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Hansard 8 May 1990
Legislative Assembly 1101 8 May 1990 NOTE: There could be differences between this document and the official printed Hansard, Vol. 314 TUESDAY, 8 MAY 1990 Mr SPEAKER (Hon. J. Fouras, Ashgrove) read prayers and took the chair at 10 a.m. ASSENT TO BILLS Assent to the following Bills reported by Mr Speaker— Griffith University and Gold Coast College of Advanced Education Amalgamation Bill; Queensland University of Technology and Brisbane College of Advanced Education Amalgamation Bill; Police Service Administration Bill; Public Sector Management Commission Bill; Retail Shop Leases Act Amendment Bill; Legal Aid Act Amendment Bill. DISTINGUISHED VISITOR Hon. K. Coghill, MP (Victoria) Mr SPEAKER: I wish to extend a welcome to the Honourable Ken Coghill, MP, Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Victoria, who is present in the Speaker's gallery today. Honourable members: Hear, hear! ELECTIONS TRIBUNAL Absence of Presiding Member Mr SPEAKER: I wish to inform the House that while the Honourable Mr Justice Derrington is absent from the Supreme Court of Queensland, the Honourable Mr Justice K. W. Ryan, CBE, will be the judge of the court who will preside at the sittings of the Elections Tribunal, petition No. 1 of 1990. This petition relates to the matter of the election of a member of the Legislative Assembly for the electoral district of Nicklin. PARLIAMENTARY REPORTING STAFF Death of Chief Reporter; Appointment of Acting Chief Reporter Mr SPEAKER: Honourable members, I regret to inform the House of the death on 22 April of Mr Peter Bradshaw Rohl, Chief Reporter, Parliamentary Reporting Staff. As a mark of respect, I ask all honourable members to stand for a period in silence. -
The History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
14 . The demise of the Coalition and the Nationals governing alone, 1981–1983 In 1980, backroom plans had been already entertained for a stand-alone National Party government supplemented by a few Liberal ‘ministerialists’— opportunists who would cross over and side with whatever the next ministry turned out to be in order to remain part of the next government. Historically, ‘ministerialists’ were typically senior parliamentarians who, forgoing party loyalties, decided to collaborate as individuals in the formulation of a new government. After the 1980 election, however, any such musing was put on hold as the two conservative parties lapsed back into coalition. This time, the Nationals clearly imposed their dominance, taking the prime portfolios and consigning the ‘leftovers’ to the Liberals. Labor began to refer to the junior partners as ‘Dr Edwards and his shattered Liberal team’—the losers who were ‘now completely the captive of the National Party’ (QPD 1981:vol. 283, p. 7). Despite his vitriolic attacks against the Premier and the National-led government, Llew Edwards retained his position as Deputy Premier and Treasurer—positions he would keep until he was deposed by Terry White on the eve of the Coalition collapse in August 1983, although there was an unsuccessful attempt by dissident Liberals to remove Edwards in November 1981. When the Premier learned about the dissident Liberal plan to topple Edwards, with Angus Innes taking the lead, he declared Innes an ‘anti-coalitionist’ and someone with whom he would not work. Instead, Bjelke-Petersen began hatching plans to form a minority government with whomsoever among the Liberals who would give him support; and then to govern alone until mid-1982. -
The Logos Foundation: the Rise and Fall of Christian Reconstructionism in Australia
The Logos Foundation: The rise and fall of Christian Reconstructionism in Australia Author John Harrison School of Journalism & Communication The University of Queensland QLD 4072 Abstract Unlike the United States, where the influence of the “religious right” ebbs and flows, Australian politics has proved remarkably resilient to the influence of religious interest groups since the demise of the Democratic Labor Party, notwithstanding the activities of the Lyons Forum and Fred Nile’s Christian Democrats. However, during the nineteen eighties, the Logos Foundation, a group of US style Christian Reconstructionists, did attempt to influence the political agenda in Australia, but following an untimely invention in the 1989 Queensland state election campaign, the group disbanded in disarray. The Logos Foundation: The rise and fall of Christian Reconstructionism in Australia Abstract Unlike the United States, where the influence of the “religious right” ebbs and flows, Australian politics has proved remarkably resilient to the influence of religious interest groups since the demise of the Democratic Labor Party, notwithstanding the activities of the Lyons Forum and Fred Nile’s Christian Democrats. However, during the nineteen eighties, the Logos Foundation, a group of US style Christian Reconstructionists, did attempt to influence the political agenda in Australia, but following an untimely invention in the 1989 Queensland state election campaign, the group disbanded in disarray. One of the enduring influences on politics in the United States has been the phenomenon termed “the religious right”, and it has attracted considerable interest from both scholars of religion and political scientists for more than two decades (Hood & Smith 2002; Wilcox 2001; Wilcox 1996; Diamond 1998, 1996, 1995,1989; Berger 1997; Pugh 1996; Shupe 1989; Bromley & Shupe 1984; Liebman &Wuthnow 1983). -
The History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
15 . The implosion of Joh Bjelke- Petersen, 1983–1987 The 1983 election ended the ‘constitutional crisis’ by providing the Nationals with exactly half the seats in the Parliament (41) and the opportunity to supplement their ministry with Liberal ministerialists who would agree to join the new government. The Premier had a number of options to secure his majority. Many of the surviving former Liberal ministers were not generally regarded as ‘anti-coalitionists’ in the previous government. The six potential ministerialists who might have been persuaded to change allegiances were: Norm Lee, Bill Lickiss, Brian Austin, Don Lane, Colin Miller and even Bill Knox. According to the Courier-Mail (15 July 1983), when two Coalition backbenchers, Bill Kaus and Bob Moore, had quit the Liberals and joined the Nationals in July, two Liberal ministers, Norm Lee and Bill Lickiss, already had indicated they would consider jumping ship. It was almost as if a race to defect was on. The two other Liberals to survive the 1983 poll, Terry White and Angus Innes, would not have been acceptable to the Premier and his senior ministers. In total, six of the eight Liberals had been ministers (although Miller had served for just 13 days after White was sacked and before the resignations of all the Liberals were accepted). Knox had been a minister since 1965 and Lee and Lickiss had been ministers since early 1975. They had some pedigree. Austin and Lane (and White) each had one parliamentary term as minister. Two Liberals, however, took the issue into their own hands. The day after the election, Austin and Lane had discussed the prospects of defecting and swapping parties, with Austin saying ‘I’m sick of this…I reckon we ought to give ’em the arse. -
QUEENSLAND Good Organisational Skills
Chronicle 233 US politicians. The "party boss" governed without rivals from a strong power base using QUEENSLAND good organisational skills. But "boss" leaders tended to have low levels of activism and low levels of innovation in policy terms. In a sense, their leadership was a holding operation. The Goss Labor Government: Structured Underachievement or Progressive EARC's New Electoral Redistribution for the Conservatism? Legislative Assembly The Goss Labor government began 1991 in firm The Electoral and Administrative Review control of the political agenda and with a high Commission announced its new electoral level of confidence. By the end of the year they redistribution on 30 August for the eighty-nine were showing considerable strain as a Legislative Assembly seats. Five electoral parliamentary rorts scandal claimed the scalps districts of over 100,000 square kilometres of two ministers. A growing nervousness (Charters Towers, Cook, Mount Isa, Gregory, characterised the state government and signs of and Warrego) were given a weightage policy inertia and indecision were apparent. The advantage ranging from 3,906 notional voters to government moved into damage control, 7,193 voters, whereas the other eighty-four actively battening down the hatches even electorates were expected to have a quota of though they were still twelve months away from 23,128 by 1995. By contrast, Warrego, one of the next election. With revived spirits among the larger land mass seats was expected to have the non-Labor parties, the Goss team was only 11,482 electors. This effectively provided relieved to struggle through to the Christmas Warrego voters with a vote worth twice that of break. -
The History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
16 . The end of an era, 1987–1989 For God’s sake let us sit on the ground And tell sad stories of the death of kings: How some have been depos’d, some slain in war, Some haunted by the ghosts they have depos’d, Some poison’d by their wives, some sleeping kill’d All murder’d—for within the hollow crown That rounds the moral temples of a king Keeps Death his court; and there the antics sits, Scoffing his state and grinning at his pomp. — William Shakespeare, King Richard II (Act 3[2]:155) The revelations of the Fitzgerald Inquiry hung over the ‘besieged’ Ahern government from its initial day in office: 1 December 1987 (Reynolds 2003:348). The revelations and fallout from the inquiry would plague Ahern’s Premiership until he was replaced by Russell Cooper at the demise of the Nationals’ government in December 1989. These two years were some of the most dramatic in the state’s history. Day by day, sensational allegations and admissions were exposed as senior police and informers turned state’s evidence and, for full confessions and cooperation, received immunity from subsequent prosecution. Whistleblowers emerged from the woodwork; once one informant talked others followed. The networks of corruption and misconduct were quickly unravelling only to be pursued to the next level by eager and diligent investigators. There were mounting suggestions that the connections stretched to the very top of government. There was a surreal quality to Queensland politics. Mike Ahern inherited a poisoned chalice. Senior National ministers had long been anxious to displace Bjelke-Petersen from the premiership—by urging him either to retire or move over to the federal level.