“We drop a comrade's tear”

Colonel Edward Lyon Bailey and the Second Infantry at Gettysburg

Karlton D. Smith

Colonel Edward Lyon Bailey led the 2nd New Hampshire to Gettysburg with a "firm determination to do or die." Despite heavy losses among the officers and men, the regiment remained "firm and fearless." The 2nd New Hampshire was able to survive its encounter at Gettysburg due to the skills of its officers, and particularly, to the leadership skills of Colonel Bailey.1 The 2nd New Hampshire was originally organized as a three-month regiment. The Abbot Guards of Manchester, one of the first companies to be raised in New Hampshire, had gone to Concord as part of the 1st New Hampshire. On May 1, 1861, the company marched forty-five miles to Portsmouth to join the 2nd New Hampshire under the command of Colonel Thomas Prescott Pierce.2 Pierce, then serving as the U.S. Postmaster of Manchester, New Hampshire, had served with the 9th U.S. Infantry during the Mexican War and had seen action at Contreras and Churubusco. By May 10, 979 men, all enlisted for three months, had arrived at camp and were being "drilled, disciplined and made acquainted with the duties pertaining to a soldier's life." When the U.S. War Department ordered the governor not to send any more three-month men, the regiment was re- organized, between May 31 and June 8, as a three-year unit. With this change in the unit’s status, Colonel Pierce resigned on June 4, 1861.3 The unit’s new colonel, Gilman Marston, was a graduate of Dartmouth and Harvard. He had served as a member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives (1845-1849) and as a delegate to the state constitutional convention in 1850. He had been elected as a Republican to the Thirty-sixth U.S. Congress (and would be re-elected to the Thirty-seventh Congress and serve until March 3, 1863). Marston and the 1,046 officers and men of the 2nd New Hampshire were mustered into federal service on June 10 at Portsmouth.4 Edward L. Bailey was born December 10, 1841 in Manchester, New Hampshire. Edward was one of nine children born to Hiram and Elizabeth (Lyon) Bailey, and the only son. He received his education from the common schools of Manchester. Bailey had served as the chief clerk at the Manchester Post Office and had no previous military experience. The friendship and

101 influence of Postmaster (and first colonel of the 2nd) Thomas P. Pierce were largely responsible for Bailey's early commission as a first lieutenant in the Abbot Guards. On June 4, 1861, during the regimental re-organization, Bailey was elected captain of Company I (the former Abbot Guards) "which position he filled to the acceptance of men under and officers over him."5 It was believed that "every officer should be a gentleman, and cultivate good manners ..." An officer was also expected to be

… brave, intelligent, and courteous. He should be patient, just, and reliable. He should be ambitious of distinction, industrious in acquiring knowledge of his profession, and conscientious in the performance of his duties.6

As a company commander, Bailey was responsible for governing and administrating his company as well as establishing a regular routine. He was responsible for the instruction of his officers and non-commissioned officers in tactics and for "the cultivation of a military spirit and pride in the profession among the men." As long as Bailey paid "strict attention to duty, an honest regard for the men, and a constant self-respect, guided by equal and exact justice to all," he would be able to "command the most insubordinate set of men."7 Bailey, with the approval of the regimental commander, had the power to appoint, and reduce, non-commissioned officers. This power was exercised jointly so that a company commander could not reappoint someone who had been "justly" reduced, and to prevent him from exercising any "undue favoritism."8 Bailey was responsible for keeping the company books (all nine of them), the most important being the Descriptive Book, the Clothing Book, the Muster Roll, and the Company Monthly Return. If these books were correct, "all the others must be right of necessity." He was also responsible for the daily, monthly, bi-monthly, quarterly, quarto-monthly, and annual reports, not to mention other papers that were required "when circumstances render them necessary."9 Captain Bailey was also required to serve as Officer of the Day. He was responsible for the "good order, cleanliness, and attention to the daily duties throughout the camp or garrison." He received his orders from his commanding officer and transmitted them to his subordinates. He was responsible for all the guards, police, and fatigue parties.10 If any company commander, such as Edward L. Bailey, performed his duties well, "no wise and beneficent ruler ever derived more heartfelt homage, more faithful services, or more patriotic devotion, then [sic] a just, competent, and faithful commander receives from his company. They will love him truly, they will obey him faithfully and they will stand by him whilst there is life in the hour of battle."11 The state of New Hampshire equipped the 2nd New Hampshire "in the most thorough and comprehensive manner according to the military standard of the day." The men received gray uniforms with "jaunty forage caps" and spike-tailed dress coats. Nine of the companies received .69 caliber smoothbore muskets. The men of Company B, thanks to subscriptions by the citizens of Concord, were armed with Sharps rifles.12 While in camp Bailey's company staged the “rug-hash war" against the character of their rations. The entire company was placed under guard in its quarters for two days for "mutinous conduct" in that they “wouldn't eat the hash ration furnished at the Commissary's [sic], but marched to the city in a body and procured more palatable food." The rebellion, however, "effected the desired change in the interest of the whole regiment." What part Captain Bailey played in this rebellion is unclear.13 The 2nd New Hampshire left Portsmouth by railroad on the morning of June 20 and arrived in Boston at about noon. Colonel Marston, in addressing an association of the Sons of New Hampshire, stated: "We have not left our happy and peaceful homes for a war of conquest or oppression of anybody. We have taken up arms to preserve the freest and best government against the most causeless rebellion ever conceived. And we will do it!"14

102 The regiment moved by railroad to Fall River, Massachusetts, transferred to the steamboat Bay State, and arrived in New York City at about 11 A.M. on June 21. The regiment was again warmly welcomed by the association of the Sons of New Hampshire. One of the speakers exhorted the men, "Onward! Onward! then, shall be our motto, as we know it is yours; onward, until the demon of treason and disunion is crushed from our land, the Yankee Doodle and The Star Spangled Banner shall again thrill the hearts of a patriotic, a united, an invincible people."15 Rail cars transported the regiment from New York that afternoon for Washington, D.C., which it reached about noon on June 23. While passing through , Lieutenant Charles W. Walker became the regiment's first casualty when he fell from the train and later died of his injuries. The regiment went into camp on Colorama Hill, a mile north of Washington. On July 2, it was placed in the brigade of Colonel Ambrose E. Burnside of the 1st Rhode Island.16 The New Englanders embarked on their first campaign on July 16. Five days later they arrived on the battlefield of Bull Run at about 10:30 A.M. Early in the engagement Colonel Marston was wounded in the shoulder by a rifle ball but returned later to "tumultuous applause." Lieutenant Colonel Frank S. Fiske led the regiment through most of the battle. Despite being in their first engagement, Fiske reported that the men

obeyed orders with coolness and precision. They took every position they were ordered to, and never wavered or retired until ordered to do so, and were among the last, if not the last, to leave the field. Their retreat on the whole route to their camp was unattended by tumult or any disorder further than leaving their ranks. Their conduct throughout the day inspires me with entire confidence in their courage and steadiness ...17

Early in August the regiment was moved to Bladensburg, Maryland for two months of drilling and learning the duties of military life. On August 4, the regiment was placed in a brigade, later division, commanded by Brigadier General . On September 5, the regiment exchanged its smoothbores for Springfield rifled-muskets, except for Company B, which retained its Sharps rifles. The regiment also received its first installment of recruits when ninety-seven men arrived in camp. With the onset of winter, the men were put to work erecting winter quarters and building corduroy roads.18 This was not an easy time for the regiment. On November 29, Captain James W. Carr, Company C, reported that the health of his company

was not very good. Tents being poor and not having received orders to go into winter quarters, we have not built so comfortable barracks as we otherwise would. The discipline of the company is good. Arms and equipment in good order and all the well men are anxiously waiting for action.19

In April of 1862, the 2nd was assigned to Brigadier General Henry M. Naglee's brigade, Hooker's division, 3rd Corps, under Brigadier General Samuel P. Heintzelman. On May 5, the regiment was involved in the , Virginia while serving in the 1st Brigade, Hooker's division, under Brigadier General Cuvier Grover. During this action, Captain Bailey received an ugly contusion. On July 25, Major Josiah Stevens resigned his commission. The next day Captain Bailey was promoted to the rank of major.20 The duties of a major were few. He was the colonel's assistant "in all duties that do not pertain to a company commander." Two companies were considered a major's command. In line of battle he assisted "in directing alignments and movements, but did not exercise command" except in the absence of senior officers. He was the administrator of the effects of deceased officers, served as Field Officer of the Day, and could hold a Field Officer's Court-Martial. Field Officers of the Day had charge of the brigade guard and had the same duties in regard to the brigade camp as the

103 Officer of the Day in the regimental camp. The Field Officer's Court-Martial, the Civil War equivalent of the modern Summary Court-Martial, was intended to take the place of the regimental and garrison courts-martial.21 The regiment was in action at the battles of Fair Oaks (May 31 to June 1) and Frayser's Farm (June 30), where Bailey was again slightly wounded. On August 5, the regiment helped to conduct a reconnaissance to Malvern Hill. At the end of the , the regiment was sent to Alexandria, Virginia, where it arrived on August 23 and was stationed at Fort Lyon. While there, the regiment received fifty additional volunteer recruits.22 On August 29, the regiment returned to the battlefield of Bull Run. The 2nd New Hampshire spearheaded the charge by Grover's brigade against the Confederate position along the railroad embankment. When the brigade reached the embankment there was "a short, sharp, and obstinate hand-to-hand conflict with bayonets and clubbed muskets." The brigade drove through this first line and routed a second line. The brigade was now in disorder. The 2nd New Hampshire, which had advanced the furthest, found itself nearly surrounded and had to retreat with the rest of the brigade. The regiment had entered the fight with 332 officers and men and reported losses of 138 men (16 killed, 87 wounded, and 30 missing).23 During the battle, Bailey's place was opposite the center of the left wing and about twelve paces from the file closers. The regimental sergeant major assisted him in directing this portion of the regiment. Since he was the only major (there being no junior major), Bailey would also have commanded the skirmishers. After the battle, as a senior field officer, Bailey was responsible for assisting Colonel Marston in choosing the enlisted men qualified for promotion to fill the depleted officer ranks.24 After Second Bull Run, the regiment was assigned to the defense of Washington and was stationed near Fairfax Seminary, Virginia. The picket and fatigue duty assigned to the regiment "was very arduous." It eventually moved to more comfortable quarters at Centerville, Virginia "with but light duty to perform." During this period the 2nd was assigned to the 1st Brigade, (Brigadier General Joseph B. Carr), 2nd Division (Brigadier General Daniel E. Sickles), 3rd Corps.25 On October 23, Lieutenant Colonel Frank S. Fiske resigned, and Major Bailey was promoted to lieutenant colonel. Captain James W. Carr, Company C, was promoted to major. The lieutenant colonel, by law, had no specific duties except to take the place of the colonel "in his absence, and succeeds to the same powers and responsibility." He had the same kind of duties as the major and performed other duties as assigned by the colonel. Four companies constituted a lieutenant colonel's command.26 During the , at about 10 P.M. on December 12, the regiment was assigned the duty of guarding the Fredericksburg side of General Franklin's pontoon bridges. The regiment had "instructions to allow no one to cross to the north side of the river without an order from a general officer." At midnight on December 13, it was relieved and rejoined the brigade at the front. The brigade was within range of Confederate pickets. One Confederate battery started shelling the line before Company B forced the battery to withdraw. The 2nd New Hampshire reported one-half dozen men wounded, but none fatally. It re-crossed the river on December 15.27 This was Bailey's first action as lieutenant colonel. When the regiment was in line he would have been posted opposite the center of the right wing and about twelve paces from the file closers. Bailey evidently did well in his first action as the regiment’s second in command, for the 2nd was praised in reports for rendering "efficient service" in not only "regulating the passage of troops, artillery, and trains over the pontoons" but also "in the construction of roads."28 After Fredericksburg, due to its depleted ranks, the regiment was ordered to proceed to New Hampshire "for consolidation with another regiment." The 2nd took post at Camp Union in Concord, New Hampshire, on March 4. The mayor of Manchester greeted the regiment upon its arrival, and Colonel Bailey responded on behalf of the officers and men. The regiment received some much needed volunteer recruits while in New Hampshire, the most important addition

104 coming from the 17th New Hampshire, which had been in the process of organizing. The officers had been discharged and the privates, under a nine-month enlistment, incorporated into the 2nd. The regimental history also stated that there was a "sharply contested political campaign" in New Hampshire at this time and the return of the 2nd New Hampshire, "almost solidly Republican" was the turning point in the campaign.29 On April 16, Colonel Marston was discharged so he could accept appointment to the rank of brigadier general. Two days later Bailey was promoted to colonel. Major Carr was promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Captain Samuel P. Sayles, Company D, was promoted to major.30 It was said that the regiment "takes its character and standing" from the colonel, and that it, "no matter how well trained under a competent commander, will soon deteriorate and suffer in reputation under an incompetent man." Like the company commander, the colonel was responsible for the government and administration of his regiment. He was responsible for organizing the regiment, establishing the routine, instructing in tactics, and maintaining the good order and discipline of the regiment. Colonels were expected to Colonel Edward L. Bailey "encourage useful occupations, and manly exercises and (Martin A. Haynes, A History diversions among their men, and to repress dissipation and of the Second Regiment New immorality." It was felt to be highly important for the colonel to Hampshire volunteers). be present at the principal roll calls, especially Reveille, in order to receive the reports of the company commanders. If the colonel required the presence of the captains, they would require the presence of the first sergeants, and they would require the presence of all the men. Thus "the presence of the Colonel insures the presence of every other member of the Regiment."31 On April 2, Major General Joseph Hooker, (the 2nd’s former division commander), commanding the Army of the Potomac, wrote the secretary of war, inquiring "Why is not the Second Regiment New Hampshire Volunteers on its way back?" The regiment finally left New Hampshire on May 25, 1863 and arrived in Washington, D.C. on May 27. The regiment’s arrival in late May spared it from participating in the Union defeat at Chancellorsville, where the 3rd Corps was heavily engaged. On the day the 2nd reached Washington, Major General Samuel P. Heintzelman, (former commander of the 3rd Corps), commanding the Washington defenses, requested the 2nd New Hampshire for his command, but was told "it is for Hooker's army." The regiment pitched its tents about one mile east of Capitol Hill on May 28 and two days later began daily two-hour drills.32 On June 8, the regiment was issued forty rounds of "musket shells" (explosive bullets) per man, a total of 14,000 rounds. This musket shell was "in the shape the same as an elongated rifled bullet, and is provided with a cavity made of a hollow copper sphere around which the metal of the shell is pressed. The shell is arranged with a time fuze [sic] in the butt that communicates the flame to the bursting charge ..." The shell was made of pewter, and its explosion broke the bullet into several ragged fragments. This was intended to wound and create confusion. It was believed that if the shots were "properly directed to the caissons of the enemy will in exploding set fire to and blow them up ..." This musket shell would prove almost as dangerous to the user as to the intended victim. One member of the regiment referred to this bullet as "devilish" and thought "woe to the Johnny that stops one."33 On June 11, the regiment broke camp and began its march to rejoin the Army of the Potomac. The men boarded the steamer Hugh Jones for the trip to Aquia Creek, Virginia, where they boarded the trains for Stoneman's Station and arrived there about dark. Private Martin A.

105 Haynes, Company I, remembered: "The surrounding country presents a scene of utter desolation, the army having broken camp and moved off in the direction of Warrenton."34 The next day the regiment marched to Hartwood's Church. The 3rd Corps was "somewhere on ahead." Despite rain the previous evening "the roads were very dusty, and the march fatiguing." During the march, the 2nd came across its old brigade, whose members "were mighty glad to see the 2nd again." At 4:30 A.M. June 13, they fell into column with the Excelsior Brigade (2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, 3rd Corps) and marched 25 miles to Rappahannock Station to rejoin the 3rd Corps.35 Martin Haynes remembered, "many could not keep up, especially the 17th men, as the march was very severe." Colonel Bailey had issued a stern regimental order "that if more than three men were absent from any company, its officers would be subject to court martial." Private John H. Burrill, Company A, wrote that the "weather was very warm and some of the way thru woods the dust was almost intolorable [sic]." Burrill thought this was the "hardest marching I ever had on account of the heat and want of water -- going 5 or 6 miles without finding a drop." Haynes also stated that the regiment was "hard up for grub, and anxiously looking for the supply train." The regiment was assigned to the 3rd Brigade, 2nd Division, 3rd Corps. Its new brigade commander was Colonel George C. Burling and its new division commander was Brigadier General Andrew A. Humphreys.36 On June 15, the regiment reached Warrenton Junction at 7 A.M. and rested until 2 P.M., when the men resumed the march to Manassas Junction, which they reached at midnight. It was reported that the "heat was awful, the dust suffocating, and many men were sunstruck. Most of the 17th men gave out on this afternoon's march." On June 16, the men drew three days’ rations. The next day the regiment marched to a camp at Blackburn's Ford, a mile beyond Centerville, where "Colonel Bailey had a fine horse presented to him by the officers of the regiment."37 By June 19, the regiment had moved to Gum Springs, where the men were issued two days’ rations the next day. A "gambling craze broke out" on June 22 and "many 'sweat-boards' were in full blast on the outskirts of the camp until Col. Bailey suppressed them." Among the rations received on June 23 was a "much needed one of soap." Colonel Bailey put the men through "the useless ceremony of drilling from 2 to 4 p.m." the next day. On June 25 the regiment crossed the at Edwards Ferry, on pontoons, and marched on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal towpath toward Point of Rocks, Maryland, which the men reached the next day. Commander of the 2nd Division, Brigadier General Andrew A. Humphreys reported that "that portion of the tow- path being rendered very fatiguing and exhausting by a heavy rain that set in at nightfall. The whole command, officers and men, were more exhausted by this march than by that of the 14th and 15th."38 On June 27, the regiment marched to a point near Middleton, Maryland passing through the village of Jefferson, and on the next day passed through Middletown and Frederick and bivouacked seven miles from Frederick. One member wrote: "We are getting into God's country now, where there are loyal people, and where American flags and cheers for the Union are the rule, and not the exception." John Burrill wrote his parents that "we have been through as fine a county as I have ever seen - so handsome, and what fields of grain. ... The people are as loyal as any I ever met. They are willing to do for us and give us anything they have. ... It is some consolation to fight for such people."39 As the regiment marched through Taneytown on June 29, Major General Daniel E. Sickles, the 3rd Corps commander (and the 2nd New Hampshire's former division commander), "was given a hearty welcome as he rode down the marching column." On June 30, the regiment was mustered for pay and at 3 P.M. marched to Monocacy Bridge, about halfway between Taneytown and Emmitsburg. Colonel Bailey and the regiment marched to Emmitsburg on July 1. The division halted one mile out of Emmitsburg on the "Waynesborough" pike. Colonel Burling was ordered "to remain at this place ... to guard the Hagerstown road." Burling "immediately made such disposition of my command as I deemed advisable to accomplish this object."40

106 At 1:30 A.M. on July 2, colonels Burling and Bailey received orders to march to Gettysburg via the Emmitsburg road. Burling reported that as the brigade was "covering so much ground, and the night being so very dark, it was nearly 4 A.M." before the brigade was able to march. Martin Haynes recalled that it was "a weird night march. Dark clouds were scudding across the sky, which let loose an occasional quick, sharp shower upon the hurrying troops. The consciousness of impending battle had by some subtle influence taken possession of the minds of the men." The column was allowed to halt every hour for about ten minutes. Bailey permitted his regiment, which had left Emmitsburg without breakfast, "to cook a hasty cup of coffee" at the sunrise halt.41 By 7:30 A.M., the brigade was approaching the Sherfy Peach Orchard. Burling's brigade rejoined the 2nd Division at about 9 A.M. and was massed in column of regiments near the George Weikert farm until about noon, when the men were placed in reserve for the 1st and 2nd brigades of the division. Burling "was massed 200 yards in rear of the second line, opposite its center." This placed Burling in the fields along Plum Run, southwest of the present-day Pennsylvania Memorial.42 Colonel Burling was ordered to report to Major General David B. Birney, commanding the 1st Division of the 3rd Corps and "to mass the brigade in a piece of woods (Trostle's Woods) in the rear of his division." Haynes described this position as "west of Little Round Top and not far from the Wheatfield." There was a stone wall along the west edge of the woods and some low ground that provided partial cover for the brigade.43 Burling was ordered to leave the cover of the woods and advance at the quick time and then the double-quick time. As soon as the brigade left the cover of the woods it was "greeted with [a] storm of shells" and from "a distance of not more than 1,000 yards." The flagstaff of the 2nd New Hampshire was shot out of the color bearer's hands, the staff was broken into three pieces, and several of the color guard were wounded. After staying in the open for about thirty minutes, Burling "upon the solicitation of several regimental commanders, whom I considered equally competent with myself," probably including Bailey, ordered the brigade to fall back 100 yards to the safety of "a small rise in the ground." It was believed that the object of the move, "to draw out the enemy," had been achieved.44 A staff officer from General Sickles ordered the brigade to return to the open field. Before Burling could do this, he received new orders from Birney "to change direction to the left, and take a position behind a piece of woods, my front now being at right angles with my former front." This new position brought the brigade into Rose's Woods, on the west edge of the Wheatfield, facing south.45 Burling next received orders to send his two largest regiments, the 7th New Jersey and the 2nd New Hampshire, to the Peach Orchard front and report to Brigadier General Charles K. Graham, commanding the 1st Brigade of Birney's division.46 Colonel Bailey moved his regiment, with 24 officers and 330 men, in a column of fours at the double-quick. He avoided a swampy run and marched behind the right of Captain A. Judson Clark's Battery B, 1st New Jersey, and probably the 15th New York battery on Clark’s right. He may also have moved behind the 141st Pennsylvania, which was in support of Clark. Bailey had been ordered to support Captain Nelson Ames' Battery G, 1st New York, which was stationed in the Peach Orchard, and "one section of a battery unknown." This could have been a section of Lieutenant John K. Bucklyn's battery (Battery E, 1st Rhode Island) in position between the Wentz and Sherfy houses, along the Emmitsburg road.47 At some point in his march, Bailey formed the regiment "by company into line." Each company formed into a two-rank battle line, but the companies remained in column. The right half of the regiment "moved forward into line,” forming a two-rank battle line which then moved forward to the Emmitsburg road. The left wing remained in column, behind the left of the right wing, until ordered to form on the left along the Wheatfield road, at right angles to the right wing.

107 Company B, originally on the left, was moved to the right "that its Sharps rifles might be made most available in case of an infantry attack from that direction."48 The right wing immediately came under fire from Colonel Henry C. Cabell's artillery battalion posted along Warfield Ridge. Martin Haynes reported that the "air was fairly alive with bursting shell and whistling canister; the leaves fell in showers from the peach trees, and the dirt was thrown up in little jets where the missiles were continually striking."49 Bailey ordered a change of front forward upon the color-company, realigning the entire regiment, with the exception of Company B (which continued to face west along the Emmitsburg road) along the Wheatfield road, with his right resting in the garden of the Wentz house. The 68th Pennsylvania was to Bailey's left. In this position the nd regiment occupied a frontage of The 2 New Hampshire’s deployment from column to column of companies, then “forward into line.” about ninety yards. The Wentz farm buildings and the slight slope provided some protection from the fire of Lieutenant Colonel E. P. Alexander's artillery battalion posted along Seminary Ridge. Alexander and Cabell fired at federal batteries posted along the Wheatfield road, including the 2nd New Hampshire. One enemy battery tried to advance from Seminary Ridge to a distance of about 500 yards from the Peach Orchard. Ames turned his right section to face west in order to return this fire and Company B "gave the rebel battery a wicked reception."50 During this time, "a shell struck and burst on the cartridge box of Corporal Thomas Bignall, of Company C. The cartridges were driven into his body and fired, and for nearly half a minute the devilish 'musket shells' issued at Washington were exploding in his quivering form. But death was mercifully quick." A fragment of shell also burst the cartridge box of Sergeant James M. House, Company I, and the "rapidity with which he tore off the infernal machine hanging by his side was astonishing ..." It was probably during this time that Lieutenant Colonel Carr received an ugly contusion of the groin. He was standing with his sword in hand when the sword was hit with a canister round, which broke the blade into three pieces and forced the guard against his groin. Somewhat philosophically, Carr reportedly stated: "Well, better be a sword out than a leg, anyhow."51 No one in the regiment recorded Colonel Bailey’s actions during this period. However, officers were expected to set the example for their men. Bailey was, probably, walking along his battle line trying to steady his men and shouting words of encouragement while trying to keep track of units in his immediate vicinity and keeping an eye on any possible enemy movements. Corporal John A. Barker, Company C, was leaning against a peach tree when a shell exploded about a dozen feet to his left. A fragment struck him on the top of his head and knocked him insensible. Four of his comrades tried to carry him to the rear. One of them, Charles Moore, was

108 killed. The rest dropped Barker when ordered back into line by Colonel Bailey. Barker was eventually taken to the 3rd Corps hospital but was not seen by a surgeon until the next afternoon.52 At about 5:30 P.M., Kershaw and Semmes’s brigades advanced from the cover of the woods

Burling’s brigade deploys from Rose Woods to Sherfy’s peach orchard.

109 along Warfield Ridge to threaten the Peach Orchard from the south. At the same time, the 3rd Infantry, on the skirmish line, withdrew to the right of the 2nd New Hampshire, and the 68th Pennsylvania formed on the 2nd’s left. Two sections of Captain James Thompson's Batteries C & F, Pennsylvania Artillery, moved to the left of Ames. At the same time Ames began to fire at Kershaw.53 Colonel Bailey, taking in the view from a post near the Emmitsburg road, "noted the rapid advance of a column of massed battalions." He determined this to be a genuine column of attack, which was apparently heading for Ames' battery. He ran to General Graham, who was "some distance" to the rear of the 2nd, to give him warning of this new attack. Bailey also suggested that the 2nd New Hampshire should advance to meet this new threat. Graham responded: "Yes, for God's sake, go forward."54

Approximately 5:30 P.M. Kershaw’s brigade attacks the Peach Orchard and Stony Hill.

Bailey had no time to rally Company B. At the order, "Forward, guide center!,” the nine companies along the Wheatfield road advanced through the Peach Orchard, passing through Ames' battery and part of Thompson's battery. Haynes remembered that the 2nd charged "with a roar of defiance" and "went tearing down the slope." Bailey reported that he advanced "at a run and with such impetuosity as to cause the enemy to retire to a ravine 250 yards in our front."

110 Bailey wrote that the regiment went beyond the orchard "coming out where the fence that runs perpendicular to the Emmitsburg road joined the one parallel to it making the orchard enclosure." The right wing was partially across the Emmitsburg road. Haynes wrote that there was some difficulty in halting the regiment because "its blood was up, and many of the men seemed to think that now was the time to go into Richmond."55 Once in position, Bailey fired left oblique at the 3rd South Carolina battalion and the 8th South Carolina, of Kershaw’s brigade, both near the Rose Farm. He also fired, at a range of 350 yards, at a column moving by the right flank, which may have been the 2nd South Carolina. Bailey then shifted to the left and rear of some fence rails (probably along present-day Birney Avenue). He was joined on his left by the 3rd Maine, "which came tearing down the slope." The 141st Pennsylvania and the 3rd Michigan joined the left of the 3rd Maine, presenting a formidable battle line to Kershaw. Bailey was joined on his right and rear by the 68th Pennsylvania, which took position along the Emmitsburg road, facing west. Despite the numbers assembled, Bailey was concerned about their ability to hold their present position and ordered Lieutenant Albert M. Perkins, regimental adjutant, to take a detail to help remove Ames' guns "as I did not believe we could hold the position unaided ..."Ames, who had fired almost all of his ammunition, and believing he was about to be replaced with another battery, was preparing to withdraw.56 Bailey described his position:

My right rested on the road where the angle occurs. I had been some minutes here, firing upon the two rebel regiments which were moving along the little run whose course travels nearly parallel to the fence towards Round Top, when the 3rd Maine Regt. formed on my left, and took up the fire, and about the same time, came the 68th Pa. Regt. forming parallel to the Emmitsburg road perpendicular to my front.57

Bailey recalled that "it was fully twenty or twenty-five minutes before the enemy made the next assault." At about 6:30 P.M. Brigadier General William Barksdale’s Mississippi brigade began its advance from Seminary Ridge against the Peach Orchard. The Confederate batteries reopened to support this fresh assault and "showered upon us a perfect hail of metal ..." Haynes thought that every rebel gun "was let lose [sic], until the peach orchard seemed to be almost moving in the windage of hurtling metal."58 Barksdale's right regiment, the 21st Mississippi, began to bear down on the 68th Pennsylvania. Bailey shifted his regiment, or least part of it, to the Emmitsburg road to fire right oblique at the at the advancing Mississippians. The 68th Pennsylvania waited until the Mississippians "reached a certain point, when a destructive fire was opened, the enemy halting and dropping behind a fence." The 17th Mississippi joined the 21st on its left, and the advance resumed toward the Peach Orchard. The Confederate artillery was beginning to have a "most fatal effect" upon the 68th Pennsylvania as it was more exposed than Bailey. 59 Meanwhile, Company B, still at the Wentz house, was subjected to fire from Confederate batteries along Seminary Ridge. Private Wyman W. Holden remembered one Confederate battery advancing to a "broad, open field" opposite the Wentz house. Holden "adjusted the sights to eighty rods and paid my compliments to the cannoneers grouped about the muzzle of the left gun." Captain Joseph A. Hubbard, commanding Company B, was shot in the forehead, regained his feet but wandered aimlessly. Hubbard lived for about two more hours. He displayed a Masonic emblem on his uniform so the body could be recovered, identified, and buried by fellow Confederate Masons.60 The advance of the 21st Mississippi threatened the right of the 68th Pennsylvania, and it was forced "to fall back to the position in the rear of the batteries." At about the same time, the 3rd Maine fell back 200 yards to the rear, and the 3rd Michigan also withdrew. The 141st Pennsylvania held on for a few minutes but withdrew "from that position and took a position in rear of the 68th

111 6:00 to 6:30 P.M. Barksdale’s brigade assaults the Peach Orchard.

112 Pennsylvania." Bailey doggedly held on, "keeping up a constant fire upon the enemy's right battalion, which had the effect to make it move slowly, so that the battalion to its left continued pivoting upon it, until their front became more nearly parallel to the Emmitsburg road, thus getting behind my right flank ..."61 Outflanked and with his supports gone, Bailey had no choice but to retire. He "made two changes of front to rear on my left company, a difficult maneuver to execute under fire." The first change of front brought the regiment about halfway through the Peach Orchard where "it halted and maintained a sharp fire until again overtopped." Bailey reported that he halted "on the brow to give a volley to the enemy, than [sic] distant but 20 yards."62 Bailey again changed front to the rear and reformed under the east slope of the ridge nearly parallel to the Emmitsburg road and about 140 yards from his original position along the Wheatfield road. This would have placed the regiment in present-day Excelsior Field. Bailey's command formed the apex of an echelon formation. The 3rd Maine was about twenty paces behind his left flank. The 68th Pennsylvania, to Bailey's right and rear, was ordered, "at once to engage the enemy coming down on our right flank, which was promptly done ..." Bailey remembered this regiment "charging on my right flank to get up to the crest of the hill, but it did not succeed." Barksdale's brigade continued to advance to the brow of the hill, "when their left swept toward the 63rd [68th] Pennsylvania in such overwhelming Change front to the rear on the left company. numbers as to cause it to give way ..." thus exposing the 2nd right flank.63 Bailey, in this position, gave the captains an order to rectify the alignment. Barksdale’s men, "not following very closely, and being a little dissatisfied with the direction of the line, I established a general line and ordered, 'On the center, dress!’" Captain Henry N. Metcalf, Company F, "who, dressing his company coolly as if upon parade," asked Bailey, "with a twinkle in his eye, 'How does that line suit you, Colonel?'" Bailey responded "Excellent! Excellent! for it was well deserved." Metcalf returned to his company, spoke to Corporal William H. Piper, "A good line that, Henry," and was hit in the head and killed.64 The 2nd New Hampshire again opened fire on the 21st Mississippi, which was still advancing from the west. Bailey may have also seen the approach of Brigadier General W. T. Wofford's brigade, which was moving toward the Peach Orchard behind the 21st Mississippi. Sensing he could not hold its position he ordered a retreat. The regiment retired "quite rapidly, yet coolly, and without excitement." Bailey was "confident my regiment was the last to leave this position." Haynes later wrote that these "evolutions of the regiment could only have been performed by troops of superlative discipline and nerve."65 The regiment about-faced, and staying in line of battle, Bailey directed the retreat toward Cemetery Ridge. By staying in line the regiment was able to face about and discharge "their pieces into the ranks of the yelling enemy." Despite the excitement of the moment, Bailey did not forget his wounded, and ordered all that could be carried to be taken off. As the regiment neared Lieutenant Colonel Freeman McGilvery's artillery line, forming on the lower end of Cemetery

113 Ridge, it broke into a column of fours to pass the artillery and provide an unobstructed field of fire for the guns. As the regiment passed the artillery it received "round upon round of cheers from the batterymen ..." Bailey took position to the left of the artillery line at about 7:30 P.M. He later rejoined Burling's brigade, in bivouac near Little Round Top, "fearfully diminished in numbers, yet firm and fearless still."66 Bailey reported that his regiment "entered the fight with a firm determination to do or die, and the long list of fallen comrades ... will show how well it kept that resolution." Of the 24 officers and 330 enlisted men in the fight, Bailey reported 22 officers killed or wounded. His total losses amounted to 20 killed, 137 wounded, and 36 missing and/or captured. John Burrill wrote his parents, “I have been in hard fighting before but never in anything like that ..." Both Colonel Bailey and Lieutenant Colonel Carr had been slightly wounded. Major Sayles "received a terrible gunshot wound in the thigh, and was left on the field." Other comrades near Sayles said "there was never a more complete and comprehensive gospel of damnation laid down than that he recited to the rebel who, while he lay crippled and helpless, pulled the boot from his wounded leg." Lieutenant Albert M. Perkins, adjutant, lost an arm.67 One of the most poignant losses was that of Private Charles F. Howard, of Company I. Howard had been mortally wounded on Captain Henry Metcalf, July 2 and was taken to McLaws' division hospital, where he died Company F. Killed in on July 18. Chaplain William Burton Owen, of the 17th Mississippi, action. Haynes ministered to Howard and wrote a letter to his mother, Amanda Howard, telling of her son's last days. Howard’s sister Ellen had started for Gettysburg to help her brother. She reportedly met a stranger on the train who asked "if, should she find her brother dead, she had money enough to bring the body home. She had not, and he opened his purse and handed her forty dollars."68 At the end of his official report Colonel Bailey paid tribute to his fallen comrades. He wrote:

For our fallen braves, who have so gloriously perished fighting for their country, we drop a comrade's tear, while we extend our heartfelt sympathy to those dear ones far away who find the ties of kindred and friends thus rudely severed, and for those who must suffer untold agony and pain through long weeks of convalescence our earnest sympathy, yet leaving them to the watchful care of Him who will not prove unmindful of their necessities.69

Martin Haynes later wrote that the "evolutions of the regiment could only have been performed by troops of superlative discipline and nerve." He also wrote that even though Colonel Bailey was among the youngest officers (he was 21 years old at the time of the battle), "he was one of the bravest and most skillful. His handling of the regiment in its awful test at Gettysburg, was a model of technical skill and a triumph of personal valor." The regiment, back with its brigade, was under arms early on July 3. Burling's brigade remained near Little Round Top until noon. It was then moved, at the double-quick, to the right and went into position to the left of the 2nd Corps, but saw no action. That night it went into bivouac in a heavy growth of timber at the base of Little Round Top until the afternoon of July 6.70 In bivouac on the night of July 2, plans were made for the rescue of the wounded left on the field. At daylight it was learned that orders from the division commander had been issued "prohibiting the sending out of regimental parties after the wounded." On the night of July 3, "bidding defiance to orders," Lieutenant Colonel Carr went out with a party of volunteers to the

114 Trostle farm. There they found a number of the 2nd's wounded, including Major Sayles, whom they brought in from the field.71 On the morning of July 5, Colonel Bailey, accompanied by his orderly, Private George C. Coburn, Company G, who had been wounded on July 2, rode out to the Peach Orchard and found an additional twenty-one wounded at the Wentz house. Bailey dispatched Coburn for the ambulances. Bailey believed that "I was among the first to enter the peach orchard after the battle ... and we found the regimental line plainly marked by our dead: here, Captain Metcalf, to the left, Captain Roberts, and from right to left each company's station, as gallant and glorious an offering of discipline and devotion as ever was laid upon the altar of our country."72 John Burrill wrote his parents that

Out of curiosity after the Rebs left, I went over the field before the men were buried, and such a sight I never wish to see again. The men had turned black, their eyes swollen out of their heads and they were twice their natural size. The stench of the field was awful. Dead men were thick you may well believe. I had rather go into a fight than see the effects of it afterwards for a man in the heat of battle thinks nor cares for nothing but to make the enemy run.73

On the morning of July 5, Burling's brigade was briefly placed on picket duty. The 2nd was apparently part of this picket, which explains Bailey's presence at the Peach Orchard. On July 6, the brigade started to march, but, "after a very short march, returned to our starting point." Between 2 and 3 A.M. July 7, the brigade marched through Emmitsburg and in the early afternoon continued the march to Mechanicstown, which was reached at sunset. By July 12, the brigade had moved to within one mile of Williamsport, Maryland in anticipation of attacking the Confederates, but the attack did not take place.74 On July 15, Burling's brigade marched through Fair Play, Gloucester, and Sharpsburg. The regiment crossed Burnside's Bridge and bivouacked about a half mile beyond. Here, they came near to "having a bloody riot with the 6th New York Heavy Artillery ..." A major from the "Heavies" Martin A. Haynes, Company I. had chased a boy, who had stolen from their sutler, into the Later wrote regimental history of nd camp of the 2nd New Hampshire. The men of the 2nd helped the 2 New Hampshire. Haynes the boy and threw the major out of their camp. The major formed his regiment as a posse. The adjutant of the 6th New Jersey shouted to a bugler, "The assembly - quick!" Major General William H. French, commanding the 3rd Corps, "was seen coming down the road at a furious gallop to see what all this commotion in Burling's brigade meant." Upon meeting the major of the Heavies, French told him "They served you right, sir! What business or authority have you in the camp of this brigade? Go to you [sic] own command, sir." It was said that the "brass-mounted Heavies were saved an awful licking."75 By July 20, the regiment had reached Upperville, Virginia, about a mile from Ashby's Gap. The next day, Colonel Burling held an inspection of arms and an order was read detailing three officers and six enlisted men from each regiment "to be sent home to drill drafted men." The regiment left camp on July 22, taking the road to Manassas Gap.76 Major General George G. Meade, commanding the Army of the Potomac, ordered General French to move into Manassas Gap "in the hope of being able to intercept a portion of the enemy." On July 23, the 3rd Corps tried to march through Manassas Gap, which resulted in the

115 engagement known as Wapping Heights. French's men forced the gap, but Confederate forces delayed them for so long that two corps from Lee's army were able to move south through the Luray Valley, and during the night the rest of the Army of Northern Virginia pulled out, leaving only a small rear guard. Burling's brigade pushed forward to Front Royal on July 24.77 Meade was informed on July 23 that Brigadier General Gilman Marston "has been assigned ... to the command of Saint Mary's District, Maryland, where he is to establish a camp for prisoners of war." Meade was ordered to assign a guard of 300 men from New Hampshire units. It was reported that there were about that many men in the 2nd, 5th, and 12th New Hampshire regiments. It was, however, "the intention of the General-in-Chief that these regiments shall return to this army as soon as they are filled up with drafted men." On July 26, the 2nd New Hampshire saw General Marston in Warrenton "answering the greetings of his old boys with nods and smiles of satisfaction." The next day, General Marston led his new brigade out of camp and arrived at Point Lookout, Maryland on July 31 with prisoners and guards.78 On July 29, the regiment drew clothing and "none too soon, as some of the men were getting pretty ragged." At Dress Parade that evening, General Order Number 10 was read to the men. Colonel Bailey had found it necessary to reduce Sergeant Henry Flint for drunkenness. Bailey also took the opportunity to say that

a solemn duty is imposed upon the Privates and Officers of this command to observe unsullied the reputation of this regiment - bought by the lives and blood of our fallen heroes. Let each and all feel this responsibility and never again oblige him to notice a case of this character. A reputation may often be won by fortunate circumstances with little cost, but ours has been earned from bloody fields and terrible encounters with the rebel hordes and requires from us to keep it Argus eyed and eternal vigilance [sic].79

While serving at Point Lookout, the members of Company I, Bailey's old company, presented him with a gold sword. The inscription read: "Beloved as a comrade, respected as a man and admired as a soldier." It was high praise for a young man of twenty-one years.80 On November 30, the 2nd New Hampshire received its first dose of "that execrable class of substitutes known as 'bounty jumpers.'" On that day 175 were added to the regiment, and on December 19 another 350 were added. Bailey apparently had his hands full with these men. Haynes remembered that "there was a little good material mixed in with these recruits, but it is no credit to New Hampshire that she turned such a mass of rubbish loose into her veteran regiments." For most of the veterans "the 'Old Second' of glorious memory and heroic achievements had ceased to exist." This proved to be a serious blow to the re-enlistment of the old veterans "which was invited at this time."81 On February 24, 1864, the re-enlisted veterans left Point Lookout for New Hampshire and a well-earned twenty-day furlough. Martin Haynes noted that "It was not a mere accidental coincidence that all the men who went were legal voters, and that their furloughs brought them home at the date of the annual state elections." 82 Brigadier General Edward W. Hincks relieved General Marston in command of Saint Mary's District on April 4. General Marston was assigned to command the 1st Brigade, 1st Division, 18th Corps. By April 7, the regiment started again for the James River Peninsula and reached Yorktown on April 8. Colonel Bailey and the 2nd New Hampshire were assigned to the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, 18th Corps. Before reaching Yorktown, more than 100 of the substitutes who had joined at Point Lookout had deserted. Most of these deserters were captured. Probably on orders from Colonel Bailey, two of them, John Egin and Henry Holt, were tried and shot on April 15. Otis Waite observed "This prompt action effectually checked desertions from the 2nd."83 On April 22, the command was moved to Williamsburg, Virginia, and went into camp until May 4, when it marched to the James River and embarked for Bermuda Hundred. On May 8, a

116 general advance was made toward Petersburg. Four days later, an advance was made on Fort Darling at Drewry's Bluff. On May 14 and 15, the 2nd erected a breastwork of logs and strung telegraph wire "just high enough to trip an advancing enemy." The Confederates attacked these entrenchments on May 19 and forced the Union troops to fall back to Bermuda Hundred.84 On May 27, the 18th Corps re-crossed the James River on pontoons and joined the Army of the Potomac on June 1 at Cold Harbor where Colonel Bailey would lead the regiment in one last attack. The next day was spent rearranging the lines for an attack planned for 5 P.M. but which was postponed until June 3. The 2nd, however, "remained all day in an open field, from which a portion of the fortified line held by the rebels was visible and almost within long rifle range." During the night "the men discussed the chances of battle. There was a noticeable gravity among 'the old men' - the original members of the regiment still in its ranks." Most of these men had already served their three-year enlistment. The muster date of four of the companies had already passed. The regimental muster, however, had been held on June 8, 1861. "But," Martin Haynes wrote, "while the hardship of the situation was fully appreciated and discussed, there was no disposition to dodge it. One of the men expressed the sentiment, 'It wouldn't be good manners to go without saying Good bye to our old friends, the Johnnies.’"85 On June 3, the 2nd New Hampshire was the fifth regiment in the column of attack. The attack stalled, but the 2nd advanced to the edge of a point of woods from which the attack had started. As soon as the front was clear they opened fire. The fight was at musket range with the Confederates behind their entrenchments. While keeping up its fire "the 2nd also proceeded to intrench [sic] itself with the alacrity and adaptability to circumstances characteristic of old campaigners." The only tools available were knives, tin plates, and bayonets. The 2nd lost at least eight killed, sixty- nine wounded, and one missing or captured. The brigade commander, Colonel Griffin A. Stedman, Jr., wrote that the 2nd had "entered the engagement after the time of a large portion of the regiment had expired. They deserve credit for their conduct." On the morning of June 4, the 2nd New Hampshire was relieved by the 8th Connecticut.86 On June 8, 1864, the original three-year men, those who had not re-enlisted, took their leave of the regiment and departed for New Hampshire to be mustered out. They were led home by Colonel Bailey, who was also being mustered out. Captain Joab N. Patterson, Company H, commanded what was left of the regiment in the field. The men being discharged arrived at Concord, New Hampshire on June 17, and on June 21, the men reassembled at Concord to be paid off and receive their certificates of honorable discharge. Of the more than 1,000 officers and men who had left the state in 1861, Colonel Bailey led 297 officers and men home.87 During and after the Civil War, five officers, or former officers, of the 2nd New Hampshire were appointed to either brigadier general, brigadier general, or brevet major general. Edward L. Bailey was not one of these officers. Exactly why Bailey did not receive one of these nominations is unclear. Bailey had served with the 2nd New Hampshire from its earliest days. He had risen from first lieutenant to colonel of the regiment by the age of 21. He led the regiment from Gettysburg to Cold Harbor and had been wounded three times. While this lack of recognition might not be unusual, it does seem a little strange.88 In 1865, Bailey married Frances E. Parker at Wesleyan University, Connecticut. A son, Lewis H., was born on May 30, 1866. Bailey, who went into the hat trade in Boston, felt his talents lay more in the military field. On April 2, 1867, Bailey, "having passed the examination required by law," was nominated "to be second lieutenant in the Fourth Regiment Infantry, to fill an original vacancy." The U. S. Senate confirmed his appointment on April 5, 1867. On December 11, 1867, Bailey received four brevets, to lieutenant colonel, for gallant and meritorious services at Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, Second Bull Run, and Gettysburg.89 Bailey was promoted to first lieutenant on February 26, 1876. He was promoted to captain on December 4, 1891. In 1882, Bailey was serving at Fort Sanders, Wyoming Territory. In 1893, he was serving at a post near Boise City, Idaho.90

117 It is not clear whether Bailey's wife, Francis, or his son lived with him on the frontier. These, apparently, were not easy years for Edward Bailey. He had an unspecified problem which led to his dismissal from the army on October 15, 1893 for "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman." He was accused of borrowing money from a fellow officer and not repaying it. He was accused of entering a house while in uniform, without the permission of the owner, and "beckoning to the owner's wife with his hand" and refusing to leave when requested. He was also accused of "going to a public saloon in Boise City, and chasing a prostitute about the saloon, and going to a corner of the saloon, holding a conversation with her while in the uniform of a commissioned officer."91 Bailey returned to New Hampshire and made his home in Bedford. In 1908, at the dedication of an equestrian statue of Major General Joseph Hooker in Boston, Bailey was chosen to lead the veterans of Hooker's brigade. Colonel Edward Lyon Bailey died on March 12, 1930, at the age of 88. He was survived by his son, Louis (or Lewis), two grandsons, a great-granddaughter, a sister, four nephews, and a niece. His obituary noted that Bailey had been honored four times for "gallant and distinguished service" and had been wounded three times, twice by rifle fire and once by shell.92 Whatever his shortcomings in the post-war years, Edward L. Bailey showed himself to be a capable officer while leading the 2nd New Hampshire. Joining the regiment at the age of 19, and with no previous military experience, he rose to the rank of colonel by the age of 21, and assumed command of a regiment of more than 300 officers and men. He was wounded three times in the course of his Civil War career. He led his men through the fighting at the Peach Orchard, where he received one of his wounds, but did not leave the field. His regiment performed maneuvers during July 2, which could only have been done by a regiment of well-drilled, well-disciplined, and well-officered men. Perhaps one of the highest compliments paid to Bailey came from Brigadier General Charles K. Graham. Colonel Bailey and the 2nd New Hampshire had fought under Graham in the Peach Orchard and he "conferred a well merited compliment upon its commander for the cool, gallant and efficient manner in which he handled and fought his regiment on that most trying occasion."93

1st Sgt. John P. Stone, Captain Joseph A. Hubbard, Company A. Killed in 1st Sgt. David W. Colburn, Company B. Killed in action action July 2. Haynes Company C. Killed in July 2. Haynes action July 2. Haynes

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Notes

1 U. S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 128 vols. (Washington, DC: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1880-1901), Series I [Cited hereafter as OR], 27 (1): 574; Janet B. Hewett, ed., Supplement to the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Wilmington, NC: Broadfoot Publishing Company, 1996), 39:100. [Hereafter cited as Supplement and unless otherwise noted assumed to be volume 39.] 2 Martin A. Haynes, A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry in the War of the Rebellion (Lakeport, NH: 1896), 286-287. [Hereafter cited as Haynes.] 3 Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903), 791; Otis F. R. Waite, New Hampshire in the Great Rebellion (Claremont, NH: Chase & Co., 1870), 103. 4 House Document #607. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774 - 1949 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1950), 1505; Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Blue (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1964), 312; Haynes, 6; OR, 1:276. 5 Haynes, 286-287; Supplement, 125; Waite, 123; Roger D. Hunt, Colonels in Blue: Colonels of the Civil War: The New England States (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Military History, 2001), 157; Mary Rogness-Stickney, "Re: Info on Rogness Family," (April 2, 2001) http://worldconnect.rootsweb.com/cgi/bin/igm.cgi?op=DESC&db=stickneys&id=I8095 (March 19, 2002). [Cited hereafter at Rogness-Stickney]; Haynes, 286-287. 6 August V. Kautz, Customs of Service for Officers of the Army (1866; Reprint: Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2002), 14-15. 7 Ibid., 225. 8 Ibid., 227. 9 Ibid., 245-247. 10 Ibid., 260. 11 Ibid., 224. 12 Haynes, 7-8. 13 Ibid., 9-10; Martin A. Haynes, History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Volunteers: Its Camps, Marches and Battles (Manchester, NH: Charles F. Livingston, 1865), 10. [Hereafter cited as History.] 14 Waite, 129-130; Haynes, 12-13; OR, Series 3,1:276, 282. 15 Waite, 131-132; Haynes, 13. 16 Waite, 134; OR, 2:315; OR, 51(1):409, 414. 17 OR, 2:396, 401; Waite, 135-136. 18 Haynes, 43; Waite, 137; OR, 5:15-17; OR, 51(1):434-435. 19 Supplement, 110; Surgeon Charles S. Tripler, Medical Director, Army of the Potomac wrote: "It was the general understanding that the army was not to go into winter quarters, and therefore I did not recommend the housing of the men until the middle of January, 1862 ..." See OR, Series I, 5:84. 20 OR, 5:19-20; OR, 11(1):281,477-478; Waite, 140; Haynes, 287; Martin A. Haynes, "Roster" in A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry in the War of the Rebellion (Lakeport, NH: 1896), 108. Stevens was appointed lieutenant colonel in the 9th New Hampshire, but he declined the appointment. 21 Kautz, 265-266, 268-270. 22 OR, 11(2):131-132; Supplement, 2:494; Supplement, 39:106; Waite, 141, 144. 23 OR, 12(2):258, 439-440; Waite, 145-147; John J. Hennessy, Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993), 245-257. 24 Silas Casey. Infantry Tactics (1862, 3 vols. Reprint in 1 vol., Dayton, OH: Morningside, 1985), 1:14. 25 Supplement, 103; OR, 19(2):166; OR, 25 (2):20; Waite, 148. 26 Haynes, 287; Haynes, "Roster," 19, 40; Kautz, 275. 27 Waite, 149; OR, 21(1):377-378, 383. 28 Casey, 1:14; OR, 21(1):134. 29 Supplement, 102; Haynes, 157; Waite, 151. 30 Waite, 151; Haynes, 287.

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31 Kautz, 276, 295 (For the full range of a colonel's duties see pages 276-317.); U. S. War Department. Revised Regulations for the Army of the United States, 1861 (1861; Reprint: National Historical Society: Harrisburg, 1980), Article XII, paragraph 75, 18. 32 Waite, 151; Haynes, 157-158; Supplement, 4:477; OR, 25(2):188. 33 Haynes, 159; Dean S. Thomas, Ready... Aim...Fire!: Small Arms Ammunition in the (Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1981), 20. 34 Haynes, 159-160. 35 Ibid., 160. 36 Ibid., OR, 27(1):160. 37 Haynes, 161-162; OR, 27(1):569; John Henry Burrill Papers, U. S. Army Military History Institute; Carlisle Barracks, PA, Diary entry for June 13 and 14. [Cited hereafter as Burrill.] 38 Haynes, 164-165; OR, 27(1):530, 570; Burrill, letter to parents, July 1, 1863. 39 Haynes, 165; OR, 27(1):530, 570. 40 Haynes, 165; OR, 27(1):530-531, 570. Humphrey's division was located on the west side of Emmitsburg along Maryland Route 140. 41 Haynes, 167; OR, 27(1):570. 42 Haynes, 167-168; OR, 27(1):532, 570. 43 Haynes, 168; OR, 27(1):532, 570; Harry W. Pfanz, Gettysburg: The Second Day (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 138. 44 Waite, 152; Haynes, 169; History, 138; OR, 27(1):570. 45 Haynes, 169; OR, 27(1):570. 46 Waite, 152; Haynes, 169-170; OR, 27(1):570. 47 OR, 27(1):573; Haynes, 170; History, 138; Waite, 152. 48 Haynes, 170; History, 138-139. For a more detailed explanation of Bailey's movement see: Silas Casey, Infantry Tactics (1862; reprint, Dayton, OH: Morningside, 1985), 2:36, 37. 49 History, 139; Pfanz, 305. 50 Haynes, 171; OR, 27(1):573, 900. 51 Haynes, 172, 183-184. 52 Haynes, 172-173. 53 Pfanz, 311, 313 (see also p. 516, footnote 31); OR, 27(1):498, 574. Bailey stated that the 63rd Pennsylvania was on his left, but it was probably the 68th Pennsylvania; Haynes, 175. 54 OR, 27(1):574; Haynes, 175-176. 55 OR, 27(1):523, 574; David L. Ladd and Audrey J. Ladd, eds. The Bachelder Papers: Gettysburg in Their Own Words (Dayton, OH: Morningside, 1994), 2:846; Haynes, 176-177; Pfanz, 317-318. The right flank marker for the 2nd New Hampshire is located on the west side of the Emmitsburg road. 56 OR, 27(1):499, 504-505, 507, 524, 574; Haynes, 177-178; Haynes, "Roster," 87; Ladd, 846; Pfanz, 318. 57 Ladd, 846. 58 OR, 27(1):574; Ladd, 846; Haynes, 178-179; Pfanz, 318. 59 Pfanz, 326; OR, 27(1): 499, 574; Ladd, 846. Bailey never stated he moved to the Emmitsburg road, but the only way he could have fired right oblique at the 21st Mississippi was if he had done so. 60 Pfanz, 326; Haynes, 182, 186. 61 OR, 27(1):499, 505, 508, 574; Ladd, 846-847; Haynes, 179; Pfanz, 328-329. 62 OR, 27(1):574; Ladd, 847; Haynes, 179. Bailey's movement meant he was changing front perpendicularly to his rear. See Casey, 191-195. 63 OR, 27(1):499, 574; Ladd, 847; Haynes, 179. 64 Haynes, 180. 65 OR, 27(1):574; Ladd, 847; Haynes, 179, 181. 66 OR, 27(1):574; Ladd, 847; Haynes, 181-182; History, 141. 67 OR, 27(1):574; Ladd, 847; Haynes, 183-183; John W. Busey and David G. Martin, Regimental Strengths and Losses at Gettysburg (Hightstown, NJ: Longstreet House, 1986), 247; Burrill, letter dated July 13, 1863. Lieutenant Perkins died from the effects of his wound on September 6, 1865. See Haynes, 184. 68 Gregory A. Coco, Killed in Action (Gettysburg: Thomas Publications, 1992), 77; National Archives, Pension File of Charles Howard. The site of Wofford's Brigade hospital was on the John Cunningham farm, located west of Marsh Creek and south of the Fairfield road. See Gregory A. Coco, A Vast Sea of Misery (Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1988), 151.

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69 OR, 27(1):574-575. 70 OR, 27(1):571; Haynes, 188. 71 Haynes, 184. In his History, 144-145, Haynes states that the party went out on the 5th. 72 Haynes, 180, 184-185. 73 Burrill, letter dated July 13, 1863. 74 Haynes, 190-191; OR, 27(1):571-572. 75 Haynes, 192-193; OR, 27(1):572. Sickles had been wounded on July 2. French assumed command of the 3rd Corps on July 9. See: OR, I, 27(1):489. 76 Haynes, 194; OR, 27(1):572. 77 Haynes, 194-196; OR, 27(1):118, 572-573; E. B. Long, The Civil War Day By Day: An Almanac, 1861 - 1865 (New York: Doubleday, 1971), 390. 78 Haynes, 196-199; OR, 27(1):98, 51(1):1081; OR, Series II, 6:132, 140, 141, 581. 79 Haynes, 198; National Archives, Record Group 94, Records of the Adjutant General, Regimental Books, 2 NH IN, Volume 6 of 8. 80 Manchester Leader, March 13, 1930, 1. 81 Haynes, 206-207. 82 Haynes, 211, 212; Waite, 156. 83 Haynes, 213, 215; Waite, 156-157; OR, 33:1054-1055. 84 Haynes, 218-228; Waite, 157-158. 85 OR, 36(3):429; Haynes, 231-234; Waite, 159. 86 Haynes, 235-239; Waite, 159-160; OR, 36(1):179, 1009, 1010, 1017, 51(1):1265. 87 Haynes, 240-242. Patterson was appointed lieutenant colonel June 21, 1864 and colonel January 10, 1865. See Haynes, "Roster,” 86. 88Roger D, Hunt and Jack R. Brown, Brevet Brigadier Generals in Blue (Gaithersburg, MD: Olde Soldier Books, Inc., 1990), 204, 469, 620. Lt. Col. Francis S. Fiske, who had resigned, Col. Joab N. Patterson, who commanded the regiment after Bailey, and Herbert B. Titus, who became Colonel of the 9th New Hampshire, received the rank of brevet brigadier general. Patterson received his award for "courage in battle and good conduct throughout the war." Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Blue (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1964), 191-192, 312. Former Colonel Gilman Marston and Simon G. Griffin, who became Colonel of the 6th New Hampshire, became brigadier generals. Griffin also received the rank of brevet major general. 89 Rogness-Stickney (from: Donna Beers, compiler, The Descendants of James Bailey & Lydia (Emery) of Rowley, Ma (n.p. n.d.), 132); Journal of the executive proceedings of the Senate of the United States of America, April 2, 1867, 620, 642; Journal of the executive proceedings of the Senate of the United States of America, Volume 18, 53, 62, 68, 76. (http://memory.loc.gov/cgi- bin/query/D?hlaw3:./temp~ammen_J11h::@@@mdb=man...(3/3/02); Haynes, 287. 90 Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1903), 1:181; Ladd, 2, 847; Adjutant General's Office, New Hampshire, Revised Register of Soldiers and Sailors of the Rebellion, 1861- 1866 (Concord, NH: Ira C. Evens, 1895), 1030. 91 Roger D. Hunt, Colonels in Blue: Union Army Colonels of the Civil War: The New England States (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Military History, 2001), 157. 92 Manchester Leader, March 31, 1930, 1,11. 93 Waite, 123.

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