zuspruch zuteil werden ließen. Ihnen möchte ich an dieser Stelle meinen herzlichen Dank aussprechen. An erster Stelle seien meine Betreuerin Univ. Prof. Dr. Maria A. Stassinopoulou und meine Begutachterin Ao. Prof. Dr. Claudia Römer genannt. Prof. Stassinopoulou, die mir mit viel Geduld und Verständnis zur Seite stand, danke ich für ihre wertvollen Kommentare und Gedanken und ihr Interesse an dem Thema meiner Arbeit. Bei Prof. Römer bedanke ich mich dafür, dass sie mich den gesamten Entstehungsprozess hindurch sowohl persönlich als auch wissenschaftlich, durch ihre Ermutigung und ihre Hilfsbereitschaft, immer unterstützt hat. -
15-Year-Old Greek Students Consider the Removal of Children in the Greek Civil War’
Kosmas, V. (2019) ‘Student responses to differing accounts of a controversial historical issue: 15-year-old Greek students consider the removal of children in the Greek Civil War’. History Education Research Journal, 16 (2): 209–28. DOI https://doi.org/10.18546/HERJ.16.2.05 Student responses to differing accounts of a controversial historical issue: 15-year-old Greek students consider the removal of children in the Greek Civil War Vasileios Kosmas* – Democritus University of Thrace, Greece Abstract In recent decades, controversial issues have come to the forefront of history teaching. So far, they have been utilized in three ways: (1) to manage tensions in divided societies; (2) to instil humanitarian values into students; and (3) to enhance the teaching of second-order historical concepts. This study is based on the findings of other relevant research, and underpins the use of controversial accounts in order to foster procedural concepts of history. It was conducted in three middle schools of the Xanthi Prefecture, northern Greece, in 2017 and 2018. The subjects were 94 15-year-old students, and the design was experimental. After being taught two versions of the Greek Civil War, a traditional and an experimental one, students expressed their opinions about three pairs of different historical accounts of a controversial issue: the removal of children during the war. A pilot study consisted of role-playing activities involving historical competences. After qualitative and quantitative analysis, a variety of ideas emerged about the differences in the accounts, the reasons for their differentiation, and the epistemological status of history. The findings show that: (1) students’ comprehension depended on the level of difficulty of the accounts; and (2) the experimental groups modified their ideas about the different accounts and history to some degree. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
Gender Voting Gap in the Dawn of Urbanization: Evidence from a Quasi-Experiment with Greek Special Elections
GreeSE Papers Hellenic Observatory Discussion Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe Paper No. 146 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides March 2020 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides GreeSE Paper No. 146 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides Contents Abstract_______________________________________________________________ii 1. Introduction ________________________________________________________1 2. Theoretical considerations_____________________________________________5 2.1 Gender gap in political preferences and the effect of female labour force participation_________________________________________________________5 2.2 The U-shaped relationship between economic development and female labour force participation____________________________________________________6 2.3 Greece in the dawn of urbanization: The case of an economy in transition____9 3. Empirical design____________________________________________________10 3.1 Data and variables _______________________________________________10 3.2 Empirical model specification_______________________________________15 -
Britain and the Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944
VOL. XV, Nos. 1 & 2 SPRING-SUMMER 1988 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: MARIOS L. EVRIVIADES ALEXANDROS KITROEFF PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Managing Eidtor: SUSAN ANASTASAKOS Advisory Board: MARGARET ALEXIOU KOSTIS MOSKOFF Harvard University Thessaloniki, Greece SPYROS I. ASDRACHAS Nlcos MOUZELIS University of Paris I London School of Economics LOUKAS AXELOS JAMES PETRAS Athens, Greece S.U.N.Y. at Binghamton HAGEN FLEISCHER OLE L. SMITH University of Crete University of Copenhagen ANGELIKI E. LAIOU STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS Harvard University Baruch College, C.U.N.Y. CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS University of Athens The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora is a quarterly review published by Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and December. Copyright © 1988 by Pella Publishing Company. ISSN 0364-2976 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS DAVID GILMORE is professor of anthropology at the State Uni- versity of New York at Stony Brook . MOLLY GREENE is a doc- toral candidate at Princeton University . CLIFFORD P. HACKETT is a former aide to U.S. Representative Benjamin Rosenthal and Senator Paul Sarbanes. He is currently administering an exchange program between the U.S. Congress and the European Parliament and is also executive director of the American Council for Jean Monnet Studies . JOHN LOUIS HONDROS is professor of history at the College of Wooster, Ohio ... ADAMANTIA POLLIS is professor of political science at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Re- search . JOHN E. REXINE is Charles A. Dana Professor of the Classics and director of the division of the humanities at Colgate Uni- versity . -
The Attitude of the Communist Party of Greece and the Protection of the Greek-Yugoslav Border
Spyridon Sfetas Autonomist Movements of the Slavophones in 1944: The Attitude of the Communist Party of Greece and the Protection of the Greek-Yugoslav Border The founding of the Slavo-Macedonian Popular Liberation Front (SNOF) in Kastoria in October 1943 and in Florina the following November was a result of two factors: the general negotiations between Tito's envoy in Yugoslav and Greek Macedonia, Svetozar Vukmanovic-Tempo, the military leaders of the Greek Popular Liberation Army (ELAS), and the political leaders of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) in July and August 1943 to co-ordinate the resistance movements; and the more specific discussions between Leonidas Stringos and the political delegate of the GHQ of Yugoslav Macedonia, Cvetko Uzunovski in late August or early September 1943 near Yannitsa. The Yugoslavs’ immediate purpose in founding SNOF was to inculcate a Slavo- Macedonian national consciousness in the Slavophones of Greek Macedonia and to enlist the Slavophones of Greek Macedonia into the resistance movement in Yugoslav Macedonia; while their indirect aim was to promote Yugoslavia's views on the Macedonian Question. The KKE had recognised the Slavophones as a "SlavoMacedonian nation" since 1934, in accordance with the relevant decision by the Comintern, and since 1935 had been demanding full equality for the minorities within the Greek state; and it now acquiesced to the founding of SNOF in the belief that this would draw into the resistance those Slavophones who had been led astray by Bulgarian Fascist propaganda. However, the Central Committee of the Greek National Liberation Front (EAM) had not approved the founding of SNOF, believing that the new organisation would conduce more to the fragmentation than to the unity of the resistance forces.