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AUTHOR McLennan, David B. TITLE Carolinas Communication Annual, 1998. INSTITUTION Carolinas Speech Communication Association,Winston-Salem, NC PUB DATE 1998-00-00 NOTE 105p.; For the annual volumes of this series forthe period 1995-1999, see CS 510 172-176. PUB TYPE Collected Works Serials (022) -- Opinion Papers (120)-- Reports - Research (143) JOURNAL CIT Carolinas Commuinication Annual; v14 1998 EDRS PRICE MF01/PC05 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Communication Research; Elementary Education;*Film Study; *Intercultural Communication; *Interviews; Nazism;Religious Factors; *Speech Communication; Standards;Team Teaching IDENTIFIERS Ku Klux Klan; National Communication Association;Three Stooges

ABSTRACT This 1998 issue of "Carolinas CommunicationAnnual" contains the following articles: "Give Me That Old TimeReligion?: A Study of Religious Themes in the Rhetoric of the Ku KluxKlan" (John S. Seiter); "The Three Stooges versus the Third Reich" (RoySchwartzman); "Interdisciplinary Team Teaching: Implementing Collaborative Instructionin an Intercultural Communication Course" (Catherine Jolivet andRandy K. Dillon); "Application of NCA's Speaking, Listening and MediaLiteracy Standards to the Elementary Classroom Context" (Eunkyong Lee Yook);and "The Literary Interview as Public Performance: Notes on the Emergence ofa New Genre" (John Rodden). (NKA)

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In This Issue

Give Me that Old Time Religion?: A Study of John S. Seiter Religious Themes in the Rhetoric of the Ku Klux Klan

The Three Stooges versus the Third Reich Roy Schwartzman

Interdisciplinary Team Teaching: Implement- Catherine Jolivet ing Collaborative Instruction in an Intercul- Randy K. Dillon tural Communication Course

Application of NCA's Speaking, Listening and Eunkyong Lee Yook Media Literacy Standards to the Elementary Classroom Context

The Literary Interview as Public Performance: John Rodden Notes on the Emergence of a New Genre

PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY

R. 5e t, Volume XIV 1998 TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) 1 Carolinas Communication Annual

Editor David B. McLennan Peace College, Raleigh, NC

Associate Editors

Sherry Boykin, Peace College Dan French, Peace College Deborah Smith-Howell, University ofNebraska-Omaha Mike Putnam, Texas Christian University

Editorial Assistant

Melanie Lunsford, Peace College

CALL FOR PAPERS

The editor would like to thank the hardwork of the associate editors. Those wishing to make contributionsfor Volume XV should check NCA's Spectre for the nameand address of 1999 editor. Individuals may also e-mail the 1998editor after the CCA convention for the name of the 1999editor at [email protected]. Carolinas Communication Annual Volume 1 9 9 8 Contents

Give Me that Old TimeReligion?: A Study of Religious Themesin the Rhetoric of the Ku KluxKlan John S.Seiter 3 The Three Stooges versus the Third Reich Roy Schwartzman 21

InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching: ImplementingCollaborative InstructioninanIntercultural CommunicationCourse CatherineJolivet 37 Randy K. Dillon

Application of NCA's Speaking, Listening and Media Literacy Standardstothe Elementary Classroom Context Eunkyong Lee Yook 54

The Literary Interviewas PublicPerformance:Notes on the Emergenceof a New Genre John Rodden 66 Give Me That OldTime Religion?: A Study ofReligious Themes in the Rhetoricof the Ku Klux Klan

JohnS.Seiter

D espite ongoing effortson the part of educatorsand others topromote anunderstandingandappreciation of people from othercultures and subcultures,itis disturbing that the UnitedStates continuesto see racist violence against blacksand other minoritygroups. Much of this violencehas been perpetuatedby the Ku Klux Klan,one of America's oldest hategroups (Seltzer & Lopes, 1986).In spite of its unethicaland generally unpopular treatment ofminorities,if one views Klan from the atraditionalorganizational framework,one might argue that,in some respects, theKlan isa successful organization. Indeed, if sustenanceis one mark of a successfulorganization,it would be difficult to argue that the Ku KluxKlan has not hadat least some degree ofsuccess; not only has the organization emerged and reemerged inthe 1860's,1920's, and 1960's, in recent times,it has maintainedand successfully recruitedalarge number of members (Chalmers,1981; Gerlach,1982). Although previousresearch suggeststhatthose who support and becomemembers the Ku KluxKlan have favorableimpressions ofit(e.g.,supporters tend to believe that the Klanconsists of "good people"and "enforces public lawand morality") (Seltzer& Lopes, 1986), thereislittleor no research investigatinghow the Klan creates suchimages of itself.This lack of researchisunfortunate ifour goalisa society which appreciates diversity andfrowns on racial be sure, violence. To if we support sucha goal, we should workhard to understand theway in which itis impeded. Presumably, anyattempt to overcome theracist attitudesand discriminationwhich the Klanpromotes should begin withan examination of how andwhy the Klan isso successful. Moreover, suchan examination Communication Annual 4 Carolinas communicationscholars. Specifically, shouldinterest rhetorical the Klan hasbeen facedwith a difficult it must sustain orbolster membershipdespite situation: of itsviolent actions generallywidespread disapproval 1986). Because rhetoricianshave (Seltzer & Lopes, to sought tounderstand howcommunicators respond situations (e.g.,Bitzer,1968), itis clear such difficult itssituation that understandinghow the Klanmanages the' study ofrhetoric. should inform of this study is to For these reasons,the purpose the Klan hasacted rhetorically, explore the ways effort to defend creating apositive imageof itself in an maintain membership,and attract new itactions, devotes considerable. recruits. Itis arguedthat the Klan these goals,and that muchof the Klan's energy to religious themes.This strategy centerson the useof the insightsof Perelmanand study incorporates persuasive techniquesto Olbrechts-Tyteca(1969) on in which theKlan attempts to illustrate the ways values, and associate itselfwith religiousinstitutions, at the sametime, dissociatingminorities figures, while, Before discussingthese from anythingreligious. the previousresearchinvestigating concepts,however, and racistbeliefsare relationshipbetween religious reviewed. and Racism Researchonthe KKK,Religiosity courageous They numberinthe thousands,this band, God go withthem, the KuKlux Klan. Gallant menthese,tried and true, livesto protect meand you. Dedicating their Niggers, andJews, Now listen youCommunists, and Tell all yourbuddies to spreadthe news, judgment will soonbe nigh, Your day of from on high. As the Lordin His wisdomlooks down Will the battlebe lost?Never! I say, For the KuKlux Klan ishere to stay!!!

BEST COPY AVAILABLE Give Me That Old Time Religion 5 To those familiar with the history of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the racist elements of the above verse (widely distributedthroughout Mississippiinthe 1960's) should come as no surprise. Moreover, since the ideology of the KKK was deliberately intertwined with aspects of the Protestant faith (Wade, 1987), the religious dimensions of the verse should also be expected. However, what should interest to the scholar isthatsuch communication contains seemingly contradictory themes(i.e.,themes of religionand racism). To be sure, scholars in the fields of religion and sociology have argued thatracist attitudesare antitheticaltothe teachings of the Christianreligion (excellent discussions of this topic can be found in Davies, 1988, and Jones, 1973).For example, Oldham (1969)assertedthatthe Christian religion promotes dedication tothe service of one's fellow men which is contrary toa racist ideology. Siebert (1982) maintained that theology stresses a fundamental equality of all men and women which should be used to battle,rather than encourage, racism. Finally, Wallis (1987) argued:

Inspiritual and biblical terms, racism isa perverse sin that cuts to the core of the gospel message. Put simply, racism negatesthe reason for which Christ died, the reconciling work of the cross. It denies the purpose of the church: to bring together,inChrist,those who have

been divided from one another . . . (p.16).

For several decades,socialscientists have examined the ways in which humans attempt to cope when holding two or more such contradictorybeliefs or attitudes (seeFestinger,1957; Heider,1946). Perhaps the best known perspective explaining such attemptsis Festinger's (1957) Cognitive Dissonance Theory. Festinger arguedthat when conditionsarisewhich bringaboutinconsistenciesinhuman-beings' attitudes,people experiencean unpleasantstate known asdissonance. Because dissonance isunpleasant, Festinger arguedthatindividualstrytoreduceiteither 6 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

byalteringtheattitudesproducing the dissonance or by rationalizingthe contradictions sothattheattitudes no longer appear at odds. Consistent with thisnotion,a considerable body of research indicatesthat people are capable of holding both racist and religious beliefs (Allport,1966; Allport & Ross, 1967; Batson, 1976; Feagin, 1964; Hoge & Carroll, 1973; Griffin, 1987; Kahoe, 1977).In fact, such research suggestsastrongpositivecorrelation between religiosity and racism (Batson, Flink, & Schoinrade, 1986; Donahue, 1985). If these findingsare accurate,they suggest that messages with religious themes might be appealingto those with racist attitudes (as long as they are not perceived inconsistent with suchattitudes). What becomes of interest,therefore,isnot whether people are able to hold or rationalize two apparently contradictorybeliefs, but rather, howsuch beliefsare intertwinedforthepurpose of warranting harmful behaviorsand/orconstructingpositiveimages. However, althougha substantial amount of scholarly work focusing on the Ku Klux Klan has been generated (see Frost, 1969; Fry, 1969; Jackson, 1967; Lowe, 1967; Trelease, 1971; Wade, 1987), little of this work containssubstantive discussions of thereligious aspects of the Klan or a systematic examination of the Klan'sreligiousrhetoric.'This study, therefore, attemptstocontributetosuch an understanding by examining the way inwhich theKlan's communication functionstopromote racism and rationalize discrimination. The next section describes the analytic strategyforconductingsuchresearch. Methodology According to Barzun and Graff (1985), the scholarly search' for patternsisvalidated becauseit permits. meaning to be attached toa group of otherwise disconnectedfacts. Moreover, several scholars have argued that an organization (e.g.,the Klan) can best be understoodbyidentifyingpatterns,meanings,and/or

8 Give Me That Old Time Religion 7 themesintheorganization'scommunication (Bantz. 1993; Berg, 1989; Fetterman, 1989). With thisin mind, there were three stages of investigation undertakeninthisstudy. First, specimens of Ku Klux Klan rhetoricthat manifest religious and racist themes were collected from a large sample of published material(e.g.,books, journals, magazines, newspapers). Second, the materials collected were read and representative examples of suchracist/religiousrhetoricwere extractedfor further investigation. Finally,to make sense of these statements,theKlan's communication was examined for distinguishingcharacteristicsandrecurringpatterns, and, based on these characteristicsand patterns, were sortedintocategories. The examination suggested that the Ku Klux Klan's messages might be classified into four different categories which were labeled messages of association, messages of dissociation, messages ofcontradiction, and warranting messages. A discussion of these categories and the ways in which they function rhetorically follows. The ReligiousRhetoric of the Ku Klux Klan Messages of Association Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969) notedthat there exist a number of techniques that a speaker can use when attempting togain adherence from an audience. They referto one grouping of persuasive strategiesastechniques of liaison.When using such techniques,a speaker attemptstoestablish an association between astartingpoint of argument and his or her thesis. With regard to the present study,itisclear that the Ku Klux Klan has used such associative techniques. These types of messages can be considered associative because they attempt to connect or identify the racist Klan with widely accepted precepts of the Christian religion. An examination of such messages revealed that they could be subcategorized based on the function 8 CarolinasCommunication Annual that they servefor the Klan.Specifically, such Klan's messagesfunction toeither increase the respectability or tojustify the Klan'sracist actions. First,several of the Klan'sassociative' messages toincrease the Klan'srespectability. That functioned Christianity, the is, by aligning theorganization with Klan attempts toportray itself asdevoted to religious values. For example,William Simmons,twentieth century Klan'sfounder andfirstImperial Wizard, explained that he wasinspired to organizethe new Klan after receiving asign from God inthe form of clouds whichawakened his memoriesof the old Reconstructionist Klan(Lowe, 1967). Similarly,it was a practice for maskedmembers of the Klan to common march appearunannouncedatlocalchurchservices, silently down theaisles, congregate infront of the pulpit topresent largedonations tothe minister, and march out singingthe popular hymn"Onward Christian Soldiers"(Chalmers, 1981;Jackson, 1967). In addition to suchexplicit attempts to createthe impression ofreligiousness,the Klan is known to surround itself with aplethora of slightly moresubtle religious symbols tofoster the sameimpression. For prayers, instance,monthly chaptermeetingsinclude hymns, an alter withthe Bible opened toRomans XII (the guide toChristianliving),and an unsheathed symbolizes thefightfor Christian sword (which frequently burned life)(Gerlach,1982). Klan members according to Klanspokesperson alarge cross which, Christian David Duke,"was a symbol of theideals of the truth and the lightof our religion . . . It represents the sacred doctrine"(Thompson, 1982, p.150). Additionally, new Klanmembers are indoctrinatedintothe Klan with and end with phrasessuch as"In the oaths that begin "I presence ofGod," "So help meGod, Amen," and believe in God andin the tenets ofthe Christian religion"(Fry,1969). One final means bywhich the Ku KluxKlan religious image wasby using ministersas bolsteredits 1981). theorganization'snationallecturers(Chalmers, These minister's messagesoften condonedthe Klan's activities and praisedthe Klan's dedicationtothe 10 Give Me That Old Time Religion 9

Christian religion. For example,ina sermon entitled "Is the KKK a Menace to our American- Institutions?." Baptist minister Reverend Dr. Garrison said on October 7,1923, "Christ isthe Klan's Criterion character" (Gerlach,1982). What isclear,then,itthat ministers such as Garrison promoted theKlan'srespectability by illustratingthe closeassociationof organization with the Protestant religion.As Goldberg (1981) argued: The Invisible Empire rose to power with the aid of ministers from all denominations whoturnedtheirchurches intoKlansanctuariesandrecruiting camps. These ministers served the realm of allleadership levels and willingly bestowedtheirbenedictions upon the fiery cross . . . They gave the Klan its aura of religious respectability. (p.188)

Inadditiontoassociating themselves with the Christianreligiontopromote theirrespectability,a second type of associative message used by the Klan attempts to justify the Klan's racist or illegalactions by arguing thata religious figure(e.g.,Jesus) would have engaged inthe same actionsif given the opportunity to do so.For example, while responding in a sermon to questions which were intended toattack the Klan (e.g., "What would Jesus say about the KKK?" and "Would Jesus accept the KKK's money?"), a St. Louis minister concluded that Jesus would not have only supported the Klan's actions, but would have been a Klansman Himself (Chalmers,1981). Similarly,in January of 1923, Reverend Dr.Hubert Knickerbocker defended the Klan'sillegalactions toward racialminoritiesina sermon at Trinity Methodist Church in El Paso when he argued: Justice may sometimes berightfully administered outside the law.Jesus Christ did this when He took the cat o' nine tails and drove the thieves and money changers from the temple . . . In this 11 10 CarolinasCommunication Annual respect, He was the first Ku Klux Klansman (Lay, 1985, p.,105) Such associative messages, then, implied that if Jesus was a Klansmen and engaged insimilar behaviors as Klansmen,then Klansmen must be respectable and theirbehaviors must be noble. Messages of Dissociation In addition to discussing liaison asa persuasive technique,Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969) argued that speakers can usetechniques of dissociation to gain adherence from anaudience. When a speaker uses a techniqueof dissociation, he or she attempts to separate two ideas or eventsin order to avoid inconsistency. Examination of the KKK's communication inthe present study indicatedthat dissociative techniques are used toexclude blacks and other minorities from the teachingsof the Christian religion. With such techniques, the Klan triesto make theirdiscriminatorybehaviorsappearconsistentwith the teachings of their religion. Indeed,if Klansmen and their racial enemies are seen asequal in God's eyes, discriminatory behavior bythe Klan toward such groups seems contrarytothe Klan's religiousbeliefs. This study revealed that the Ku KluxKlan's use of such messages are common.For example, after the lynching of a Jewish man by the Klan in1964, Imperial Wizard Samuel Bowers was heard to exult,"This is the firsttime in historythat Christians have carried out the execution of a Jew!" (Whitehead,1970, p.143). Thus, Bowers emphasized the point that theJewish people were responsible for Christ's death. Similarly, David Duke, a spokesman for the Ku KluxKlan, attempted todissociate Jews from Jesus when heargued, "It says in the Bible that Jesus spoke unto theJews.If He was a Jew,it would say that Jesus spoke unto his people" (Thompson, 1982, p.105). It appears, then,that the Klan attempts to dissociateitsracial enemies from the Christianreligion inorderto make their own discriminatorybehaviors

1.2 Give Me That Old Time Religion 11 seem less inconsistent.By doing so, the Ku Klux Klan maintainsan ethnocentricreligionwhich not only excludes Blacks and Jews, but also condones racial discrimination. Messages of Contradiction A third type of message identified inthis study is characterized by contradiction. This category representsmessages which simply containboth religious and racist features.In other words, religious. and racist messages inthis category do not support or justify one another, they simply occur together in the same message. One example of such contradictory messages was found on a poster distributed by the Klan in1967. The poster listed twenty reasons for why people should join the organization. In additiontoassertingthat people should support the Klan because itisa Christian, fraternaland benevolent organizationandbecausethe goals of the KKK are the total segregation of the races, the poster read: We do not accept Turks, Mongols, Tartars, Orientals, Negroes, nor any other person whose nature background orcultureis foreign tothe Anglo-Saxon system of government by responsible, FREE, individualcitizens...If you area Christian, American Anglo-Saxon who can understand the simple truth of this philosophy, you belong inthe White Knights of the KU KLUX KLAN of Mississippi.. We need your help right away.Get your Bible out and PRAY! (cited in Whitehead, 1970, pp. 27-28). Examples of such contradictory messages can also be found in other written materials.For instance, the Klansman's Kreed required Klansmentopledge support for both the Christian religion andthe pursuit of white supremacy (Frost,1969; Wade, 1987). In 12 CarolinasCommunication Annual addition,inpart of a mimeographed publication which was distributedat the Neshoba County Fair (an annual political and agricultural event) in August of 1964 by members of the Klan, a message said: The White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan isfirst and foremost a Christian organization.We have no intention of persecuting anyone.As Christians we are humbly obedient to the will of AlmightyGod, and we recognize the fact that the black man is one ofHis creatures, and is,therefore under His protection. This Divine Protection does not, however, extendto social equality and integration with the white man.(citedin Whitehead, 1970, p.144) While such contradictory messages may not seem tocarry much persuasiveforce,Gerlach (1982) reported that many people were attractedtothe Klan simply because of itsChristian and white supremacist beliefs. Thus, for some individuals, the above types of messages may havebeen persuasive despitetheir inherentcontradictions. The observationof such contradictoryrhetoric may also besignificantinthatitvalidates research citedearlier. First,instances of such contradictory rhetoric provide ahistoricalvalidation of social scientificresearch which foundthatreligiousand racist attitudes can be positively associatedwith one another. Moreover, examples of such rhetoric are also of interest because they show thatitis possible for humanstomanifest contradictionsintheirattitudes while apparentlynotrecognizingthatsuch contradictionsexist. WarrantingMessages The final category of Ku Klux Klan messages identifiedinthisinvestigationarewarranting messages. As with the contradictory messages just discussed,warrantingmessagescontainbothreligious and racistfeatures. However, warranting messages differfrom contradictory messages becausetheir religious elements are used to justifytheirracist elements. In other words,thewarranting messages 14 Give Me That Old Time Religion 13 found inthis -study argued that racismisacceptable or necessary because the scripturesor God Himself condonesit. Two subtypes of warranting messages wereidentified. The first subtypeischaracterized by messages which claim divine support for racism but offer no evidence to back such claims.For example, Imperial Wizard H. W. Evans said in an interview with author S. Frost (1969), "As to the Negro, America must face the factthat God Almighty never intended equality for Negro and white man" (p.105). Other examples are as follows--From the Ku Klux Kreed: We avow the distinction between the races of man as decreed by the Creator, and we shall ever be true to the maintenance of White Supremacy andstrenuously oppose any compromise thereof (citedinFrost, 1969, p. 95)

Ina message delivered by Klansman Reverend Roy Wood le during an interview in September of 1965:

Now do you think the childrenis(sic) brought up to mix the black and white together? Do you know your horse won't mix with your cow?Your dog won't mix with your hog? And you tell me white people has got a mind and can't think no clearer than that? Listenfriend, we need to turn to God. We need to wake up with God (cited in Lowe, 1967, p. 56). And inan announcement made by a Klansman at an Atlanta meeting on November1,1948: Reverend H.,an old railroad engineer, made a long talk on a visit he had with Senator Russell, who promised that he would have congress pass Federal laws to prohibitintermarriagebetweenblacks 15 14 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual and whites.H. made a religious talk that in God's sight itis no sin to kill a nigger, for a nigger is nothing more than a dog or beast. (cited in Chalmers, 1981, p. 330) As can clearly be seen, each of these messages advanced the idea that racism was justified because God demanded or condoned it.Of course, none of the messages offered evidencetosupport their claims. The second subtype of warranting message identifiedisrepresented by messages which claim divine support for racism inadditiontooffering evidence for such claims.One example of this type of message was deliveredin May of 1965 by Defense Attorney Matt Murphy Jr.duringatrialaccusing Klan members of a racial murder.Murphy appealed to prejudice by describing blacksas descendants of Ham, the son of Noah: Noah damned 'em and God himself in His high seat damned 'em and said that they were damned people...They were Hamites...and later went to Africa where the black man came from.The African, the nigger, who lived there by the ruleof tooth and claw for,lo,these many three thousandyears,and neverbuiltanything except a straw but covered withmud. God says this.It is God's law.He says that no raceshallintermarrywiththe descendants of Ham. (citedin Whitehead, 1970, pp. 309-310) Another example of such messages occurredin 1948 when Imperial Wizard Dr. Samuel Greensaid at a rallyin Mason, Georgia: We don't hate the Negro.God made him black and He made us white and youwill find thislaid out in the Eleventh Chapter of Genesis, in which He segregatedthe races. And we, knowing that for five 16 Give Me That Old Time Religion 15 thousand years the white man has been the supreme race, we, the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, intend to keep it the white race. (cited in Lowe,1967, pp. 70-71) While the above quotations make it clear that the Ku Klux Klan's rhetoricischaracterized,inpart, by messages which offeredreligiousevidenceforthe acceptability of a racist ideology,it should be noted that the Klan is known for basing its policies on a misinterpretation of the Bible (Katz,1987). However, thefactthat such misinterpretationsare so prominent isrevealing becauseitindicates the degree to which the Klan attemptstorationalizeitsracist philosophy. Perhaps the most interestingfindingto emerge from thislast category of messages isthatit extends what was previouslyreported concerning humans'capacityto hold two contradictoryattitudes. Specifically,while prior research has shown that humans are capable of holdingandrationalizingcontradictoryattitudes,this investigation has shown that humans may also use an attitude or belief to reinforce or warrant a contradictory belief orattitude. Stated differently,it appears as if members of theKu Klux Klan not only heldcontradictoryracist and religiousattitudes simultaneously,theyattemptedtouse contradicting attitudestostrengthentheir own and others'adherence tothose attitudes. SummaryandConclusions The Ku Klux Klan has been extremelypowerful during the twentieth century fora number of reasons. Historian R. A Goldberg (1981) argued that"The Klan offereda program ofAmericanism, militant Protestantism,fraternity,order,religiousintolerance, and racialpurity-a plethora of causes from which to choose" (pp.10-11). While these and many other factors were probably responsible forthe success of the Ku Klux Klan,thisinvestigation focused exclusively on the Klan's religiousrhetoric. That is,this investigationdemonstratedthatthereligiousrhetoric 16 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual of the 'Ku Klux Klan takes many formsin addition to servingseveralfunctionsfortheorganization. First,it was found that the Klan uses messages which attempt toassociate itself with the Christian religion in order to increaseitsrespectability or to make itsactions seem more acceptable.Second, the Klan uses messages which attempt todissociate itsracial enemies with the Christian religionin order to avoid the appearance of inconsistency. Finally,the Ku Klux Klan not only manifests messageswhich contain contradictory religious and racistelements, but also uses religiouselements of itsmessages to warrant or justify theracist ones. While the rhetorical categories of this study indicate the number of ways in whichthe Ku Klux Klan uses religious themes toitsbenefit, they leave unansweredquestionsconcerningwhyreligious themes would be effective whenintertwined withracist ones. One answer to this question mightbe provided by research inthe area of persuasion and personality. As noted earlier, research indicatesastrong positive correlation betweenreligiosityand racism(Batson, Flink, & Schoinrade, 1986; Donahue,1985). What is the factor underlying this correlation? Itispossible that individualswithauthoritarianpersonalitieswouldbe attractedto both religious messagesand the racism of the Klan. Indeed,authoritariansare characterized not only by faith in and obedience toauthority, but also by anintolerancefor members of out-groups (Adorno, 1964). Moreover, authoritarians are lesslikely to be persuaded by the merit of an idea thanthey are by the authorityfigure presentingtheidea (Rohrer & Sherif, 1951).Thus, to the extent that the Klan iscomposed of authoritarian individuals, and tothe extent thatitcan associateitself withthe authority of a religiousfigure, the Klan can expect unquestioningobedience toits racistideals. Future research should examine the plausibilityofthisexplanation. Cognitive Dissonance Theory (Festinger,1957) providesa second explanationfor why messages with religious themes would so effectively servethe Ku Klux Klan. For example, a person who treats membersof an 18 Give Me That Old Time Religion 17 out-group unfairly but who also believesinbeing kind would presumably experience dissonance unless he or she could rationalize the unfair behavior. Clearly, dehumanizing or blaming_ out-groupswith messages of dissociation would serve this purpose well. Moreover, warranting messages (see above) should be especially effectivesince,by providingreligious"proofs," regardless of how weak those proofs are, they make racism seem consistent with religious teachings. Thus, what becomes of interestisnot whether people are able torationalize two apparently contradictorybeliefs,but rather, how such beliefsare intertwined for the purposeof warrantingharmfulbehaviors. With thisin mind, the present study extends whatiscurrently known concerning humans'ability to make prejudice,discrimination, and religiosity apparently consistent and rational. Ithas attemptedto fillgapsinexistinghistoricalliteratureconcerning the role of religion in the rhetoric of theKu Klux Klan. Yet, the author realizes that the Ku Klux Klan representsonly one historicalgroup which has attempted to justifyitsracistattitudes and unfair behaviors with the use of religious messages (the Crusaders and Nazis also used religious themes to justify their behaviors). Thus,itis hoped that this investigationhasestablishedthe groundwork upon which future research on relatedtopics can be based. Finally,itisthe author's opinion that when we become aware of persuasive tactics, we areless likely to fall victim to them. Clearly,in a time where advances intechnology and communication requirethat we appreciatediversity and build community, we cannot affordto become victims of tactics promotingracism and intolerance. Itis,therefore, hoped that by exposing some of the tactics by which racism is promoted, thatthisstudy has worked toward dampening theirappeal. 18 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual Notes

When religionis discussed in prior literature,it isbasically directed toward the Klan's' conflicts with the Catholic church, the degree to which the Klan abided by the Protestant faith, or the major role that Protestant ministers playedinthe Klan's growth by servingasspokesmen.

References

Adorno, T. W.(1964). The authoritarian personality. New York:Wiley. Allport, G. W. (1966).The religious context of prejudice. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 5, 447-457. Allport, G. W., & Ross, J. M. (1967).Personal religious orientationandprejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 432-443. Bantz, C. R. (1993).Understandingorganizations: Interpretingorganizationalcommunication cultures.Columbia, SC:University of South CarolinaPress. Barzun, J., & Graff, H. F.(1985).The modern researcher (4th ed.).San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,Publishers. Batson, C. D. (1976).Religion as prosocial: Agent or double agent?Journalfor the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 15, 29-45. Batson, C. D., Flink, C. H., & Schoinrade, P. A.(1986). Religiousorientationand overtversuscovert racial prejudice.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50, 175-181. Berg, B. L.(1989). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences.Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Bitzer, L.(1968).The rhetorical situation.Philosophy and Rhetoric,1,1-14. 20 Give Me That Old Time Religion 19 Chalmers, D. M. (1965).Flooded Americanism: The first century of the Ku Klux Klan. New York: Doubleday. Davies, A. (1988). Infected Christianity: A study' of modern racism.Montreal: Mc Gil Queen's UniversityPress. Donahue, M.J.(1985). Intrinsic and extrinsic religiousness: Review and meta analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 48, 400-419. Feagin, J. R. (1964).Prejudice and religious types: A focused study of Southern fundamentalists. Journal for the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 4, 3-13. Festinger, L.(1957).A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress. Fetterman, D. M.(1989).Ethnography:Step by step. Newbury Park, CA:Sage. Frost, S.(1969).The challenge of the Klan. New York: NegroUniversitiesPress. Fry, H. P. (1969).The modern Ku Klux Klan: A bibliography. Westport, Conn.: Greenswood Press. Gerlach, L. R. (1982).Blazing crosses in Zion: The Ku Klux Klan in Utah.Logan, Utah: Utah State UniversityPress. Goldberg, R. A. (1981).Hooded empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Colorado.Chicago: University of Illinois Press Griffin, G. A. (1987).A cross cultural investigation of religiousorientation,socialnorms,and prejudice. Journal for theScientific Study of Religion, 26, 358-365. Heider, F.(1946). Attitudes and cognitive organization. Journal of Personality, 21,107-112. Hoge, D. R., & Carroll, J. W. (1973).Religiosity and prejudiceinNorthernand Southernchurches. Journal for the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 12, 181 -197. Jackson, K. T. (1967).The Ku Klux Klan in the City: 1915-1930.New York:Oxford University Press. Jones, W. R. (1973).Is God a white racist? A preamble to blacktheology. New York: Anchor Press. 21 20 CarolinasCommunication Annual Kahoe, R. D. (1977).Religious conservatism in a quasi- longitudinalperspective.Journal of Psychology and Theology, 5, 40747. Katz, W. L. (1987).The invisible empire:The Ku Klux Klan impact on history.Seattle, WA:Openhand PublishingInc. Lay, S. (1985).War, revolution and the Ku Klux Klan: A study of intolerance in a border city.El Paso, TX: Texas Western Press. Lowe, P.(1967). Ku Klux Klan: The invisible empire. New York:W. W. Norton. Oldham, J. H. (1969).Christianity and the race problem. New York:Negro Universities Press. Perelman, C., & Olbrechts-Tyteca, L. (1969).The new rhetoric: A treatise on argumentation (J. Wilkonson & P. Weaver Trans.). London: University of Notre Dame Press. Rohrer, J. H., & Sherif, M.(1951).Social psychology at the crossroads.New York: Harper & Row, Publishers. Seltzer, R., & Lopes, G. M.(1986).The Ku Klux Klan: Reasons for support or opposition amongwhite respondents.Journal of Black Studies,17, 91-109. Siebert, R. (1982).The phenomenon of racism.In G. Baum & J. Coleman (Eds.)The church and racism (pp. 3-10).New York, The Seabury Press. Thompson, J. (1962). My life in the Klan.New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Trelease, A. W. (1971).White terror: The Ku Klux Klan conspiracyand Southernreconstruction.New York: Harper and Row. Wade, W. C. (1987).The fiery cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America. London: Simon and Schuster. Wallis,J.(1987, November). America's original sin: The legacy of white racism. Sojourners,16, 14-17. Whitehead, D. (1970).Attack on terror:The FBI against the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi.New York:Funk & Wagnall's. The Three Stooges versus the Third Reich

Roy Schwartzman'

T his study serves primarily tofulfillthe need to investigate"recurringsocialconditions for which rhetoric in the comic frame isthe only sensible response" (Christiansen and Hansen,1996,p.167). Extending thisobjective,the central purpose of the essayisthreefold: 1.to clarify how comedy can serve as political argument; 2.toelucidate the rhetorical advantages of comic responsestopoliticaloppression and socialinjustice; 3.to evaluate the capacity of humor to instigate socialchange. Humor becomes a controversial issue when itis recognizedaspotentiallysubversive,enticing audiencestotake positions they might not have endorsed willingly without the comedic impetus (Morris, 1987, pp. 464-465).To illustrate how humor can address and perhaps helptorectifyinjustice, severalshort featuresstarringthe Three Stooges will be analyzed.In four of these films, the Stooges impersonated Hitler, Goring, and Goebbels(You Nazty Spy, 1940; I'll Never Heil Again, 1941; They Stooge to Conga, 1943; Back from the Front, 1943).The artifacts areespeciallysignificant because they were parodies, crafted and performed by Jews,attacking Nazi Germany. As a Jewish public response to the anti- Semitic Nazi regime, the films offer an example of how marginalized populations can use humor toengage in politicalstatementsthat might be suppressedif delivered more overtlyorattempted through more conventionalpoliticalchannels. Morlan (1994) argues that the Three Stooges' comedic ripostesto Nazi Germany qualify them as "major and originalcontributorstofilm propagating an anti-Nazi sentiment" (p.30). The first of these efforts, a short titled You Nazty Spy, was released on19 January1940, predating Chaplin's The Great Dictator by 22 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual nine months (Morlan,1994). Moe Howard, therefore, became thefirst film actor to perform _ a satirical impersonation of Hitler. Moe, as well as director Jules White, furthermore claimed that You NaztySpy was their favorite of all the 190 shortfeatures the Stooges made for Columbia (Morlan, 1994;Forrester,1981). Forrester (1981)addsthatthe thoroughgoing political parody of You Nazty Spy marks it as one ofthe best all- around comedies the Three Stoogesperformed intheir career. Brunette (1991) classifies the Three Stooges as postmodern comedians becausetheirviolentslapstick has no referent aside from itseffacement of rational order. He claims that their consistent disruptionof high society functions shows that theStooges eroded the very concept of rule-governedbehavior. These contentions, however,failtoaccount for the systematic and very specific social criticismsthat appear inthe spoofs of Nazi Germany.Although the usual slapstick always emerges,allusions and word play render these three features more than portrayalsof a disintegration of social classes.The Stooges are unmistakable versions of the major political players in NaziGermany. Moe plays Hitler, complete with a mustache thatfirst appears whenaccidentally smears paint under his nose (You Navy Spy).Portly Curly assumes the role of Field Marshall Herring (Goring). Larry becomes the Minister of Propaganda (Goebbels).The team rules the land of Moronica, which bears theseal "Moronica fiber alles"(I'll Never Heil Again).To classify these referencesassimply breakdowns of signification totally misses their politicalfunction. Aside from the impersonations,other Stooge filmsaddressed war- related issues.The Yokes on Me (1944) turns to the Pacificfront,with Japanese escapees from an internment camp portrayedinastereotypicallyracist manner.No Dough Boys (1944) continues the anti- Japanese caricatures,with the Stooges playing Naki, Saki, and Waki, three Japanese spies.G.I. Wanna Home (1946) dealt with the problems of returningsoldiers,as the discharged Stooges return home tofind that they have no possessions and no housingisavailable for 24 The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 23 them. In every case, the films addressed current social issues either by minimizing the perceived threat ofthe enemy or by drawinghumorous consequences from troublesomesituations(espionageand housing shortages). ComedyasPoliticalArgument

Ihave referredtothe "comic frame" already, andthisterminology requiresclarification. The concept of comic and tragicframes was introduced by Kenneth Burke (1959/1984) and has since been elaborated by many rhetoricalcritics. A useful way to understand framesistoconfigure them as strategiesfor living and coming to terms with the world. . . . The tragic and comic framesareinterpretativedevicesfor lending meaning topersonal and collective human experience by arrangingeventsintoacoherent system of signs.As such, they serve as resources fortheinvention of argumentsthat enable peopletoexplain otherwise terrifyingor anomalous eventsand incorporate them intoastructure of meaning. (O'Leary, 1993, p. 416). The comic and tragic frames approachthe creation of meaning differently. The tragic frame typically identifiesa scapegoat thatacquires the blame for some ill. The object of ridicule is symbolically cast out or destroyed to rid society of evil.Tragedy therefore encouragesanattitudeof confrontation and victimage, pittingsociety against an opponent that mustbe defeated for history to runitscourse. The comic frame, bycontrast,revealstheinherent imperfectionsin everyone,althoughthoseimperfectionsaremagnified inthe object of criticism.Whoever or whatever receivescriticism within the comic frameisrendered as a clown, a magnifiedversion of flaws that can be identifiedin one's self.Within the comic frame, reconciliationand reformation of the clown areviable 24 CarolinasCommunication Annual options. Sdch rapprochements with a scapegoat would be inconceivableinthetragic frame _because society must distanceitself from evilrather than embrace its shortcomings. Other prominent features of the comic and tragic frames may be displayed comparatively. Component TragicFrame Comic Frame Object of Scapegoat Clown .criticism Reasonfor Evil nature of the,Errors of the criticism scapegoat clown Means of redressSacrifice Attempt torectify (symbolically those who have kill)thevictim goneastray Philosophyof Retributive Reformative justice The precedinginventory,while presentedintabular form, should not bifurcate the comic and tragic frames. The same artifact or situation can be interpreted tragicallyor comically, depending on the aspectsan interpreter emphasizes (O'Leary,1993,p.391). Elements of tragedy and comedy surface ina wide variety of narratives,and "pure" tragedy or comedy may exist only as"ideal types" manifested in varying degrees _(O'Leary, 1993, p. 392). The Three Stooges'satires, while humorous, do not fit neatly into the comic frame.For example, itis difficulttoidentifyaspiritualqualityinthe short features. There isno apparent "unifying force"that would constitute the viewers asa body capable of effecting social change (Carlson, 1986, p. 452).On the other hand, the Stooge shorts do restore confidencein human agency to ameliorate social problems. The comic frametypicallyhighlights human choice,the potentialtorectifyrather than merely submit toevents (O'Leary, 1993, p. 414). In broadest terms,a closer examination ofThree Stooges films sheds light on the roles played bycomic frames and tragic frames as ways to approachhuman The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 25 conduct. The issue has more than taxonomic interest. A better understanding of comic and tragicframes might elucidate the conditionsthat permit resolution of problems through peaceful,humorous means insteadof violence (Carlson, 1988, p. 310).This substitution of comic censure for violence asa means of redressing socialills seems to motivate Burke's cryptic comment that humanity's "only hope isa cult of comedy" (1966, p.20n). The films of the Three Stooges employ some elements of the comic frame, although the preponderance of violence might bringthefilms closer to tragedy.Humor, so essential to the Three Stooges corpus, represents only one way of enacting comedy. A comic frame may be embraced wholeheartedly by meansotherthanattempting laughter. For example, one could approach cataclysmic events withthe optimistic outlook that everythingwill turn out well in the end.The Three Stooges did rely on humor, althoughinthefilms under consideration they explored humorous sides of serious social issues. To understand how the Three Stooges fosteredsocial criticism,itisimportant toclarifytheir brand of humor. Literarycriticshave devoted much attentionto categorizing the varieties of humor. The humor of the Three Stooges qualifies as a variety of satire. According to Highet (1962), satireisa narrative that "wishes to expose and criticize and shame human life,butit pretendstotellthe whole truth and nothing but the truth" (p.158). As for the precise type of satire, the wartime features of the Stooges move closer to burlesque thantofarce because they portraycertain aspects of lifeas patently absurd (e.g., Nazi political leaders and,unfortunately,allJapanese). Much of their work does become farcical becauseitis designed tostimulate laughteratthe expense of narrative coherence. Presumably thiswork, admittedly much of Three Stooges comedy, is what Brunette (1991) had in mind when he describedtheir humor asanti-rational. The war-era parodies, on the other hand,targeted 26 CarolinasCommunication Annual specific people, populations,and practicesas undesirable. The caricatures of Hitler,Goebbels, and Goring display many featuresassociated with burlesque. Itis not surprising,therefore,that vaudevilleactssuch as those performed bythe Stooges early in their career were known as"burlesques."Carlson (1988, p. 317) remarksthatburlesquerepresentsa more aggressive version of satire,reducing the object of criticism to an absurd clown whodeserves no sympathy.The clowns in burlesque apparentlyare beyondreform and are cast as outsiders,thus reversing their 'rolesfrom victimizerstovictims. Burlesque, more than other types of comedy,approaches the oppositionalattitude and victimageassociated with the tragicframe. In the satiresdirected against NaziGermany, the Stooges carry conventionsbeyond theirlogical extreme,tothe point that theconventions actually acquire connotationsopposite from thoseoriginally intended.Curly, as Field MarshallHerring, is so obsessed with militarydecorations that he wearsmedals all over his body.The German penchant fororder, ordinarily considered avirtue, leads totheir demise.in Higher Than a Kite(1943), Field Marshal Bommel(a clear referenceto Rommel, the centerof attentionin the North Africacampaign) becomes sopreoccupied with saluting the photoof Hitler stuck to the seatof Curly's pants that heallows Curly to escape. RhetoricalStrategiesofComedy Placing criticisms of theNazi regime ina humorous light allowed theStooges to escape the scrutiny of isolationistpoliticians eagertoridicule or suppress filmsthat made politicalstatements (Morlan, 1994).Short features such as YouNazty Spy, however, did not escape publicattention. Since short subjects could play simultaneously aspreviewstoseveral different movies, theStooges shorts had wider distribution than featurefilms of the time. Bypassing institutionalchannelsforpoliticalcommentary,the Three Stooges took their casedirectlyto the public. 28 The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 27

Imention the "case" of satirical comedy intentionallytohighlight how comedy can functionas argument. Justas an illustration becomes acaricature by exaggerating prominent features,so does dramatic parody amplify character traitstothe point of absurdity. Burlesque especially operates on the principle of the reductio ad absurdum.The clown's habits,purportedvirtues,andvery appearance become vices. Moe, portraying Hitler, refers to his mustache as "my personality," and he loseshischarismatic leadershipability when hisfalse mustacheisremoved. Moe, again impersonating Hitler in You Nazty Spy, also revealstheselfishunderpinnings of the supposedly altruistic Lebensraum doctrine:"Moronica must expand. We must extend our neighbors a helping hand; we will extend them two helping hands, and help ourselvestoour neighbors!" Behaviors are exaggerated sothatthey become disproportionateto theirmotivations,therebyappearingirrationaland ridiculous(Bostdorff,1987). Perelman and Olberchts-Tyteca (1969) definethe ridiculousaswhatevermerits"exclusive laughter," presumablylaughterpa rather than laughter with, as a response (p.205). Exclusive laughter offersa social sanction against the object of ridicule, "a way of condemning eccentric behavior whichisnot deemed sufficiently important or dangeroustobe repressed by more violent means" (PerelmanandOlbrechts-Tyteca, 1969, pp. 205-206).Since America of 1940 still was officiallyneutral and since isolationism was a popular politicalstance,direct advocacy of military involvement stoodlittle chance of success.The reductio allowed ostracism of Hitler and the Nazi regime without declaringapoliticalposition. Christiansen and Hansen (1996) contendthat while comedy and tragedy may address the same subject matter, comedy invests those who view or participatein itwith more potential for action.While the tragic hero isa victim whose suffering purges and reforms the audience,a comic frame transformsactorsintoagents. Comedy specifically empowers audiencesasagents of 28 CarolinasCommunication Annual social change becauseit"attempts to shame or humiliate thetargetinto changing hisor ,heractions. The comic frame offers hope tosociety because the efficacy of human agency, reason,and community are affirmed" (Christiansen and Hansen,1996, p.160). The target inthis caseisthe audience who perhaps "eventuallywillrecognizetheirsharedsocial identifications andwillrespond ina moral manner" (Christiansen and Hansen, 1996,p.160). More generally, placing social issueswithin a comic frame redefinestherhetoricalresources availabletoshape and cope with reality.While a tragic frame emphasizes mutually exclusive oppositionbetweentheaudience and the object ofcriticism, a comic frame allows more relational possibilities. The logical extension of tragedy's identification of a scapegoatis,as Burke (1973) observes, sacrifice of the scapegoat to purge guilt. The comic frame broadens thepossibilitiesto encompass everythingfrom ostracizingtoobjectof criticism to rejoiningitso that critic andcriticized are reintegratedintosociety. ComedyandEmpowerment The Stooge films,like many other popular cultureartifacts suchassupermarket tabloids (Glynn, 1993),never articulateanalternativesocial agenda. They do, however, contributetoa de-naturalizationof establishedorder,fueling doubts about the invincibility of powers such as the Axisin World War II. Perhaps the major positive impactof the Three Stooges was to disrupt social conventionsenough to allow a space for resistance to emerge.They Stooge to Conga (1943) illustrates how comedy canoffer a perception of empowerment toaudiences who have littleaccesstoofficialpolitical channels. Despite their utter incompetence, the Stoogesbust a Nazi sabotage ring and sink a U-boat.By showing the Nazis as vulnerabletoeventhemostineptcounterintelligence, optimism about the war effort can grow.After all,if the bumbling Stooges can strikea blow against Germany, so much the easieritwill be for trained 30 The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 29 soldiers to defeat the enemy.Notice, however, that the film operates on perceptions. Although -itdepicts a victory against the Axis, They Stooge to Conga fails to offerthe ordinarycivilianspecific optionsfortaking decisive action.This limitation isnot unique tothis particularfilm. Elliott (1960) identifies the lack of concrete solutions to social problems as endemic to satire as a genre. Satirists confront socialissuesthat often remain unaddressed more directly due tofear of

reprisal. The willingness toidentify flawsin existent . socialsystems, however, rarelyincludes suggestions on what should replace the status quo.In fact, the more directly satire targets individuals,the lesslikelyitis that audienceswillinterpretthesatireascriticism against unjust institutions(Elliott,1960,p.271). Audiences might findthe Stooges'portrayals of Hitler, Goebbels, and Goring hilarious and thereby find the Nazi leaders absurd.Such an attitude easily dissolves into either of two counterproductive tendencies. If the ridicule remains directed specificallyattheleaders, then the overall injustice of Nazi policies and ideologies remains relativelyintact. Audiences would need to generalizethesatiriccriticismsbeyondthecharacters being lampooned. A second possibility would involve just sucha generalization,thus takingthe practices of Nazism too lightly because they seem so vulnerable to derision.They Stoogeto Conga definitely runs the risk of suggesting that a system so easily duped need not be feared. Satireespecially when used as wartime propagandathus mustnegotiate between showingthe object of criticismasvulnerable while arousing concern aboutitspotentialthreat. Conservatism might be a quality not only of satire, but of the comic frame itself. If,as Powell (1995) claims, "The comic frame acceptsthe present hierarchy, but seekstocorrectitsfailings"(p.87), apparentlytheframe servestogalvanize public opinionwithout channelingthatopinionagainsta specific object. Any resultant social change could challengetheexistingorder,but revolution would imply targeting a scapegoat. Inthis sense,the Stooge 30 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual parodies clearly transcendthe comic frame insofar as , politicalsatire does attack specificindividuals. Kenneth Burke's ownanalysis of Mein Kampf recognizes the centralityof scapegoating to Hitler's political and social program(Burke, 1973).The Nazi dependence on scapegoatingraisesan important question about the socialutility of the comic frame: How effectively can acomic frame generate responses to doctrines andpractices framed tragically? Carlson (1988) anticipates that acomic frame with the potential to generate socialchange could encounter problemsif itfailsto present a positive programto replace the flawed system.She observes: There must beclear alternativestothe unacceptable practicesof the hierarchy. Otherwise comedy quicklybecomes merely a vent forfrustration," a complaint insteadof a proposal (Carlson, 1988, p.319). One way satire can impugnsocial order is "by violating or inverting the norms, mores,and systems of etiquette that work tohold it in place" (Glynn,1993, p. 24). Such reversal of socialconventions isa hallmark of the Three Stooges.Disruption of formal social gatherings often receivesthebulk of attentionin Stooge plot lines.The Nazi propaganda apparatusalso recognized that satire could serve asa potent political weapon. Erwin Bauer, writing in thenational daily newspaperVOlkischerBeobachter, called satire oneof the "means of politicalstruggle" (1938,p.7) that should be employed to combatopposition.The objective of employing humoroussatirediffersdramatically depending on the social agentemploying it.For the Nazi regime,satire could more preciselyfocus aggression against thedesignated victim. For disadvantaged populationsseekingredressof grievances,framingtheircase comicallycould generatea boomerangeffect. Paradoxically, comic portrayals could "act as an escapevalve for the antagonisticfeelingscitizenshavefortheirleaders," aneffectthat"dissipatesaggressive emotions" (Bostdorff,1987, p. 46) but perhapsalso thwarts the perceived urgencyfor change This potentialparadox leads Condit (1992) to callthe comic frame 32 The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 31 "logologicallydisadvantaged"because,unlike more loippositional discourses,"itfailsto "feed the linguistic cravingforvictimage"satisfied by a "cathartic"outburst(p.354). Conclusion The films of the Three Stooges do not entirely exhibit the humane tolerance of objects of criticism that characterizesthe comic frame. Nevertheless,the satirical humor the Stooges employed does illustrate the connections between comedy and social change. A persistentpuzzleremainsregardingtherelationship between comedy and collective action.If a comic frame offers more options than the violence authorized by tragedy, how can those more humane optionsacquire the same motivational force that has attended callsto war and persecution?Although the success of some successfulsocial movements has been attributedto their comic aspects (e.g., Carlson,1986, 1988; O'Leary, 1993; Christiansen and Hansen,1996),rhetoricalcritics stillface the challenge of promoting arhetorical environment more conducive tonon-violent action. By endorsing communal recognitionof our own limitations and errors,perhaps those flaws can be ameliorated by means other than victimage and destruction. Borrowing thetitle of a Three Stooges short feature,a cult of comedy might at least show that despiteallour pretensions of perfection, "Allthe World's a Stooge."

References Bauer, E.(1938, 20 September).Satire als politisches Kampfmittel. VOlkischerBeobachter, p. 7. Bostdorff, D. M.(1987).Making light of James Watt: A Burkean approach tothe form and attitude of political cartoons. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 73, 43-59. 33 32 CarolinasCommunication Annual Brunette, P. (1991).The Three Stooges and the (anti)narrativeofviolence:De(con)structive comedy.In A. Horton (Ed.), Comedy/Cinema/Theory.Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress. Burke, K.(1966).Definition of man.In Language as symbolicaction (pp. 3-24).Berkeley: University of California Press. Burke, K. (1973)."The rhetoric of Hitler's`battle'."In The philosophy ofliterary form (3rd ed.; pp. 191- 220). Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press. Burke, K.(1984).Attitudes toward history.Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress. (Original work published1959) Carlson, A. C.(1986).Gandhi and the comic frame:"Ad bellum purificandum." Quarterly Journal of Speech, 72, 446-455. Carlson, A. C.(1988).Limitations on the comic frame: Some witty American womenof the nineteenth century.Quarterly Journal of Speech,74, 310- 322. Christiansen, A. E., andHansen, J.J.(1996).Comedy as ACT UP and the rhetoricof ' cure for tragedy: AIDS.Quarterly Journal of Speech,82,157-170. Condit, C. M. (1992). Post-Burke: Transcending thesub- stance of dramatism.Quarterly Journal of Speech,78, 349-355. Elliott, R. C.(1960).The power of satire:Magic, ritual, art. Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press. Forrester, J.(1981).The Stooge chronicles.Chicago: Contemporary. Glynn, K. (1993). Reading supermarket tabloids as Menippean satire. CommunicationStudies,44, 19-37. Highet, G. (1962).The anatomy of satire.Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversityPress. Morlan, D. B.(1994). Slapstick contributions toWWII propaganda: The ThreeStooges and Abbott and Costello.Studies in Popular Culture,17(1), 29-43. The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 33

Morris, B. A. (1987).The communal constraints on parody: The symbolic death of Joe Bob Briggs. Quarterly Journal of Speech,. 73, 460-473. O'Leary, S. D.(1993).A. dramatistic theory of apocalyptic rhetoric. Quarterly Journal of Speech,79, 385-426. Perelman, C., and Olbrechts-Tyteca, L. (1969).The new rhetoric: A treatiseon argumentation (J. Wilkinson and P. Weaver, Trans.).Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Powell, K. A.(1995).The Association of Southern Women forthe Prevention of Lynching: Strategies of a movement inthe comic frame. Communication Quarterly,43, 86-99. Filmography

Back From the Front (1943).Dir. Jules White.Columbia. G.I. Wanna Home (1946).Dir. Jules White.Columbia. Higher Than a Kite (1943).Dir. Del Lord.Columbia. I'll Never Heil Again (1941).Dir. Jules White. Columbia. No Dough Boys (1944).Dir. Jules White.Columbia. They Stooge to Conga (1943).Dir. Del Lord.Columbia. The Yokes on Me (1944).Dir. Jules White.Columbia. You Natzy Spy (1940).Dir. Jules White.Columbia. Three Stooges Short Films Discussed The numbers indicate the order of release among the 190 short features the Three Stooges made with Columbia. The list and summaries are from http://www.3-stooges.com/text/shortsl.html and http://www.3-stooges.com/text/shorts2.html.

44.You Natzy Spy (1940) Director: Jules White Cast: Dick Curtis, Don Beddoe In this satire of the Nazis the stooges are paperhangersinthecountryof Moronica. When evilcabinetministersoverthrowtheking, they decide to make Moe the new ruler as he'll be 34 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual stupid enough to followtheir orders. Moe becomes Dictator, Curlyis a Field Marshall and Larry becomes Ministerof propaganda. After successfully preventinga female spy'from committing mayhem, theboys are run out of office by a mob and eatenby lions.

56.I'll Never Heil Again(1941) Director: Jules White Cast: Mary Ainslee, JohnKascier, Vernon Dent, Bud Jaimison A follow up to You NaztySpy, the stooges have taken over the countryof Moronica.Moe is Hailstone the Dictator,Curly isa Field Marshall and Larry isMinister of Propaganda.The stooges are planningwith theiralliesto conquer the world, which mainlyconsists of fighting over a globe. The former king's daughter getsinto their headquarters andplantsa bomb which Curly detonates.All ends well as theking regains control of the countryand the stooges wind up as trophies onthe wall.

67.They Stooge to Conga(1943) Director: Del Lord Cast: Vernon Dent The stooges are repairmenwho get a job fixing the doorbell in largehouse which isthe secret headquarters of some Nazi spies.They manage to ruin most of the housewhile working on the wiring and then subdue thespies and sink an enemy submarineby remote control. [One of the most violentof all the shorts, especially the scene whereCurly spikes Moe in the eye.The stooges manage a maximumof destructioninthe shortesttime.] 70. Back From the Front(1943) Director: Jules White Cast: Bud Jamison, Vernon Dent

36 The Three Stooges Versus the Third Reich 35 Set in WW II,the stooges are the only survivors of an American ship sunk by an- enemy torpedo. Adrift on a raft, they come upon a German battleship and by various means, such as Moe disguising himself asHitler, and Curly and Larry as Goering and Goebbels, manage to capture the enemyship.

72.Higher. Than a Kite (1943) Director: Del Lord Cast: Vernon Dent, Dick Curtis The stooges are auto mechanics working for the R.A.F. in England.After wrecking an officer's car they need a place to hide, but their choice, a sewer pipe, turns out toa bomb which is dropped on the enemy. Finding themselves behind enemy lines, Moe and Curly disguise as German officers and Larry dresses asa seductive fraulein. While general Bommel chasesafter Larry, Moe and Curly stealthe secret plans from thehigh command.

79.The Yokes on Me (1944) Director: Jules White Cast: Bob McKenzie, Emmett Lynn Rejected by the armed services,the stooges decide to "do their bit" by becoming farmers. After paying $1000 and throwing intheircar, the boys are owners of a run down farm, which lacks any livestock. After capturing an escaped ostrich,they decidetocarve jack-o-lanternsfor profit and then must contend with some Japanese who have escaped from a relocation center. The stooges become heroes by capturingthe escapees, with the help of explosive eggs laid by the ostrich who had swallowed some blasting powder. [This shortisrarely seen on broadcast TV because of its obvious WWII racial overtones.] 36 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual 82. No Dough Boys (1944) Director: Jules White Cast: Vernon Dent, Christyne McIntyre The stooges are dressed as Japanesesoldiers for their job as magazine models.On their lunch break they go intoa restaurant with their Japanese uniforms on causingtheproprietorto mistake them for the realthing, and a chase ensues. The boys fall through a trap door, and into a nest of Nazi spies where they aremistaken for "Naki," "Saki," and "Waki," threeJapanese saboteurs.The stooges try to act the part, includingdemonstratingacrobaticsandjiu-jitsu to their hosts. When thereal "Naki,", "Saki," and "Waki" show up, the boys are exposed and impostors, but after a wild fight manage to capture all the Axis spies.

94.G.1. Wanna Home (1946) Director: Jules White Cast: Judy Malcom, Ethelread Leopold,Doris Houck, Symona Boniface The stooges are discharged fromthe army and go to see their fiancees, butfind they have been dispossessed and the wedding is off untilthey find a home.The boys have trouble finding a vacant apartment so theyset up housekeepingin a vacant lot.Their housing problems seem to be solved untila farmer destroystheir new home with a tractor.The stooges then build a houseof their own, but the girlsaren't impressed with the one room mansion and walk out onthem. InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching: ImplementingCollaborativeInstructionin an Intercultural Communication Course

CatherineA.Jolivet Randy K.Dillon

"All things are connected."Chief Seattle one of the first things that students encounter in an interculturalcommunication courseisanexplanation of the increasing needs of why people need to study intercultural communication. Not too long ago, people were able to get along and get their needs met by only interacting with people much likethemselves, most often with others from their own village.In today's world, thisis no longer the case. Marshall McLuhan's prophecy of a"global village" where people are increasinglycommunicatingwithothersfrom differentcultures due totechnological,social, economic,political,and demographic changes has become the reality.Thus, there isa real need to study and understand people who live outside our village, and who are more likelyvery different from ourselves. Utilizingthe metaphor of the globalvillage, instructorsarerecognizingthe needtocollaborate with others both inside and outsidetheirrespective academic disciplines. These academics have discovered that collaborationinthe classroom can lend new excitement tothe subject they are teaching as well as an intellectualstimulationthat comes from close academicinteractionandsharinginstructionwith anothercolleague. Rorty (1979) argues thatin order to understand any kind of knowledge about asubject, people must recognize the social justification of belief. In other words, people must realize how knowledge isderived and maintained through the "normal discourse"of a community of knowledgeable peers. The authors of this paper believe thatthis"discourse",inside and outside 38 CarolinasCommunication Annual the clasroom, should not berestrictedtoa community of knowledgeable peers fromone's own discipline. Rather, peers from other disciplinesshould be invited and encouraged to join thediscourse. A community of discourse, such as this, promotes thebelief that study of a topic istruly a social undertaking, and is more in line with how the world really learnsand works. One way that a community of discourse about a subject,suchasintercultural communication, can be accomplishedisthrough team teachingthe interculturalcommunicationcourseusinginstructors fromdifferent,disciplines. Teams are commonly used in suchdiverse contexts as business,sports, families, schools, and nonprofit organizations. Sharman& Wright (1995) report "During the past twodecades the concept of teamwork has been actively employedby many U.S. companiestoimprovetheir productivity and competitiveness and has made a considerable differencein- how these organizations operate and function"( p.29). Many who work in higher education are also beginning torecognize thatin order to preparestudentstocompete inanincreasingly complex and interconnected world, teams areneeded to meet needs and accomplishgoals. Interdisciplinary team teachinga courseininterculturalcommunication providesasocial context for conversation where teachers and students can learntovalue learning asa community. The purpose of this paper isto define and providetherationale and historyof interdisciplinary team teaching and to examinehow it can be applied to develop instructionalcontexts of learning. More specifically,thispaper emphasizestherole communicationplaysininterdisciplinaryteam teaching, and offers new insightsforthe future concerninginterdisciplinaryinstructional collaboration. Althoughtheapplication of interdisciplinaryteam teachinginthispaperison interculturalcommunication,theauthorshopereaders willalsofind rationale and applications relevantfor instruction and learninginother courses of study. InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 39 AnOverviewofInterdisciplinaryTeaching

Interdisciplinaryteachingisdefined by Vars (1993)as "instructionthat emphasizes connections, the interrelations, among variousareasof knowledge"(p. 1). Davis (1966) describes interdisciplinary teachingas a team effort where teachers regularly meet toplan, present and evaluate lessons.The result isthat the whole of the teachers working together will make a more substantialeducationalcontributionthanifeach teacher was individually working alone (Davis,1966).. Often referredtoindifferent terms, Fogarty (1989) noted that as many as ten different names are used to describethe phenomena ofinterdisciplinaryteaching. Among thesetermsareintegrative,integrated, interdisciplinary,cross-disciplinary,multi- disciplinary, and holistic. Older terms include unified studies,combinedsubjects, common learnings, correlatedstudies,corecurriculum,collaborative teaching,andcooperativeteaching. For years, educators and writers have urged that professionalsinavariety of areas should collaborate, communicate effectively and be "team players." (Garrett,1955; Whitehouse, 1951).In the past decade, teams have become ever more popularinorganizing and managing people in such diverse areasasschools, businesses,childcare programs,and other human servicesorganizations. Teams bring people together who have common goals and objectives. With interdisciplinaryteams,theterritorialbarriersfound inhighlydepartmentalized,hierarchialorganizations arereplacedwithcollaborationand cooperation (Garner,1995). Vars (1993) concludes that "Since lifeitself is 'interdisciplinary,'atleast some portion of the school curriculum should also be interdisciplinaryifitisto help young people relate tolife"(p.75). Proponents of interdisciplinaryteamworkinteachingreasonthat studentsbegintosee meaningfulrelationships when subjectmatterisinterconnected,thusallowing learningto be a process rather than an end initself. Researchers such as Hart (1983) and Caines (1991) 40 CarolinasCommunication Annual arguethatinterdisciplinarylearningismore compatible with the way the brainworks. Both Hart and Caines point out that sincethe brain isa pattern- seeking organ,itoperates best in an environment rich withinformation where"meaningfulness"and "interconnectedness"are emphasized. Inaddition,a certain economy isgained because thereisless repetition of material that occursfrom subject to subject (Ellis & Fouts, 1993).Results of an interdisciplinarycurriculum,accordingtoEllisand Fouts (1993)include"heightenedteachercollaboration, greaterstudentinvolvement,highlevelthinking, bettercontentmastery,real-worldapplications,and fewer fragmented learningexperiences"(p.148). The roots of interdisciplinary teamteaching are inthe progressive movement ineducation headed by John Dewey, in the earlier partof this century. Dewey called for challenging the rigidrules of conduct, authoritarianstylesof schoolorganization,and static subject matter found intraditional education (Dewey, 1938; Trimbur, 1985).Dewey urged that a stronger link be made between education andexperience, and less of thetraditional top-down learning fromteacherto student. Dewey advocated collaborativelearning where students become more activeparticipants. Instead of learning only from theteacher,students couldalso democratically learn from one another. Another idea of Dewey's progressive movement was interdisciplinaryteamteachingwhereteachersfrom differentdisciplinescaninteract with one another and demonstrate how educationisa synthetic and integrative endeavor. Much discussed, Dewey's emphasis on learning had begun tofade shortlyafter the end of World War II. It was not until the late 1960's andearly 1970's thatbrief foraysintointerdisciplinaryteamteaching were seen.However, the practice did notwidely catch on. Only after the major educationalreform effortsin the1980'sdidcollaborativeinterdisciplinaryteaching begin to be pushed as a criticalgoal of educational reform and to be put into practice(Pugach & Johnson, 1995). Most teaching collaboration hasoccurred at the 42 InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 41 middle and secondary school levels. However, interdisciplinaryteachingatthecollegiatelevelis beginningto be more common asteachers are realizing the benefits of collaborating with one another. Pugach and Johnson (1995) emphasize that "working together not only make task more manageable, but collaborative interactions also leadto resultsthat are more creative than what any singleindividual could have designed alone"(p.17). Despite thecallfor collaboration and teamwork, thereareseveralacademicorganizations,which have not fully embraced the idea.Schools at alllevels, includinguniversitiesand colleges,areplaces where large numbers of people,students,teachers, and staff congregate but are expected to work separately (Ellis & Fouts, 1993).Garner (1995) notes that "in spite of the rhetoricin support of the'team concept,' many helping professionalsstillwork inorganizations where competitionoccursmore frequentlythancooperation, where protectingone'sturfismore important than providingcoordinatedservices,and where professionalsfeeltrapped and frustratedinsteadof creative and powerful"(p.1). From an individualstandpoint,thereareseveral reasons why teachers have not involved themselves withinterdisciplinary team teaching. For many instructorsthethoughtof "sharing"teachingtasks withanotherinstructorisuncomfortable. Traditionally,the classroom context has been the sole domain of the lone teacher, and thereisresistance in giving up this kind of autonomy and power. Also, collaboration, if itisto be done well,is not an easy task. Collaborationsuchasinterdisciplinaryteamteaching takestime,planningandcoordination. Certainobstaclescansabotageinterdisciplinary instruction. One isa lack of coordination of responsibilitieswhere someoneisnot doingtheir share of the work. Another is,for lack of better terminology, "abuttingof heads,"concerning educational pedagogy. Teachers may disagree about how the class should be structuredandtaught. Inaddition,interdisciplinary collaboration suffers when thereislittleor no support 4 3 42 CarolinasCommunication Annual from the CollegeAdministration, Department Chairs,or theinstructors'colleagues. Disagreements about pay and how credit hourproductionisdistributed can stifle enthusiasmforinterdisciplinaryinstructionefforts. Criticsof interdisciplinaryteaching also charge thatit lacks substance and intellectualrigor. Lastly, many individuals may not fullyunderstand the concept and benefitsof interdisciplinaryteamteaching,and therefore expresslittleinterestinit. The drawbackstointerdisciplinaryteaching, whether realor imagined,demand recognition and must be dealtwith before teachers setfoot in the interdisciplinary classroom. Only when the issues are openly expressed anddealt with can successful collaborationoccur. Whatmakesforsuccessfulcollaboration?

Inorder for professionalswho identify with differentdisciplinestocollaborate and effectively teach a college course,certain criteria must be met as well as followed. Friend and Cook (1992) outlinethe "definingcharacteristics"of collaborationin interdisciplinary teams. What isa commontheme among thesecharacteristicsisthe open communication that must occur betweenthe parties that make upthe interdisciplinaryteams. This open communicationis essentialforsuccessfulcollaboration. According to Friend and Cook(1992) collaboration must bevoluntary. A projectis automatically handicappedifinstructorsfeeltheyare coerced tocollaborate. Teaching professionals mustbe excitedabouttheinterdisciplinaryproject and believe theyare helpingdrivethecreative and educational goals of the project. Anotherimportantcharacteristicof collaborationisfor professionalsto realize thatthereis ashared responsibilityforparticipationand decision making (Friend & Cook,1992). Not everyone has the same creativetalents. One instructor may bebetter in one area overanother. For example, one instructor may have hadfirst-handexperienceinhandling 4 4 InterdisciplinaryTeamTeaching 43 internationaldisputes,and thus, may have a greater knowledge about conflict management techniques. At another time, one instructor may be able to explain the subtleties of a specific custom in a culture, because they had previously resided in that culture. Itis not possible forinterdisciplinary team teachingtobe 50/50. Constantly policing who talks, and how much, is not an effectiveingredientforsuccessful teamteaching. What is important isthat in the end participants in the processfeelthattheircontribution and opinionsare equally valued to insure the success of the interdisciplinarylearningproject. Inaddition, instructorsare challenged toteach and learn from one another. Collaborationoninterdisciplinaryteamteaching projects must also be willingto share resources and accountability for the course's outcome (Friend & Cook, 1992). Pooling resourcesisoften the key motivator for individualstocollaborate with one another. Stinginess, and .a "my area your area" attitude are certain tokill an interdisciplinaryteachingproject. Teachers must also accept the risks and share accountability for the outcomes of their collaboration, whether itispositive ornegative. Just as not allclasses nor all teachers are identical, the same orallteachers the same, the same is true with interdisciplinary teams. Cohen (1981) noted that thereare two kinds of interdependence for instructionalteams. One form, throughout interdependence,isdefinedas when teacherssplit instructionaltasks,with eachteacher being responsible forparticular groups of students. The otherformisinstructionalinterdependence. Instructionalinterdependencetakesplace when twoor more teachers work with the same group of studentsin the same subject.This form of interdependence requiresteacherstointeract more oninstructional methodology and pedagogy. Instructors engagedin interdisciplinaryteamteachingmust reachan agreement on what type of team structurefitsthe needs for the course. 4 5 44 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

In additiontoestablishing the structure of the team, other unique issuesneed to be considered that presentchallengestointerdisciplinaryteachingteams. Pugach and Johnson (1995) outlinedseveral challenges for team teachers.One challenge isthat someone else is in the classroom with you,watching you teach. The traditional model of teaching has the teacher asthe controller of a domain, in theclassroom. Although itis common to examine oneanother'sscholarly work, some instructors feelintimidated to go into someone else's class and observe him or herteaching, especially when the individualisanother professor or colleague. Sharing responsibilitiespresentsachallenge. Many collaborativeeffortslack success because one member may overreachby carryingouttheresponsibilitiesof the course. This is exacerbated when the other teacher is reluctant to take a lead rolewhen called for.In order for the collaboration to be a success, teamteachers must share responsibilities of instructionand alsoof students. Another challenge thatisposed forinstructional collaborationisthephilosophicaldifferencesamong teachers. Itisbest to discuss educational philosophies before formalizing any team teaching. Parties should discusswith one anothertheirinstructionpreferences, management routines,andbeliefsaboutteaching. There should also be careful evaluationabout the course itself.Questions such as "Is a specific course suited for collaboration?", "What arethe objectives of the course and how will these objectivesbe met through collaborativeteaching?", "How willa new course be designed thattakes into account points of learningfromeachinstructor'srespectivediscipline?" should be addressed. The recognition that there are different levelsof expertise among team partnersisanother challenge forcollaboration. Team teachingrequirespartnersto support one another andtochallenge themselvesto become better teachers. Team teachingisan opportunity for members tolearn from one another. It isquite possible that as one gains inskills and knowledge,theother may learn more about enthusiasm 46 InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 45 in the classroom.In cases where one may feel threatened by the other because of expertise differences,open communication between team partnersis encouraged (Pugach & Johnson,1995). Interdisciplinary TeamTeaching Intercultural Communication The intercultural communication course serves as a microcosm of the world in which humans live. Increasingly, humans are relying on one another. Not one single person can know everything thereisto know, or do all there is needed to do, in order to complete a project.However, joint efforts of a team can realizethe accomplishment of goals and objectives. For example,intheinternationalarena,businesses and organizations recognizethebenefitsof teamwork that keep them competitive ina global market. Because coursesininterculturalcommunicationoftenexamine connections made between people who derive from differentnatures,cultures,andmicrocultures, interdisciplinaryteamteachingdemonstratesto students how different academic areas on campus can offer collaborative contributionstothe study of the subject. Bruffee (1972) contendsthat "While students oftenforget much of the subject matter shortlyafter the classis over, they do not easily forget the experience of learningitand the values implicit inthe conventions by which it was taught"(p. 468). Thus, learning involves not only thecontent of a course, but also how that contentis communicated tostudents. Interdisciplinaryteamteachingintercultural communicationcanofferenergizingexchanges betweeninstructors,and betweeninstructorsand students, of issues examined inthe course. Interculturalcommunicationcoursesofferedin U.S. American colleges and universitiesareexcellent placesfor collaborative work among faculty. Faculty bringindifferent expertise, knowledge and skills. For example, students can learn from a Communications faculty member whoisknowledgeable about the 46 CarolinasCommunication Annual theoriesthat have been advancedinintercultural communication. From a faculty member in Foreign Language, students can seehow verbal codes are so important inaffectinga culture'sbeliefs,values, and moral standards. A history professor can provide the historical background forwhy a country supports or does not support aninternational treatyinitiative. A professor whose backgroundisinliterarycriticism can shed light on how aculture's major prose and poetry works influenceindividual and socialidentities. The richness and diversitythatdifferentfaculty can bringtoaninterculturalcommunication course, the excitement of workingtogether, and the sharing of mutual goals were reasonswhy the teachers of the interculturalcommunication courseoutlinedinthe following section developedthe course.The course draws upon the experiencesof two professors, traditionally one from thediscipline of communication; the other identified withthe discipline of modern languages. Course Development COM 397 InterculturalCommunication Travel: Tips for a Successful TripAbroad was first offered as an interdisciplinary team taught coursein May 1996 as part of anintersession course offering. Intersession courses aredesigned to be one to three hoursand are offered between the regular semesters. For example, intersessionsoccur inthe weeks between the spring and summer semesters, the weeksbetween the summer and fall semesters, and theweeks between the end of thefallsemester and the beginningof the spring semester. Although intersession course offeringsare part of the standardcurriculum of the university,a majorityof intersession coursesarespecial,meaning that they offer alittle something different, and usually contain subject material thatstudents do not get in course offerings. For example, if a history professor has done extensive work ingenealogy, then he or she may offer a onecredit course in genealogy. Another media studies professor and localfilm critic offers a 48 InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 47 film course where the films in the James Bond 007 series are studied. In addition, the communication department may want tooffer one week-one credit coursesininterviewing or resume writing and informationgathering. Even thoughtheintercultural communication course detailedinthispaper was taught by both an instructor from the Department of Communication and Mass Media, and an instructor from the Department of Classical and Modern Languages, the hegis code was under communication because the University requiredthat an intersession course must be listed with a particular discipline. Since. the coursewas being taught ina classroom usually reservedfor Communication students,it was agreed on by the participating instructorsto use the COM hegis code for Communicationcoursework. Course Content The course content of COM 397 is targeted for those individuals who plan tostudy/work/liveina culture other than the one they call home. The topics that are looked atinthis course include basic strategies for gettingto know your hosts, managing culture shock,developinginterculturalcommunicationskills, handling specialsituationsthat may arise during one's stayinan effective manner, and dealing with reverse culture shock once individuals return home. The objective of this course isfor students to equip him or herself with the tools needed to overcome cultural obstacles and prepare the way fora rewarding and successfulexperience. Films were periodically shown inthe course that demonstrated some of the intercultural concepts discussed. The text used for the course is L. Robert Kohl's 1996 edition of the Survival Kit For OverSeas living,published by Intercultural Press, Inc.in Yarmouth, Maine.A more detailed description of the course can be found in Appendix A. The last day of the week-long course culminated infinalpresentations and an exam of material covered in the course.There were also exercises called "interculturaldilemmas". These interculturaldilemmas 48 CarolinasCommunication Annual were exercisesini how students might effectively handleaparticularsituation. The intercultural dilemmas allowed students to apply theknowledge and skills that were discussed andlearned in the 'course. Many of theseintercultural dilemmas were taken from InterculturalInteractions: A Practical Guide (1986) authored by Richard W. Brislin,Kenneth Cushner, Craig Cherrie, and Mahealani Yong,published by Sage Publications out of Newbury Park,California. The highlight on the last day of class was the internationalbrunch. (The course met for three hours from 9:00 a.m.. to12 noon).Students and instructors each broughtina culinary dish that representsa specific culture or region of the world.For example, one studentprepared fanikia,a Greek cookie. Another student broughtinplantains,whichare commonly found on tables in Africa, theCaribbean and parts of Latin America. One of the instructors, who is from France,prepared crepesfortheinternationalbrunch. The other instructor made the traditionalrice dish from Malaysia and Singapore, nasi goreng, adish one of the instructorsfellinlove with while travelingthrough Southeast Asia. All participants were requiredto supply copies of recipes of the dishesthey contributed totheinternationalbrunch. Students The cap for the course was set at 15students. When it was first taught in the Summer of1996, the course had seven students.The second time the course was taught in theSummer of 1997, enrollment exceeded the cap by two for a final student numberof 17. Several students took the course because of astudy away program through theuniversity. Others took the course, because they wereplanning atrip. Others because oftheirinterestsininternationalbusiness, internationalpublicrelationsor languagesorothers because they were currently working withclientsfrom other countries. Most of the students came from the academic fields of Communication and Foreign Languages. However, there were students from 50 InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 49 Business,Psychology, and other academic disciplines on campus. Faculty Two instructors taught the COM 397 Intercultural Communication intersession course. The firstfaculty member is a U.S. American. He is an Assistant Professorinthe University's Department of Communication and Mass Media. He teaches courses in interculturalcommunication,interpersonal communication,healthcommunication,and communication theory and research. The second faculty member isa native of France.At the time when theinterculturalcommunication course wasfirst offered she was an Assistant Professor in the University's Department of Classical and Modern Languages where shetaught French language and writingcourses. Student Reactions to the Course:

Students reacted positivelytothe course content andtheinterdisciplinarycollaborativeteachingeffort. After the course was completed, course evaluations were sought from students. One student stated,"I think that the best thing about this classwere the discussions that took place between teachers and students. Ifelt like we allwere discovering new territorytogether, and that made the class exciting." Another student reported,"Ihave had both[instructors]indifferent classes. Ireally enjoyed thisclass, because the teachers seem toenjoy working together. This enthusiasm carried over tothe class." Lessons Learned and Future Collaborative Efforts One reason that the team taught interdisciplinarycourseinintercultural communication worked so well was that the two instructors met inadvancetodiscuss planning and implementation of the course. The instructors openly 50 CarolinasCommunication Annual communicated to one anothertheir personal ideas and goalsconcerninginterculturalcommunication,their instructionalstyles,andtheirindividual pedagogical philosophies. Because this was the first time that either of the two instructors had collaboratedwith another on a project such asthis, open discussion about the benefitsand challengesof interdisciplinary team teaching were often explored. Both instructorsalso sought and received the support oftheir college dean, department heads, and colleagues forthe project. Financial compensation forteaching the course was splitequally between the two instructors. The major lesson learned from the project was thatit was an educational benefit forboth students and instructorsin the course.There existsa real necessity for such a courseinintercultural communication in the region of the country where it wastaught. The Universityis regional and caters to students whohave rarely traveled out of state.When not exposed to other cultures, people oftenfallprey to behaviors and attitudeswhich prevent them from enjoying whatever isdifferent from themselves.The fact that one of the instructors wasinthe Department of Communication and the other in Foreign Languages gavethe studentsa more complete perspective onwhat culture is. It enabled students to view culture from theangle of one professor who istryingtoteach about a specific foreign culture by ways Of foreign language,and the other who teachesabout theoriesof intercultural communication. Fortheinstructors,team teachingthe course helped themrealize that there are similar objectives for studentstolearn. Via different methods (throughlearningtheoryorthroughthe study of language), we teach them the same thing: torespect, adapt to, and communicate with otherpeople and cultures. Through lecture,discussion,video,roleplays, guest speakers,and even food,intercultural communication and theory,andapplicationsto student'scurrentaswellasfutureinteractionswith diverse others were explored.The anecdotes told in the class by both students and the instructors werealso 52 InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 51 educational, and often entertaining. At the end of the week, students had learned atremendous amount about themselves,their own culture,andleftthe course with the perception that one finds out moreabout one's self when tryingto discover others. Instructors,too, shared these perceptions. One of the instructors remarked "[I] enjoyed teaching the course a greatdeal and would do it againina heartbeat." Lessons were learned for future offerings of an interdisciplinaryledcourseinintercultural communication. One suggestion is'to offer the course as a semester-long teamtaught course fora more in-depth analysis of the topicsbriefly discussed inthe intersession course.A second suggestion isto allow a more collaborativestyle of learning between teachers and students.If a particular class has students who possess a lot ofknowledge and experience, then opportunities should be givenforparticipantstolearn more from otherstudents as well as from the teachers. More involvement inthe education and decision making oftheinterculturalcommunication course could help students develop a senseof ownership, responsibility, and commitment totheclass. Conclusion It is obvious that teamwork seems to be an increasing trendfor the future.In fact the writing of thisarticlemuch liketheinterdisciplinaryinstruction of theinterculturalcommunication course discussedin this article, was a team effort.Not only did the authors of this paper collaborate, but theyalso relied on the creativity and published writings of otherswho wrote aboutthetopicsof interdisciplinaryteaching,teams, andcollaboration. Kuhn (1996)assertsthatto understand scientific thought and knowledge, people mustunderstand the nature of scientific communities. Scientific knowledge changes not as humans'"understanding of the world" changes. It changes as scientists organize and recognize relations among themselves (pp.209- 10),Interdisciplinaryteamteachingisarecognition 52 CarolinasCommunication Annual thatlearning occursinan interconnected community and offersexcitingopportunitiesforbothinstructors andstudents.

References Brislin, R. W., Cushner, K.,Cherrie, C., & Yong, M. (1986). Intercultural interactions: A practical guide. Newbury Park, CA: SagePublications. Bruffee, K. A. (1972). The way out.'College English, 33, 457-470. Cohen, E. G. (1981). Sociology looks at teamteaching. Research in Sociology of Educationand Socialization, 2, 163-193. Davis, H. S. (1966). How to organize aneffective team teaching program. Englewood Cliffs,NJ: Prentice-Hall,Inc. Dewey, J. (1938). Experience andeducation. New York, NY: C011ier. Ellis, A. K., & Fouts, J. T. (1993). Research oneducational innovations. Princeton Junction, NJ:Eye on Education,Inc. Fogarty, R. (1991). The mindful school:How to integrate thecurricula. Glen Elyn,IL:Skylight Publishing. Friend, M., & Cook, L. (1992). Interactions:Collaboration skills for school professionals. WhitePlains, NY: Longman PublishingGroup. Garner, H. G. (1995). Teamworkmodels and experience in education. Boston, MA: Allyn andBacon. Garrett,J.G. (1955). Social psychology ofteamwork. In M. R. Harrower (Ed.), Medical andpsychological teamwork inthe care of the chronicallyill(pp. 67-70). Springfield,IL: Thomas. Karis, B. (1989). Conflict in collaboration:A Burkean Perspective.Rhetoric Review, 8(1), 113-126. Koh ls,L. Robert, (1996). Survival kit for overseas living. Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press, Inc. Kuhn, T.S. (1996). The structure of scientific revolutions. (3rd ed.). Chicago, IL:The University of Chicago Press. InterdisciplinaryTeam Teaching 53 Larson, C. E., & LaFasto, F. M.(1989). Teamwork: What must go right/what can gowrong.Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Pugach, M. C. & Johnson, L.J. (1995). Collaborative practitioners,collaborative schools.Denver, CO: Love Publishing Company. Rorty, R. (1979). Philosophyand the mirror of nature. Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress. Sharman, C. C., & Wright,H.S., Jr. (1995). The power and use of teams inschools.In H. G. Garner (Ed.) Teamwork models and experienceineducation. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Trimbur,J.(1985). Collaborative learning and teaching writing.In B. W. McClelland & T.R. Donovan (Eds.) Perspectives on researchand scholarship incomposition. New York, NY:The Modern Language Association ofAmerica. Vars, G. F. (1993).Interdisciplinary teaching: Why & how.Columbus, OH: National MiddleSchool Association. Whitehouse, F. (1951). Teamwork:An approach to a higher professionallevel.ExceptionalChildren, 18(1), 75-82. Application of NCA's Speaking,Listening, and Media Literacy Standardsto, the Elementary Classroom Context EunkyongLeeYook IntroductionandRationale Communication isindispensable tonot only our essence of beinghuman, but on a more practical level, to our success inlife. Indeed, communication scholars as well asthose in the field of education and business executivesare recognizingthe importance of the abilitytosend, receive,interpret, and give feedback to communicative messages, as the key tobeing effective in the school, work, home,and civic settings (National Communication Association,1996; Wolvin & Coakley, 1996).As a reflection of the importance ofall aspects of communication toeducation,theNational Communication Association was mandated toprovide a set of guidelines for stateand local educators, resulting in the release of the NCA Speaking,Listening, and Media Literacy Standards for K through 12Education in 1996. The purpose of this paper isto emphasize the importance of listeninginthe communication proccess. The paper first reviews the literature onthe importance of listeningforeveryone,including K-12 students. Italso reviews some of the current problems in listening competencies of these students. Then, the paper proposes onespecific method of implementing some of the standardssuggested by the NCA, through the use of an exercise called the "ListeningStick.". A theoretical explanation of the exercise, as well as a discussion of one application of the "ListeningStick" exercise follows. A qualitative analysis of fourth grader's responsestothe exercise, and how they believeithelped them become better communicatorsis presented. Finally, an application of the NCA Speaking, Listening, and Media Literacy Standards for Kthrough 12 Education to the "Listening Stick" activityis presented,indicating howthisactivityhelpsstudents Application of NCA Standards 55 achiere specific standards suggested inthe NCA document. ReviewoftheLiterature

Variousstudies have underscored the importance of listening inthe communication process. In purely quantitative terms,listening has long been shown to consume most of our time spentin communicative activities, when juxtaposed with otheractivities such as speaking,writing,or reading (Rankin,1926;Steil, Barker & Watson, 1983; Wolvin & Coakley, 1996). Percentages may differ somewhat accordingtothe populations studied, or according to how the study was conducted, but resultsconsistentlyindicatethat listeningtakes up between fortytoover sixty percent of our daily time spent in communication. Listeningisrecognizedasbeing an important factor in the education of elementary and high school students. Studies on the communicative activities of these students show that results of the research on other age groups also apply tothis population, with a majority of these students'daily communication time spent listening (Duker, 1971; Good lad,1983; Steil, Barker & Watson, 1983). On a qualitative level,the importance of listening for these studentsisalso marked. If elementary and secondary studentsarespendinga predominant amount of timelistening,then improving these skillsiscritical.Effective listening will lead to more retentionof important information suchas contentmaterialorinstructionsaboutassignments, possibly leadingtohigher academic performance. The same argument may be expresseddifferently;poor listeningbehaviorscontributetonegative academic performance. Poor listeningskillsaffect people outside the academic world. Ineffective listening can lead toa varietyofnegativeconsequences,includingphysical, psychological, and monetary loss (Crossen, 1997; Hunt& Cusella, 1983; Smeltzer & Watson, 1982).Listening is a communicative skillthatisvitalfor students, not only 56 CarolinasCommunication Annual intheir present academic work, butalsointheir future lives. On alargermacroperspectivelevel,listening takes on a more fundamentalsocial role in students' lives. Not only is improving listeningskills important for their success inlife, but effective listening can have a spillover effect on futuregenerations. Today's studentswill become tomorrow's parents,teachers,and social leaders.If students are taught the skills of effective listening,theskillwill have a heuristic function. Their learned skillswill be used when they are parents,teachingtheir own childrento become effectivelistenersinturn,throughsociallearningor modeling, continuingthe chainindefinitely. From whatever pragmaticor philosophicalperspective one may choose toview the issue of teaching listening skillstochildren,the conclusionisclear:studentsin our schools shouldbe taught how to improve their listeningskills. However, indications are that studentsinour schools are inadequately preparedto be good listeners (Steil, Barker & Watson, 1983; Wolvin& Coakley, 1996). Twenty percent of our nation's young peoplecannot accomplish simple communicative taskssuchas relayinga message, whichnecessitateslisteningskills (Vangelisti & Daly, 1989).Moreover, according to an articleinthe Wall Street Journal,children'slistening skills are actually declining as they grow older (Crossen,1997). This disheartening view of the level of listeningcompetence among schoolage children may be due to the fact that traditionally, mostof the instructional time has been devotedtoreading and writing,withlittleattentiontospeaking and practically none tolistening(Steil,Barker & Watson, 1983). As a measure to improve the current state of listeningskillsin our schools, Berko, Wolvin and Wolvin (1995) suggest that rather than to simply assume thatallstudents can innately speak and listen well, we need to teach them those skills directly. This is one impetus for the release of theSpeaking,

58 Application of NCA Standards 57 Listening and Media LiteracyStandards for K through 12 Education by theNCA. The Speaking,Listening and Media Literacy Standards for K through12 Education will beset up in three phases. The first phase establlishesthe standards. The second phase willfocus on in-class projects and assignmentstoaidin designing curricula and teaching towardsthe standards. The third phase will provide the meansfor evaluating andtesting the learning from theactivitiessuggested inthe second phase. Acknowledgingthesignificance of the standards set up by theNCA for speaking,listening and media literacy skills amongK through 12 students,this study investigatesthe effect of one specificactivity for improvingstudents'listeningskills,the"Listening Stick"activity. The"ListeningStick"Activity The activity chosenfor improvinglistening skills is the "ListeningStick."The rationale for choosingthisparticularactivityfor implementingin an elementaryschool class is two-fold:First,itis an intuitivelyappealingactivity with rulesthatare simple enough for elementaryschool studentstofollow relatively easily. Second, the Listening Stickactivity has been implemented inthe college classroom with positive results (Hyde,1993), but it does notnecessarily follow thatthe activity will besuccessfulin elementary school classrooms as well.In other words, I wanted to ascertain whether thisactivity would be applicableto elementary school students aswell, and how they felt about theactivity. This activityis based on the practicesof the League of Iroquois and thepeoples of the Southwestern Pueblos (Zimmerman & Coyle,1991). The underlying idea behind thisactivityisto give everyone present a voice inthe public discussion,where a hierarchy of power isavoided and each individual'sview is respected. This method was used by"The Council", the community's decision-makinggroup,innativecultures 9 58 CarolinasCommunication Annual as a method ofdecision-making and mutual understanding. The method isquite simple, with only three rules: speak honestly, be brief, andlisten from the heart (Zimmerman & Coyle, 1991).In order to' empower each person tospeak inturn,the listening stick is passed to the person on the left, orfollowing the motion of the sun in clockwise fashion. Only the person with the stick can speak. In classroom exercises, the stick can be any object, but a stick from the schoolyard can be garnished with pieces of rope and feathers to create a more dramatic effectthat isreflective of itsNative American cultural origin. I chose to bring an interesting birch stick with knots and bends thatI had brought home from family camping tripforthe purpose of thisactivity. The Listening Stick activity can be used when teachers want studentstostatetheir views about the class topic at hand, or talk about an issue that students need to resolve,. or perhaps as a means to make decisions that require group consensus. In my college classrooms,I have used the exercise to complement the class topic of effective listening. Ifind that the activity serves a dual purpose; thatof teaching students the importance of effectivelistening,as wellasgiving students an added insight into diverse cultural ways of communicating. Each purpose providessomethingthat collegestudents can benefit from learningabout. There are variations of this exercise that can be used as a method of conflict resolution.One is a kind of fish bowl exercise, with the two contentious parties in the middle, and two neutral evaluators behind them. The two people willinturn take the listening stick and state one's own position.The two other people will listen to the two in the fishbowl and will try to be impartial,stating how they see the situationafter the two in the middle (Zimmerman & Coyle, 1991) havehad a chance to each make their own statements.

GO Application of NCA Standards 59 Specific Application to Fourth GradeStudents In this particular situation, the'classItaught was an advanced readingclass for fourth graders. I volunteered to teach the class once aweek at a local community school. The class consisted of four girls and six boys.At the beginning of the trimester,I was aghast at how much time and energy wasspent in simply tryingto manage thecommunication of the class.Many students would speak at once, or attimes would get distracted and talk amongthemselves or "doodle" as their teacher or otherstudents spoke. In short,theirlisteningskillswere largelynonexistent. This Listening Stick activity was onethatI had applied in a listening skills classin college. The exercise iscited as being effective ininducing interpretive listening (Hyde,1993). Given the experientialnature and intuitiveappealof this exercise,I decided toit on the fourth grade class to fosterbetterlisteningskills. ProceduresfortheActivity

The students sat in a circle on thefloor as I introduced thisactivityto them by providing abrief explanation of the culturalorigin of the exercise and by statingthe three rules:1) speak honestly, 2) be brief and 3) listen from the heart. The stick wasreferred to as a "magical listeningstick"to elevate the appeal of the exercise for the fourth gradestudents. Ithen explained the procedures tofollow. The holder of the Listening Stick isthe only one who speaks, and after the holder speaksthe stick is passed to the person to the left. Ialso added an additional requirement inthisactivity..To induce active listening and paraphrasingskills,Irequestedthatthe statement that was made immediately before thestudent whose turnit was to speak be paraphrased orsummed up prior to the statement of his/her ownview. The students understood and agreed tothe rules and began in turnto speak about theirfeelings and thoughts over the readings for that day. After 61 60 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual completing the round of the entire circle,Iasked them to take a sheet of paper and to writedown how they felt about that activity and why they liked or dislikedit. I asked them not to indicate, their names on thesheets to provideanonymity. StudentResponsestotheListeningStick Activity All ten students in the class stated that they liked the exercise. Although the consensus was that theyall enjoyed the exercise,their reasons forlikingitvaried. A thematic analysis (Collier,1991) revealed five types of reasons for likingtheactivity. Two of the students liked it simply because it was cool. They did not further indicate any reason for their judgment but simply declaredthat they thought that the activity was cool.Two of the ten students liked the exercise because of the effectit had in quieting them. They stated that they "had to listen" and "it kept everyone quiet." It seems that thisactivity's simple reduction in noise as they were tryingto listen was a benefit. Three of the students liked the exercise because itactually gave them a chance to hear others. They made such statements such as "you can hear more without a lot of people talking." Two stated that they felt others were more attentiveto them when they spoke. They stated:"I like it when we had the listening stick because everyone would listen"or "everyone listened when Italked." Finally, one student stated "I liked the listening stick because ittaught us how tolistento each other." Other than feelingthat people were generally more attentive to each other and that the noiselevel was lowered, this student felt thatittaught them how to listento each other. Applicationof NCA Standards

Specifically,interms of the recently released Speaking, Listening and Media Literacy Standardsfor K through12, one may say that this exercise works 62 Application of NCA Standards 61 toward achieving Standards1, 4, 8, 19 and 21.Standard demonstrates knowledge 1 statesthatthe communicator and understanding oftherelationship among the components of thecommunication process. By recognizingtheimportance of paraphrasingand nonverbalindicationsof attentivenessasanimportant part of communication,namely feedback,students can be more aware ofthe communication process. Standard 4 indicatesthatthe communicator candemonstrate knowledge and understandingof the role of personal knowledge and the awarenessof othersin the nature and quality ofcommunication. This exercisestresses the importance ofbeing attentivetoothers.Students learn to share theirviews with others andthat the way in which they doaffects the quality oftheir communication. Standard 8statesthat the communicator can demonstrate knowledgeand understanding oftherole of communicationinthedemocratic process. Participationinthe "council" methodof sharing ideas gives them an egalitarianview of the decision-making process andteaches them to acknowledgethe participation of othermembers of their groupand to sharetheparticipationequally among members. According toStandard19,the effective listener can demonstratetheabilitytoidentify and manage barrierstolistening. The participants acknowledged the importance ofcontrollingnoise level when trying to express their ownideas or tryingto understand the ideas of others.Controlling noise levelis admittedly a small step towardsachieving that standard. However, learningthe importance ofbeingsilent when others speak,and more importantlyexperiencing how pleasantitisto be accorded fullattention when one is speaking,isan indispensablefirststep towards achievingthisstandard. Standard 20 statesthat the effective listenercan demonstrate theabilitytoreceive,interpret,and respond to messages.This exercise helped thestudents achieve thisstandard by having thempracticethe skillsoflistening,interpreting,andparaphrasing by summarizing the statementsof the previousspeakeras 62 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual wellaslearningthe behavioralskillof remaining silent when othersspeak. Conclusion Communication isvitalto the future of our young students. Listeningisan integral part of that communication process. Lack of listening competency can lead to dire consequences in terms of career, family life,and well-being. However, research indicatesthat students, regardless of age group, are not getting sufficient trainingtoimproving listeningskills. This study suggests one specific listeningactivityto strengthen those skills.All the students liked the exercise, but more importantly, most thought thatit taught them tobe attentive and conscientiouslisteners. One additional benefit of this exercise isthatit implements not onlylisteningbut also speaking skills too. By expressing one's thoughts and feelings in public when they are holding the ListeningStick,they arepracticingformulatingandarticulatingtheirideas clearly for their classmates.All the students in the circlearepracticingeffectivelisteningskillsby being silent and paying attentiontothe speaker. Additionally,theactivityrequiresstudentstopractice paraphrasingskillssincetheycannot expresstheir own thoughts until having done so. More importantly, these studentsare seeing speaking and listeningas integralpartsof the communication process,aninitial stepinunderstandingtheprocess of communication cognitively. Affective ly,they can appreciate the benefitsof being listenedtowithattentiveness, which willhopefully induce them toreciprocatethat attentiveness to others.In fact,allten students in the group testedstatedthat they enjoyed the Listening Stick activity.Consequently, we can conclude that the ListeningStickexerciseteachescognitive and affective skills,as well as those based on behavior. Ifeelthat the Listening Stick exerciseis beneficial to students and thatit can help them to achieve the standardsasprescribed by the Speaking, Listening and Media Literacy Standards for K through 64 Application of NCA Standards 63

12. Studies have shown that the this exercise can benefit the college student as well(Hyde, 1993; Zimmerman & Coyle, 1991). Thisstudy applied the Listening Stick activityto fourth grade students.To the author'sbest knowledge,there has been no previous empirical test of the ListeningStick exercise to elementaryschoolstudents. Yet, results show that the activity waseffective. They perceived the exercise asmaking them listen attentivelytoothers,allowing them be be heard, and helping them to understand how tolisten. The major criticism that could be made ofthis study is the small sample size.A future study could test theeffects of the Listening Stick activity on a largerand less select group and at differenteducation levels.More studies of otheractivitiesthat can helpspecifically implement the new standards for K -12 suggested by NCA will be beneficial on various levels.Future studies of this kind will benefit scholarsinthefield of communication by helpingustofurther understandthe communication process through newinsightintovariousapplications of instructionalactivitiesand their effects on communication. On a more practical level, studiesof specificactivitiestoimprove speaking,listeningand media literacy skillswill serve as a practical guide for teachersto implement intheir classrooms.But most importantly,studentswillbenefit greatly from such studies sincce they will be taughtby teachers who have a grounded knowledgeof what activities are more likelytoincreasetheir competenciesaseffective communicators. 64 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual References

Berko, R., Wolvin, A. & Wolvin, D. (1995). Communicating: A Social and Career Focus, (6th ed.). Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Collier, M. (1991). Conflict competence within African, Mexican and Anglo American Friendships.InS. Ting-Toomey & F. Korzenny (Eds.), Cross-cultural interpersonalcommunication, (pp.132-154). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Crossen, C. (1997, July 10). The crucial question for these noisy times may just be: Huh? The Wall Street Journal, pp. Al, A6. Duker, S.(1971). Teaching listeninginthe elementary school:readings. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press. Good lad,J.(1983). A study of schooling: some findings and hypotheses, Phi Delta Kappan, 465-470. Hunt, G. & Cusella, L. (1983). A field study of listening needs in organizations. Communication Education, 32, 393-401. Hyde, R. (1993). Council: Using a Talking Stick to Teach Listening.The Speech Communication Teacher, 7.2, 1-2. National Speech Association.(1996).Speaking, listening,and media literacy standardsfor K through 12 education[On-line]. Available: www.natcom.org/publications/k- 12/k12stdspr.htm. Rankin, P.(1952). The measurement of the ability to understand spoken language. Dissertation Abstracts, 12, 847-48. Smeltzer, L. & Watson, K. (1985). A test of instructional strategiesfor, listeningimprovementina simulated businesssetting. Journal of Business Communication, 22.4, 33-42. Steil,' L., Barker, L., & Watson, K. (1983) Effective listening: key to your success. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

136 Application of NCA Standards 65 Vangelisti, A., & Daly, J.(1989). Correlates of speaking skills in the United States: ANational Assessment. CommunicationEducation, 38, 123-43. Wolvin, A. & Coakley, C. (1996) Listening(5th ed.). Dubuque IA: Brown & BenchmarkPublishers. Zimmerman, J., & Coyle, V. (1991,March/April). Council: reviving the art of listening.Utne Reader, pp. 1-2. The Literary InterviewasPublic Performance: Notes on the Emergence of a New Genre

JohnRodden

I

Is the interviewa distinctive genre of literary performance? In two words: not yet. This essay argues, however,thattheinterview form has matured during the last two decades, so thatit now not only showcases interestingpersonalities,but has become an emerging genre worthy of seriousattention by literary and performancescholars.' The literaryinterviewhastypically sought to "perform" a variety of tasks.It has focused on the relationbetweenauthorialpersonae andtheliterary personalities withintheirworks, and also on biographical issues and how authors'livesrelateto theirthematicpreoccupationsandtotheirself--and publicimages.Interviews have been concernedwith literarycraftinthetraditionalsense, and more recently withtherhetoricalcraftof artistic self-fashioningthroughtheform of theliterary interview. Whateveritsfocus, however,the interview has grown inpopularity because of the fascination and urge felt by readersto gain some sense of "the person of the writer" and of "the innerlifethat surrounds and informsthewriting."' At their best, such interviews avoidthesensationalism of the"celebrity"interview andassistthescholar-critic'sunderstanding of the autobiographicalaspects of theauthor's artwhile also meeting the general reader's desire to know the man or woman behindtheliterarycharacters. When literary interviews succeed ,inthese ways, they become public conversations,thusconstituting,howeverinformally,

68 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 67 part of what the novelist GeorgeGarrett has called "the scholarshipofexperience."' To view the interview as an "emerging" genre means to see itas a literary form in the process of being born asa full-fledged genrewith recognizable and widely recognizeddistinctive andidentifiable subtypes.At present,the main genericconstituents, indeed the very status, of the interview form are stillin flux,sinceitremains "ontologically unstable" and "function[s] both asprimary and secondary text."' Given these facts, the following set of "field notes"from an interviewer who has conducted more than 100 literary interviewsis presented here asan aidand stimulustotheory-building.Interviewsare conversations,and"conversation"isanincreasingly important metaphorinthe humanities andsocial sciences. As David Bleich has observed, even scholarly journals once hostiletointerviews have recently beguntoprintinterviewsfrequently,preferring"the conversationalformat[as]an improvement over the declarative monotony of a formal essay" and seeking to "expand traditionalstylesof discourseinacademic work."5 To illustrate my points,Iwill be drawing from my interviews with an eclectic groupof writersamong them poets,fictionwriters,and scholar-intellectuals who representacross-sectionof interviewsubjects typical of the various kinds of literaryinterviewsthat appeartodayinliterary-intellectualandscholarly quarterlies. My hope isthatthis essay may encourage readerstoreadliteraryinterviewsslightlydifferently, andit may thus contribute to the emergence ofthe interview asa genre: simply to read interviewsinlight of our specific concerns with formal,generic,and performanceissues may helpclarifytheinterview's ambiguous conceptualandfunctionalstatus.

I I The followingpreliminaryquestions seem worthy of extendedexploration: How does an author "perform" an interview? 9 68 CarolinasCommunication Annual

How does an interviewee-experiment withdifferentpersonae,thereby transformingthe_ interviewintoan opportunityforself-invention? How is the interview related to autobiographicalorconfessional literature? Can thetraditionaldistinction between theliteraryand celebrityinterview be maintained? How does the interviewee-interviewerrelationship condition thetopicsthat recur in interviews? Finally, how do the literary personaeof writersdifferacrossestablished and emerging literarygenresi.e., how do authors'imageswithintheirwritings differ from those thatthey project in theirinterviews?' Scholars have devoted scantattentionto such generic issues raised by the interviewform, even though some writers(e.g.,William Faulkner,Isaac Bashevis Singer, Vladimir Nabokov, Jorge LuisBorges) have been recognizedfortransformingtheinterviewintoa personalartform.' Instead the general attitude toward interviews among academic andintellectualreaders has beenthat of high-culture condescensiontowarda popular art.Reading interviewsisa guilty pleasure and one not readilyadmitted.' As Ronald Christ has noted: Experiencetells me that interviewsare gobbled up, not only by readers eagerfor a quick slice of someoneelse'slife, but by the very scholars who are apt tocondemn them, even make use of them on thesly.

70 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 69 It'sthewell-knownphony-aristocratic contemptforthepopular.9 "Horace notwithstanding,"Christ concludes, "we areterribly suspicious of worksthat entertain and instruct us at the sametime."" A decade ago, in an acerbic critique of "the rise of theliterary interview," the critic Bruce Bawergave vent tosuch suspicions in The American Scholar: Can it be art? Or is theliterary interview atbest only an entertaininghodgepodge of personality,public relations,and primary source material?Why do we read such things anyway?... Allof these questions can be summarized in one simple question: How seriouslyshould we taketheliteraryinterview?"' Not very seriously, Bawer advised,insistingthat most "literary interviewsfallsquarely into the same categoryasmovie-star biographies,literaryparty gossip,talk radio,and 'Entertainment Tonight."' categorizingprobablysuffersfrom over-inclusiveness, butitistruethat,untilthe postwar era, nobody wouldhave even thought to ask his questions.Although profilesof authors were common enough beforemid-century,thenation'slittle magazines,literarymonthlies,andintellectual journalslet alone professionalacademic journalsdid notruninterviews. Allthis changed in1953, when George Plimpton founded the Paris Review:3 Plimptonbroke new ground by deciding to publishthemagazine'stitle notwithstandinginterviewswithwritersratherthan reviews and essays by them.Plimpton's Paris editorial office on the legendary Left Bankand his talented group of young expatriateco-editors gave the magazine cachet with boththe Americanliteraryintelligentsia and with European writers;" andit was certainly much easier for busy, well-known authors(E.M. Forster 71 70 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual appeared in the opening issue, followed inthe mid-1950s by Hemingway, Faulkner, Pound, Frost, and Neruda)to converse for a half-hour with an admirer than to craft an essay or reviewand far cheaper for Plimpton'sstart-uplittlemagazine." Ronald Christ (and other readers) have criticized Plimpton's "house style," whereby a Paris Review interview hasa recognizable style and tone:knowing, urbane,polished,"finished."' Nonethelessindeed, no doubt partly because of thisdistinctive style, which enabled ParisReview interviewsto approach the artisticlevel of well-crafted essaysthe ParisReview interviews were so successfulthat,beginning inthe 1970s, they have been regularly collected ina series of volumes known as Writers at Work, published by VikingPress. And the Paris Review strategy caught onand was, predictably, dumbed down by Plimpton's countless imitators. What Randall Jarrell called "The Age of Criticism,"referring tothe new vogue forliterary criticism during the early postwar era, had given way by the mid-1970s to "The Age of the Interview." Nonetheless, even today, despite the pressure of competingwithentertainment magazinesforliterary interviews,the Paris Review traditionremainsa rigorous one:the interviewees have the option of reading and revisingtheirremarks, andtheinterviews themselves are carefully edited,asif they were essays orliterary reviews17valuable practicesthatImyself have followed when conducting my own interviews. Such interviews havelittlein common withcelebrity interviews,as Christ notes, and he laments that the seriousliteraryinterview"suffersguiltby association with talk shows, whose cultisthe instant, the slovenly thinkingaloud ratherthantheartifact." It is unfortunate,as Melvin Lasky observes,that "we know the interview mostly inthebastardized version of dialogueorconversation which appearsinnewspapers and on TV screens," where it usually succumbs to "the traditionalpitfallsof...superficiality,sensationalism,

72 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 71 sauciness." Remarking on theetymology of "inter-view," Lasky adds:

Initsoriginal meaning, the word had nothing to do with journalism.Itreferred toa formal orceremonial meeting of great persons. Entre-vue.

Of course, many highbrowcriticshostiletothe interview form treatthe interview merely asthe lazy author'svehicle for getting hisor her opinions into print without doing the workof writing.Still,even when authors do adopt such acasual attitudei.e., participatingina"conversation"ratherthan conductingan"interview"their exchangesinvariably do give readers a sense ofthe author's personality. And on thatscore alone such encountersprove interesting and illuminating,both forinsight intothe writer's oeuvre and asbiographicalsources. Such self-presentationsrepresent one of thenumerous ways inwhichwriters"perform"interviewsand suggest how the interview is indeed aliteraryart form: an instance of performanceart.

I I I If the time has arrived toapproach the interview asa genre of literaryperformance, this means that the time has also arrivedtoidentifyitsdistinctive features, whichalsoentails understanding betteritsmain performer: the interviewee. Towardthisend, based on my twenty years'experience asan interviewer and takingseveral of my examples frominterviews published in Text and PerformanceOuarterlv during 1994-96,let me suggest that there are,roughly speaking,threetypesof performinginterviewees. Depending on whether intervieweeschieflydownplay, display,oractively promotetheirpersonalitiesthrough 72 CarolinasCommunication Annual their interviews,one may speak of"traditionalists," "raconteurs,"or"advertisers." Traditionalists do not necessarilysoft-pedaltheir personalities so much asdeliberately put their work in the foreground of the interview.The general effectis, however, one of self-effacement.These interviewees areoftenmatter-of-fact,businesslike,even (apparently) artless,at least insofar astheir main goal isto discuss theirart and/or political and social concerns, rather thanthemselves. Theirsisa performanceartof "nonperformance."Indeedthese authors are not so much the"subject" of the interview; their work, or a cause,isthe subject of the interview. Indeed such interviewsubjectsare sometimes not justnon-performersbutanti-performers.They tend to eschew allinquiries intotheir private life, sometimes even questionsabout therelation between theirlife and work. However consciously,these Such a typology aims to be tentative and descriptive, not definitive and prescriptive,let alone a set of hardened or independent categoriesfloatingabove the particular examples. My hope isthat such a taxonomy which should remain provisionaland revisablewill assistan understanding of thedynamics of the interviewas human encounter,socialprocess,and an actof multipleintersubjective engagement among participants and readers. Such a typology of interviewees(andinterviewers)thusseeksto illuminate the variousness and possibilitiesof the interview as an emerging genre.In no sense do the proposed types constitute an attempt to devise a deductive classificatory system designedtoapplyto some abstract category called"literaryinterview,"ora full-fledged"theory" of the interviewasa genre. Whereas a massive, hermetic constructis much too coarseaninstrumentforapproachingthemultiplicity, richness,color,and drama of interviews and interviewing,asuggestive typology providesacritical perspective within which questionsaboutthe interviewcanattaingreaterintelligibilityand broader significance. 74 The. LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 73 intervieweesalsoresist makingtheir personal character into the explicitfocal point of their interviews.Rather thanstagetheirpersonalities,such interviewees often exhibit atendency toward- a mode of self-denying"impersonality,"which T.S.Eliot found desirable forawriter's work.'Frequently, interviewers have to"draw them out,"either because they aretaciturn,bashful,or"writer'swriters" who are (seemingly) unaccustomedtotalkingaboutliterary matters in public.** Traditionalistsusuallyanswertheir interviewers'questionsstraightforwardly,even earnestly. Whether they arefair and reasonable,or even profound orintense,they aim primarilyto provide usefulinformation.Despite tendenciestoward Eliotic impersonality,theirreserve,and even self-deflation)oftenintriguesreaders.Oftenthey approach the interviewas an obligationtotheir publisher or readers, typically onthe occasion of the publication of a new workas ifthe interview were one of the less pleasant, if occasional,duties of the writer:to submit to the P.R. machine andthe academic mill.

But sometimes only "seemingly."For traditionalists are by no meansnecessarily"impersonal"or "egoless" intheirinterviews. While they do preferthattheir personallives remain inthe background and do place their work or a favorite cause inthe foreground, their self-effacement may be merelyapparent:theirbooks or social ideals may serve avehicle for self-display or self-promotion. To putitdifferently,theirsublimation may be only partialor incomplete:.impassioned talk about "my work" or "the cause" may serve as anoutlet forventilating their urge toward self-displayorfor evadingtheir (usuallyunacknowledged)self-prohibitionagainst enteringthe limelight.Such interviewees may inflatetheir work or elevate their worthy cause asa deflected expressionof self-assertion:theanti-performerasveilednarcissist on the platform of agrandiose extended Self. 75 74 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual Consider, for instance, Rick Bass, one of America'sfinestunder-fortywriters,alreadythe author of threefictionand seven nonfiction collections.His stories have garnered such distinctions as selection for thea Henry Awards anthology and Best American Shorttories of 1988: probablyhisbest known works are hisfiction collections The Watch (1989) and In the Loyal Mountains (1996) and his nonfictioncollection The Lost Grizzlies (1996). Chiefly a naturalist writer who works inthe essay and short story forms, Bass has evoked comparisonwith such masters of both nonfiction andfiction as Edward Abbey, Annie Dillard, Jim Harrison, and Wallace Stegner. Bass isa model of the self-effacingwriter notwithstanding hisoccasionaltreatmentinhis work oftherelation betweentheanguished(performing) self and "the Other." Such writers as Bass seem to have no public personality atall, though itis indeed Bass's very impersonalitythat makes him aninterview subject of keen interest. Bass isa shy manhe has even written an essay on his shynessand anattractively modest author.(It should be noted, however, that many of the Bunyanesque charactersin hisfiction,are not at allshy, but boisterous and bigboth physically imposing and larger thanlife.)Ifind that much of Bass's appealliesinthe perceived seamlessness between hisliterary persona and his work: hisquiet, natural temperament befitsthe images of pristine Nature and topographical Innocence inhiswork.Bass's unstudiedingenuousnessasintervieweewhich may indeed possess an artfulness comparable tothat in his worktransmits the impression of wholeness and congruity between the man and the work. Bass showed no reluctance about or impatience with being interviewed; indeed he seemedtoregard our interview no more thana pleasant conversation with a reader well-informed about hiswork.' "Traditionalists"oftenwritein"traditional" forms(realisticnovels,metricalpoetry,formal essays), but they also work ina range of other forms and modes: it must be emphasized that no necessary correlation 76 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 75 exists between the genres inwhich writers work and their orientation towardperformance. _Poetsas wellas fiction and nonfiction writers maybetraditionalist interviewees.Poets and playwrightsarenot necessarily moreperformance-orientedintheirinterviewsthan novelists, essayists,or even academiccriticsnor is there any unity of theme orstyle among the subgenres ofinterviewees. For instance, W.S. Di Piero, whowrites essays and translates but whose primaryidentityisthat of a poet, approached our interviewsasa 'serious undertakingfor sharing and exploring his ideaswith me.21 Unlike the example of Rick Bass, central toDi Piero's creative and critical work istheintellectuallife,rather than the natural world. His oeuvre exhibitsastroking combination of bookishness andpassion, he isan unusual figureinliteraryAmerica,virtuallya throwback to an earlier age: the manof letters. A professor of English at StanfordUniversity, Di. Piero is best known 'for his poetryvolumes Early Light (1985), which received the Ingram-MerrillAward, and The Restorers(1992); and for two essay collections,Memor y and Enthusiasm: Essays. 1975-85(1989) and Out of Eden: Essays on Modern Art (1991). A cerebral poet, Di Piero defendedhis conception of the poet-intellectualin our interview. He willingly discussed biographical matters,but always with an eye toward treating biography asa supplement to,or backgroundfor,the work itself.Skepticalof interviews as mere talk-showfluff (what Di Piero once called"the buzz of flies"--his interview with me was thefirst one that he had ever grantedDiPieroisan anti-performer. He takes his work seriously, and hebelieves that criticalattention should focus exclusively onthe work. Di Piero's commitment to his art and tothe seriousness of ideas entail(at least in his view) downplayinghis personality.(Before theinterview,he warned me that, unlessIhad read his work carefully and wasfamiliar with his views, an interview wouldbe "a waste of time."') A self-described traditionalistinhisliterary

.77 76 CarolinasCommunication Annual work, W.S. Di Piero isalso, in this sense, a traditionalist asinterviewsubject. The same may be said of FrankConroy and, to a lesser extent, Marge Piercy.Conroy, a fiction writer and literary journalist whochairsthe Iowa Writers Workshop, is among the moreacademically oriented of creativewriters.Highly acclaimed forhis autobiographicalmemoir Stop -Time (1967),a painful story of his growing-upin New York City, and Midair, a storycollectionthatincludesautobiographical treatment of hisfather'shistory of mental breakdowns and their devastating impact on youngConroy'slife. Like Di Piero, Conroy too is anintellectually minded writer, but hisattitudeisnot so much cerebral asethical and moral. Conroy isan author-educator concerned with the pedagogics of prosewriting (hence hisdiscussion of how novelists conduct research)and with contributingtoand preservingtheliteraryGreat Tradition. His open contempt for the Beat poets,and his convictionthat young writersshould renounceself- indulgence,isconsistent with his preferencetodiscuss ideas and the writer'scraft,rather than turn his own personae intoobjects of attention. Conroy candidly admitted in our interview that he would beproud if his first novel, Body and Soul (1993),arags-to-riches Bildungsromanof a poor boy who is a musical prodigy, were regarded in thetradition of Dickens's David Copperfield. Such an admission makes manifestthat Conroy's orientationis toward the world (and the literary masterpieces of thepast)rather than himself andfurtherunderlineshisself-effacingtraditionalism, whereby he foregrounds hisartisticviews and relegateshispersonalitytotheinterview's background." The poet-novelist Marge Piercyisan instance of traditionalist subtype for whom "work" embraces politics and social activism as well as arti.e., who places her art and her"cause"intheinterview's foreground. To put itdifferently: Piercy isnot just a committed writer but a committed interviewee.She is well-known asa passionate performer of herwork, and 78 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 77 in our interview performed the role of "angry radical" as ifit had been created for her: at every moment, she took the offensive and argued about matters ranging from specificinterpretationsof her oevure toher relationshipwiththe New York publishingindustry. Although she has published 14 volumes of poetry and 14 novels with mainstream New York housesand continues to do soshe does not hesitate to castigate theircapitalist policies and values. Piercy is conscious of her status as a national figure on the American literaryscene. Formerly an organizer for Students for a Democratic Society inthe late1960s, she is today probably the leading radical Left writer of poetry and imaginative prose inthe U.S. Readers'favorites among her poetry collectionsinclude To Be Of Use (1973), Living in the Open (1976), Available -Light (1988), and Mars and Her Children (1992). Two collectionsThe Moon Is Always Female (1980) and Circles on the Water: Selected Poems (1982),which represented two decades of her work, have together sold more than 100,000 copiesa rarity for poetry volumes. Probably the most distinguished and widely known of Piercy's novels are Woman at the Edge of Time (1976), a utopia set in an inner city mental 'hospital, and He. She and It (1991),afantasyportraying a21st century cyberpunk community thatreceivedthe 1992 Arthur C. Clarke Award for best science fiction novel. Piercyisa"traditionalist"interviewee because her overriding(if by no means selfless)concern throughout her interviewsincluding my own 1996 interview with heris toaddress the issues themselves, ratherthanovertlytoestablish her persona or display her personalityand this marks herasatraditionalist, even though the word rings oddly for someone of such left-wing,avowedlyanti-traditionalistpolitical convictions' A second type of performing intervieweeisthe raconteur.Rather thanseektocommunicate information,theraconteur(Fr. racon ter: to tell, narrate)isastoryteller whose main unit of discourseis 79 Annual 78 Carolinas Communication theanecdote.Raconteursaretypically engaging ramblers.Digressions and asidespunctuatetheir interviews, whichusually must be heavilyedited in order toachieve flow (or evencoherence). Of course, the raconteuris hardly a newly invented role ininterviewsin that sense,itis no less "traditional"thanthetraditionalistrole.Whereas traditionalistsdo wnplaytheirpersonalities,however, raconteursdisplay them.Unliketraditionalists, raconteurscreate andspotlighttheirliterarypersonae and make themselvesintoliterary characters of sorts. though this (as inthe case of thetraditionalist's effect) are isnot alwaysdeliberately their goal.Raconteurs oftengenial,fun-lovinginterviewsubjectswhose conscious aim issometimes to have anenjoyable conversation ortoentertaintheintersfewer. Whereastraditionalistsapproachtheinterview more asa scholarly orjournalistic event,typically grantingtheinterviewer equal(or sometimes chief) authorityindetermining the content,flow, and conditions of theinterview,raconteurstreatthe interview more overtlyasa performance:through their skilled use ofanecdote, they create theinterview and themselvesasinterviewees.Indeed the raconteuris often a fabulist whoseanecdotes are closer tolegend than livedhistory. Not infrequently,raconteurs seek to absorb interviewers intotheir world and cast themin a supporting role thatassiststheirstories:sidekick, straight man,or minor co-creator. Raconteurs thus"take control"of the interview indirectly,often by virtue of sheer gustoand exuberance. But they are notnecessarily casual about the finishedtranscript:Ihave found that raconteurs frequentlyrequesttoreview thetranscriptsof interviews and make substantial(not merely factualor cosmetic)revisions.Still,whereasbiographicaltruth orpolitical/historicalrealityisof primary importance inan interviewwithatraditionalist,aestheticsor verbal playthe poeticsof literary performanceisthe main issue in an interviewwitha raconteur.

80 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 79

Itmerits re-emphasisthatthereisno necessary or simple correlation between the genresin which an author writes and hisor her performance stylein interviews. For instance, Marge Piercy isa poet even attimesaradicalrabble-rousing"poet-prophet"inher public readingsbut her interviews focus on literary-politicalissuesratherthanovertlydisplayher personality. Similarly, Rick Bass isa storyteller in his literaryfiction,but hisinterviewsare not anecdotal; they are earnest effortsto share information withthe interviewer. On the other hand, the poet Gerald Stern offers a classicinstance of the intervieweeas raconteur.' Indeed I have called Stern a prototype of "the poet as raconteur" who ignoresthe boundaries betweena cultivated "poetry reading and a bizarre evening of performanceart."' Both in his public reading and in ourinterview,Sternunabashedly performed: h e related storyafter. story,wittily jibed "the poetry Establishment," wandered off on odd tangents, and even burst intosong. Gerald Stern himself is now arguably a member of that Establishment, but his self-image isstillthat of the "outsider"and he has been, in any case, a late arrivaltothe inner circle of American poets.Stern labored inthe wilderness for decades: he published his first book of poems (Rejoicing, 1973) at the age of 48 and did not win the attention of the wider poetry community until Lucky Life (1977), which receivedthe Lamont Prize, awarded for the best second book of poetry by a North American, and was nominated for a National Book Critics Circle Award. This volume was followed by six other collections that have received scarcely a voice of criticaldissent, probably the best of which is Leaving Another Kingdom (1991),which gained a 1991 Pulitzer Prize nomination, and Bread- Without Sugar (1993), which won the 1993 Patterson PoetryPrize. Stern freely displayshispersonality, bothinhis poetry readings and in the poetry itself. Like Bass and DiPieroparticularly among thetraditionalists,Stern's 81 80 CarolinasCommunication Annual projected personalitybears close relationtothe speaker persona inhis work: Stern as-performing interviewee,likeStern'sspeakersinhispoetry,are zany,self-ironic,mock-heroic,star-crossed he prophet-schmucks.Stern has funinhisinterviews: understands that theinterview is meant to delight as well as instruct,to be entertaining aswell as informative. Thedistinguishedpoet-critic-translatorRichard Howard grasps this too,but his mode is the witty, polished personathatliterary-mindedreadershave come tocherish.' Howard is the poet's poet, orthe critic'spoet, whosedensely allusive poetryis sometimes inaccessible toallbut those willing towork to unearth its riches. But Howardis not just a poet: indeedhe is one of a handful ofAmericans to have developed an impressive body of workand won broad acclaimin threequitedifferentliterarycategoriespoetry, translation, and fiction.Howard was awarded the1970 Pulitzer Prize for histhird volume of poetry,Untitled Subjects, and a Pulitzernomination for his most recent collection, Like MostRevelations (1994). Moreover,his translation of Baudelaire'sFleurs du Mal receivedthe 1983 American BookAward for translation, and his major essay collection,Alone in America (1969), has earned him not just respect asa sensitivecritic but the honor of serving as poetryeditor of such publications as The NewRepublic. American Poetry. and(currently) The Paris Review. In our interview,Howard was alternately pensive and whimsical.Howard plays with the interview form. He keeps aninterviewer on guard; unlike the case with Stern,Howard does not seem greatly concernedtomonitor hisauditor'sresponses. As I noted in my introduction to ourinterview,I was never quitecertain when Howard waspulling my leg: "the impish smile,the slow, meditative strokingof the short-stubbled,gray-flecked beard,theslight nod of the smooth bald head" allsuggested to me that a virtuoso performance wasindeed under waylargely for the amusement ofHoward himself (and perhapsat 82 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 81 my ownexpense).' In his poetry, Howard speaks chiefly through the voices ofOthersa practice he once termed his"aesthetics of eavesdropping"so thatitis something of a shock to encounterhis own persona amidthisliterary-historicalhallof mirrors. Translator-critic John Nathanisaquitedifferent example of the raconteur interviewee.A man of diverse talents best known in literarycircles as a scholar-translatorof Japanese novelists Kenzaburo Oe and Yukio Mishima, Nathan projects a rangeof personaeman of theworld,literarysophisticate, consummateinsider,star-struckyoung expatriatethat are on fulldisplay in our interview. AlthoughNathan, like other raconteurs, makes much useof anecdote, he occupied center-stagein our interview witha missing performer: Oe, the 1994 recipient ofthe Nobel Prize for Literature. Nathan joked in our 1995interview that Oe and he were part of a "team"performance, with Oe as the star and Nathan himself as thesideshow. Nathan, presenting himself inthe interview as Oe'stranslator, was proud to be thebackup performer, and he shared anecdotes about Oe with his Americanaudience from a privileged position asa friend and confidantof the Nobel winner. The overall result wasthat Nathan, unlike Stern, was not the main subjectof his own interview.Although Nathan a raconteur, he was, finally,the narrator of anotherwriter'sstoryeven though Nathan'svividlanguage and dramatic performance style reveal him tobe a thoroughly absorbing personalityinhis own right. My conversation with Nathan was a classicexample of the type of interview that oftenemergesand whichis quite common with translators (one of myDi Piero interviewswassimilar")when theinterviewee'smain claim topublic prominence residesinhisrelationship toa more famous person:the intervieweetells engagingstoriesabouttheirrelationship,i.e.,he assumes the role ofraconteur." A third type of performer in interviewsisthe advertiser. The advertiser intervieweeisarecent species, having emerged only since the1960s,a 83 82 CarolinasCommunication Annual development atleast partly indebted tothe influence of such works as NormanMailer's AdvertLseme_ntsfor Myself. 31 Unlike the raconteur, theadvertiserisnot merely a self-displayer but aself-promoter. And itis thistype of entertainingperformerthat has provoked observers such as Bruce Bawer tocriticizeliterary interviewsas"writer worship gone berserk"inwhich interviewers(or,equallyoften,theinterviewees themselves)treat the interviewee as"a prophet,a visionary, a seer whose every actand utteranceis takento be of nearly scripturalsignificance."' Far more deliberateevenaggressivethan raconteurs,advertisersexploitinterviews(andother media) to make their personae intoobjects of interest and contention equaltoor greater than theirwork. They arelittleconcerned with verisimilitude orliteral historicalaccuracy,butratherenjoyexperimenting with their personae. While thefashioning of personae isa creativeact,the advertiser's energies are sometimes channeledas much intoself-promotionas intoprojectingthemselvesasliterarycharacters.In thisrespect,advertisersare more accuratelythe "performing"artistsandtheraconteursthe"creative" artists of the interview form, as the terms areusually understood.Interviews withadvertisersthus move a step beyond thosewithraconteurs,being concerned not merely with the aestheticsbut with the dramatics, indeed the melodramaticsas well as thesales potential ofself-reinvention. Advertisers have long dominated the genreof celebrity interviewsand understandablyso,sincesuch interviewsareoftenfrankself-advertisementsor sensationalist exposes that aim to puff up or exposethe images of famous people. But the advertiserhas become anincreasinglyfrequentfigureinliteraryinterviews since the 1960s, as writers such as Mailerand Truman Capote have blurred the line between fact andfiction intheir work. The interview has participatedinthis blurring of genres,asthecelebrity interview of entertainment journalismandthescholarlyinterview 84 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 83 of theliterary-intellectual magazine have tendedto overlapandmerge. An excellent example of theself-advertiser interviewee of a thousand personae is Camille 'Paglia,a literarycriticand English professoratthe University of the Arts in Philadelphia. Paglia is best known as the author of Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertitito Emily Dickinson (1990),which catapulted hervirtuallyovernight from obscurityto fameand, almost immediately,infamy.Paglia'sstudy immediately generated debate because of itsfocus on sexuality and sadomasochism (includingitslionizing of such "decadents" as the Marquis de Sade and Gustave Moreau),itsassaults on the orthodoxies of mainstream feminism, anditsprovocative one-liners. The book's sweeping revision of Westernarthistory outraged most academic critics,andthe ensuing controversy helped propel Sexual Personae to seventh on the New York Times paperback bestseller list and later gainedita National Book Critics Circle Award nomination for criticism:considerableachievementsfora 700-page tome of academic literarycriticism." Pagliaisthe model of the performing artist- intellectual,awriter who openly exploits her interviewstoburnish her image, who "performs"her ideasabout the significance of personality by placing her own personalitycenter-stageinherinterviews. Paglia performs her diverse personaethe Auntie Mame type,flirt,the Amazon, the vamp, the tramp, and many othersas if they were candidates for taxonomic scrutiny from topologicalcriticswritinginthe tradition of SexualPersonae. As the quintessential example of the performing interviewee, Pagliais"the Oscar Wilde of American academe," who, like Rick Bass and Gerald Stern, hasalso managed tointerrelate her personae and personalityclosely. On lightning-rod issuesranging from date rapeto pornography and snuff films--Paglia does regard herself asa prophet and holds forth on topics far beyond the scope of academicartcriticism--hercontroversial personaeare stronglyidentifiedwiththeperverselyprovocative 85 84 CarolinasCommunication Annual ideas of her literaryaesthetics. She uses interviews as impromptu pressconferencestolaunchquick-fire strikes against "enemies" such as'Susan Sontag or to announce andcelebrate new turnsin her ideas or personal life. Her two essaycollections (Sex. Art. and American Culture[1991] and Vamps and Tamps [1994]) have evenincludedself-annotatedbibliographiesof Paglia's"media history"including commentariesabout herinterviews (andinterviewers).34 Isabel Allende alsoexperiments withdifferent personae, which(unlike the case of Paglia) have changed radically over thedecades.35 She has developed performativestrategiesthatproduce"multiplepersonal histories"" and turn her interviewsintonear-fictions, thereby casting her personalhistoryasa fictionand transformingtheinterviewgenre fromajournalistic form into a literary one. With twodecades of experience as a newspaperand TV interviewer, she is keenly aware of how todramatize herself via literary personaeand thereby draw and "hold" heraudiences. Her literary interviewsareinformative and never boring,and they have granted her huge readership aglimpse of a writer-performerintheactof self-creation' contributing decisivelytoher becoming not just an internationalliterarycelebritybutthatfascinating publiccharacter,"the ChileanScheherezade."37 Allende has emerged asa major figure onthe internationalfictionscene.Best known for herfirst novel, The House of the Spirits(1982),athree- generation saga of twentieth-centurylifeinChilethat was turned into aHollywood motion picture in1993, her subsequent five novels and storycollections have also all reached the bestsellerlistsin Europe, Latin America, and the U.S. Indeed Allende'sbooks have sold more than 11million copies, making her thebest-selling woman writer inthe world of seriousfiction. Most recently, her first work of nonfiction, Paul aasearing memoir about thelife and tragic death (from amisdiagnosed illness) of Allende's 28-year-olddaughterhas also met withcriticalacclaim and popular success. The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 85 Like Camille Paglia,Isabel Allende has skillfully used her interviews toset the terms in which readers and critics approach her work. (This has sometimes led to"writer worship"in which critics and journalists treat her as a spokeswoman for a plethora of non-literarycauses,avisionary who pronounces on the state of Latin America or the future of womankind.") Moreover, in her interviews of the last decade, Allende has also provided readers with a startlingly open view into her innerlife,giving them a deepened understandingof struggleswith anger and perfectionism,herspiritualawakeninginthe aftermath of her daughter's death in1992, and her public and private rolesaswriter and family matriarch.These recent conversationsI conducted three interviews with Isabel Allende in 1995have illuminated the relation between the work and thelife, betweentheliteraryperformer andthewife-mother, between Allende's ,"real-life"personalityand her artisticpersonae." When Icontrast these recent interviewswithearlierinterviewsinAllende'scareer (e.g., my 1988 interview with her),itisclear that her sophistication toward and comfort with the role of interviewee have increased,even thoughher fundamentalopennessandstraightforwardnessasan interviewsubject have remainedconstant." She is a master storyteller who makes use of storiesin her interviews,butherendlessself-reinventionmarksher as more an advertiser thanaraconteur. IV

The idea of a writer "performing" an interviewis not neweven before the birth of the ParisReview, a few"celebrity"authors(usuallyinnewspapers and masscirculation -periodicals)projectedtheirpersonae on a public eager to know about the lives of "great men." Although scholars have been reluctantto scrutinizetherolesand personae characteristicof this newly emergentgenre,'" even Bruce Bawer, while maintainingskepticism aboutthe"seriousness"of the 86 CarolinasCommunication Annual literaryinterviewasan object worthy ofintellectual interest,did indeed acknowledge that interviewsare sometimes more than just"Entertainment Tonight." Bawer suggested_ that interviews canbe literary creationsintheir own right"sheer portraiture,a characterportrait."4 2 The pointisa crucial one:literary interviews are dramatic performances by an intervieweebefore"a representative of the public"theinterviewer.' The interview, which sharessimilaritieswith dialoguein novels and plays, gives us readersthe sense that we are encountering thelive human being who breathedlife into theart,thus "promot[ing] the feelingthat,yes, there isa heartbeat on the pagesof our intellectual lives."44 Indeed the most gripping interviewsoften cast their subjects as heroesor either, asin the case of raconteurs such as GeraldStern, more likeanti- heroes in their own life dramas. Or asLyon sums it up: "It is the author's'real'life,andits excitement that we have come to expectfrom an interview."' Do authors therefore seek to"embellish"their "real"lives? Do they turn conversations with interviewers who areseekinginformationand opinion into "faction"? No doubt they sometimesdolike most of us.Although Bawer exaggeratesthat "awriter'svalue as an interviewsubject seems to be directly proportionaltotheoutrageousness,immodestion,and irresponsibilityof hisremarks,"itisindisputable that thecreationof character heightens most readers' interestininterviews. Much asI aspired to do in my rudimentary typology of intervieweesastraditionalists,raconteurs, andadvertisers,theLatin Americanliteraryscholar Ted Lyon has attempted to catalogue, via a casestudy of Borges, some distinctive features of theinterview asa literary genre. Lyon notes that Borges was a master strategist who made use of the put-on, verbalirony, humor,self-effacement,purposefulmodesty,and feigned ignorance togain controlof hisinterviews, whereby heturnedthemintolabyrinthine meta- ficciones.46 Lyon also chartsthe processes of the The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 87 interview'sdevelopment from speechactthrough transcription,editing,and revisionto _ publication and reception. It begins as an owl genre but is often converted into a written text with the aid of a tape recorder (and a patient secretary). At this pointitis no longer spontaneoustalk,nor isitquite creative writingeither.Ithas likely undergone a number of changes from the time of recordingtoitspublication: The interviewer orpublisherwillmost assuredly editit,getting rid of awkward questions,putting periods and commas where (s)he deems necessary,even re-phrasingquestions on occasion,to more adequately meet the answer. (S)he will likely get rid of speech habits that impede the flow. The moment the interviewispublished, however,it involves athirdcreator,the reader of the dialogue.47 And it should be emphasized that the variousness and possibilities of the interview formand of the complex, shiftingdynamicsamonginterviewee,interviewer, andreader"--make theliteraryinterviewanobject indeed worthy of seriousstudy:afascinating example of a newly emergent postmodern genre."

NOTES

1.For aslightlydifferent treatment of the conceptual issues wised by the interview as an emerging genre of literary performance, see my essay,"'I am inventing myself allthetime':Isabel Allende and the Literary InterviewasPublic Performance," Text and Performance Quarterly15 (Autumn 1996), pp.1- 23. 89 88 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

2.Carolyne Wright,"Revelations and Concealments: Interviews and Writers," GeorgiaReview vol. 38 (Fall 1984), pp. 644. Attending to"the person of the writer"inevitably meansexploringtheinterrelationshipbetween authorialcharacter,asmanifestedinliteraryworks, and the personae andpersonality of writers. Perhaps ironically; as we shall see,this has sometimes meant attending not somuch to the personality, but to the"impersonality," in T.S.Eliot's formulation,of anauthor'spersonae. 3. Quoted in William Butts,ed. InterviewswithRichard Wilbur (Jackson: U of MississippiP. 1990), p. xiv. 4. As we shall soon see, this useof interviews by scholars as primary and secondary texts correspondstothe more familiardistinction,voiced by Ronald Christ and othercritics, between interviewsasdocuments andliteraryartifacts, respectively. See David Neal Miller,"Isaac Bashevis Singer: The InterviewasFictional Genre," Contemporary Literature25 (1984), p. 188.

5.David Bleich, (Inter)views:Cross-D isciplinary Perspectives on Rhetoric and Literacy.Ed. Gary A. Olson and Irene Gale (Carbondale, IL:Southern Illinois UP, 1991). "Introduction: DoWe Need Sacred Texts and Great Men?," p.1.

6.For a discussion of the relationships among authorialimages,personality,and reputation-building,see my Politicsof Literary Reputation: The Makin gaadClaiming of"St.George" Orwell (New York: Oxford UP, 1989).

7.See, for example: Ted Lyon, "Jorge LuisBorges and the Interview as Literary Genre," LatinAmerican Literary Review. 22 (July-December 1994), pp..75-91; James D. Meriwether and Michael Millgate,eds. Lion ,30 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 89 In the Garden: Interviews with William Faulkner 1926-62 (New York: Random House, _1969); David Neal Miller,"Isaac Bashevis Singer: The Interviewas Fictional Genre," ContemporaryLiterature.' 25 (1984), pp. 187-204.

Scholarlyinterestinthestructure,format, and techniquesof interviewinghas beenchiefly exhibited by psychologists.See,forinstance,the following:

John Davis, The Interviewas Arena: 'Strategiesin StandardizedInterviewsandPsychotherapy (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1971); Judith S. Kestenberg and Eva Fogleman, eds. Children during the Nazi Reign:PsychologicalPerspectives onthe InterviewingProcess(Westport, CT: Westport, 1994). For discussions 'of the interview format by other socialscientists,see JohnJ.Gumperz, "Interviewing inInterculturalSituations."In Talk at Work: InteractioninInstitutionalSettings.Ed. Paul Drew and John Heritage. Cambridge UK: Cambridge UP, 1992.

A few scholars have, however, devoted attentionto the interviewasaliteraryor performance genre. See, for instance, Eve Bertelsen, "Who IsIt Who Says 'I'? The Persona of a Doris Lessing Interview." In Doris Lessing The Alchemy of Survival. Ed. Carey Kaplan and Rose Ellen Cronan. For discussions of the interview form by literary scholars,see:Janice Williamson,"Interviewsas Intervention:On -SoundingDifferences: Conversations with Canadian Women Writers," Open Letter Vol. 8 (Winter-Spring 1993), pp. 5-6, 94-105; Dorothy E.Speirs, "Un Genre resolument modern: L'Interview,"Romance Quarterly Vol. 37 (August 1990), pp. 301-07; 90 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

For a textual and linguistic study of the .distinctive features of the"journalisticinterview,"see Fernando Martinze Val Ivey, "La Entrevista desde el Punto de Vista Conversacional: Estructuss Texh ales y Psgmaticas." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Navars (Spain),1994. The interview asa literary genre has occasionally been addressed by intellectuals andliterarycritics in periodicals such as Encounter. The Georgia Review, and The American Scholar. See, for example, inaddition tothe already-citedarticle by Wright: Melvin Lasky, "The Art of the Interview, or,the Difficulties of Asking a Question. & Getting an Answer," Encounter 72 (March 1989), pp. 61-64; Bruce Bawer, "Talk Show: The Rise of the Literary Interview,"American Scholar, 57 (1988), pp. 421-29. 8

8.Rare indeed isthe confession made by Wilfred Sheed, who admitted,after dismissing an interview collection of the Writers at Work seriesas"neither better nor worse than Hollywood gossip,"that he had been"dishonest": I had artfully concealed how much I had enjoyed the volumewhich meantit had some kind of value, if not the kindI was looking for.Idid not yet realize that gossipisthe very stuff of literature. Quoted in Bawer, p. 429.

9.Ronald Christ, "An Interview on Interviews," Literary ResearchNewsletter.vol. 2 (July 1977), pp. 111-12.

10. Ibid., p.113. 92 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 91

11. Bawer, p. 424. 12. Bawer, p. 429. 13. On the history of the Paris Review. see the three-personinterviewconducted amongthe founding and current editorsof the magazine. James Linville, Jean McCulloch, and George Plimpton,"-flgi Paris Review at Forty," PublishingResearch Quarterly Vol. 9 (Winter 1993-94): 53-65. See also: Ginger Stand, "The Paris Review Turns Forty," Poets and Writers Magazine. November-December1993, pp.16-19. 14. Among the co-founders who helped Plimpton launch The Paris Review were PeterMatthiessen, Harold Humes, Donald Hall, and William Styron. The magazine moved in 1972 from Paris to New York's Upper East Side.

15. Plimpton sawitdifferently. As he explained in1993: We decided that, if we were going to do criticism atall,Other than getting X to write on E.M. Forster, we would go to E.M. Forster himself and ask him about his writing process (Linville et.al.,p.56).

Whatever Plimpton's motivation,itshould be noted thathis magazine's interviews do not always produce quick and easy results: The Paris Review has had an interview with Salman Rushdie, conducted before the publication of SatanicVerses. on hold for more than five years,at the author's request. Rushdie fearsthatitspublication might further offend readersoutraged byhissatiric treatment of Islam in SatanicVerses. See Stand, p. 19.

16. Christ, p.119. 93 92 CarolinasCommunication Annual 17 Jeanne McCulloch, the current editor of Paris Review. notes accurately that the Writers at Work interviewsare something closetointensive "collaborations"inself-portraitureorautocritique withdistinguishedauthors. This seems to me unique in the world of journalism: to let a subject get a second or third chance to go on the record precisely the way he wants to go on the record. In the long run, we want to publish an . interview thatisawriter'sdistinctive portrait....Ifthewriter experiences any sense of "esprit deltescalier"after the tape recorder is turned off, we want to make sure he gets a chance to amend his transcript. So nothingisever publishedin the magazine untilall parties interviewer,subject,and editorare satisfied(pp.59-60). Critics of the Paris Review approach have judged these collaborations more cynicallyi.e.,as calculatedflattery towardand free advertising for alreadywell-knownauthors.

18. Christ, p.120. 19. See Eliot, "Tradition and the Individual Talent," Selected Essays of T.S. Eliot (London: Faber,1948), pp. 13-21. See also Albright. 20. See "Holy the Wild: An Interview with Rick Bass," Borderlands, no.8 (Spring/Summer 1996), pp.105- 17. 21. See "'The Thing Life of Paint, the Thought Lifeof Words': An Interview with W.S. Di Piero," Borderlands. Spring 1996, pp. 30-48; and "W.S. Di Piero: An Interview," TranslationReview, Spring 1996, pp. 23-27. 24 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 93

22. Personal communication with the author,12 December 1994. 23. See my "Homage to Dickens: An Interview with Frank Conroy," explorations (forthcoming). 24. See "A Harsh Day's Light: An Interview with Marge Piercy," Text and Performance Quarterly, vol. 17, no. 2 (July 1997), pp. 280-94. 25. "Splendor in the Weeds: An Interview with Gerald Stern," Text and Performance Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 3 (July 1996), pp. 269-89. 26. Ibid, p. 4. 27. See "Howard's Ends (and Means): An Interview with Richard Howard," Text and Performance Ouarterly, vol. 15, no. 3 (July 1995), pp. 229-43. 28. Ibid., p. 25. 29. See "W.S. Di Piero: An Interview," Translation Interview, op cit. 30. "The Translator as Team Player: John Nathan on Kenzaburo Oe, the 1994 Nobel Prize Winner," Japanophile (forthcoming). 31. Published by Putnam in1959, Mailer's AdvertisementsforMyself isin effect an extended interview. The book helped launch Mailer to become the best-known figureof aself-promotingauthor. Mailer has succeeded_ throughouthiscareerin advertisinghispersonality. He isthequintessential advertisinginterviewee, having blazedatrailfor those who would overtly and unabashedly "perform" theliteraryinterview.In AdvertisementsforMyself he celebrates how he became "a node in the new electroniclandscapeof celebrity,personality,and 95 94 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

status....I had been moved from the audience to the stage"(92). Mailer's attitude has been that all publicity is good publicity. He defends his inclusion of hisslight journalism in Advertisements for Myself as follows: There would be little excuse for including such bits if I had not decided to use my personality as the armature of this book. Having made such a choice,I cannot avoid showing this worst of my work.... An author's personality can helpor hurtthe attention readers give to his books and itis sometimes fatalto one's talent not to have a public with a clear public recognitionof one's size. The way to save your work and reach more readersistoadvertise yourself (219, 21). 32. Bawer, p. 423. 33. The main thesis of Sexual Personae isthatliterary scholars,inhibited bythebourgeois,formalist orthodoxies of modernism' feminism, andliberalism, have overvalued the "reading" of "texts"("the moralisticobsessionwithlanguage"),thereby neglectingthe major rolesof beauty,personality, sexuality,and indeed perversityinart,literature, and history. By contrast,viaaself-constructed taxonomy of sexual symbolic figuresher "sexual personae"(the vampire,the femmefatale, the virago, etc.)Paglia sought to demonstrate the unity and greatness of Western culture by tracingits pagan themes and values from Egyptianantiquity throughtheEuropean Renaissanceto19th-century Romanticism. 34. See "The PerformingArtist-Intellectual:The Personae and Personality of Camille Paglia," Text andPerformanceOuarterly, January 1996, pp. 62-82; 96 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 95

"Im-provis My Pedagogical Style': An Interview with Camille Paglia," Text and Performance Ouarterly, vol.16, no. (Spring 1996), pp. 161-71.

35. See my ConversationswithIsabelAllende (University of Texas Press, forthcoming); and"'I am re-inventing myself allthetime':Isabel Allende as PerformingInterviewee,"Text and Performance Ouarterly, vol.17; no. 1 (January 1997), pp. 1-25.

36. Miller, p. 200. 37. See Chapter One. Conversationswith _IsabelAllende. 38. Given that Allende has gained an enormous following in the English- speaking world,itis worth noting,asMiller observes about Isaac Bashevis Singer'sinterviews,thatthe interviewisthe only genre in which 'readers hear Allende's own voice in English. Indeed, as in the case of Singer, Allende has published many more interviewsbothinSpanish and in Englishthan short stories.Miller,p.188. Indeed, like Singer, Allende may be said to have createda"meta-interview"in which "each individually published conversationisbuta segment"(p.199).Allende's interviews functionas an excellent example of intertextuality. As inthe case of the ongoing saga of Allende's Caribbean heroine, Eva Luna, whose new adventures were eagerly anticipated and closely followed by readers inthe 1980s, Allende's dramatic, topsy-turvy lifeas chronicledinher interviewsisalso of absorbing interestto many of her readers.

39. Conversations withIsabelAllende. pp. 219-43.

40. 'The responsibilitytotellyou': An Interview with Isabel Allende," Kenyon Review, Spring 1991, pp. 110-21. This interview, which was conducted in 96 CarolinasCommunication Annual September 1988, also appears in Conversationswith Jsabel Allende. pp. 87-98. 41 My already-cited article on Isabel Allende in Text and Performance Ouarterly constitutesa modest attempt toward this end. The conclusionof the present essayisan elaboration of issuesfirst broached inthisAllende article.In several instances,Ihave drawn on formulations from that article.

42. cf. Bawer, p . 424. And the "character portrait"is not only of the interviewee but also ofthe interviewer. Indeed a separate and independent typology could be formulated todiscuss the interviewer. Let me offer here some notes toward that end and suggest that, just as in the case of interviewees, there are threetypesof interviewers. For instance, one type isthe "stage hand" interviewer who staysinthe background and often guides the interview with an invisible hand. This interviewerresemblesthetraditionalist interviewee."Stage-handinterviewers"convey informationorrevealtheinterviewee'scharacter by keeping thelatterinthe spotlight. Such interviewersserveasrespectfullistenersand grant theintervieweeundisputedcontrol. Likewise, there are at least two types of more active interviewers,comparableinnaturetothe raconteur andadvertiserinterviewees. A second type isthe "supporting interviewer." A supportingperforming,thisinterviewerisa secondary presence yet establishesadialogue with theauthor.The supportinginterviewer may even direct the interviewvia hisquestions, indeed even challenge any claim of the intervieweetofull control.This interviewerisnot necessarily 98 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 97 emotionally "supportive,"but may insist on addressingtopicsuncomfortabletotheinterviewee or on fillingin gaps in previous interviews. But because the supportingintervieweeisaportraitist of the Other, unwilling todisplace the interviewee, allsuch interventionsare chiefly aimed atkeeping thefocus on theinterviewee,ratherthan usurping control. A third type of interviewercall her the "intruder" insertsherself,sometimes quiteforcibly,intothe interview.Theintruderintervieweroftencompetes with the interview subject for the spotlight,or poses inthe form of lengthy statements, or otherwise grabsattention fromtheinterviewee. A variation on thislatter type isthe interview conducted by a known interviewer (sometimesa respectedartistin her own right). Such "peer interviewers"conduct something closeto"dual interviews":conversationswiththeostensible subjectinwhich,both participantsareactuallythe subjectsandalternately performtheinterviewand intervieweeroles. My own habitsas an interviewer tend toward the second type, but I am aware that my interview style possesses elements of the first and third types,too.

43. Charles Ruas, ConversationswithAmerican Writers (New York: Knopf, 1985), p.xiii.

44. Bleich, quoted in Lyon, p.78. 45. Ibid

46. By incorporatingthesefictionaltechniquesintohis interviewsand playingwithreaders'literalist assumptions about interviewsassources of biographicalinformation,Borgesradically challenged the horizon of expectationsthat most

9 9 98 CarolinasCommunicationAnnual

readers bringtothe interview genre. As we shall see,advertising interviewees such as Paglia and Allende clearly do the same. On Singer's and Lessing's strategiesfor stage- managingtheirinterviewsandmaintaining control,see Miller and Bertelsen,respectively. 47. Lyon, p.77. 48. Many interviewersmaintainthatreadersarenot just interestedinthe interviewee but in the relationshipbetweentheintervieweeand interviewer.Isthisthe case?

Ihave often pondered thisquestion, andIrecognize my own involvement (or uneasycomplicity)inany response. Butlet,me attempt an answer. Many readers would answer immediately:no. Such readers want the interviewer to"stand in"for them and ask questions that they themselves would ask, so that they can imagine that the interviewisa conversationbetweentheauthorandthemselves. Their preference isto gain a special glimpse of the au th ori.e., direct access to theauthorwithout intrusionorinterferencefromtheinterviewer.

'However common this response,itoften elides the factthat the impressions of the interviewee are invariably partly based on hisor her relationshipto theinterviewer. My own view isthat, whatever the individual reader'sperception of the interviewer,theveryfact that the interviewer isalso a subjectand also a performershould not be forgottenor underestimated. The interviewerisfrequentlya shadowy presenceinthe interviewand many readers preferitthat way. But even if the interviewer remainsinthe background, he or she 100 The LiteraryInterviewasPublic Performance 99 plays a vital,if often subtle, role as producer and co- director of the interviewee'sstory.Ultimately,the interview is a biodrama, for itis,as Lyons notes,-a lifecreated by the author and the interviewer" (Lyons 24). 49. See Lyon, pp. 77-87. Perloff writes in her "Introduction"to Postmodern Genres (Norman, OK: U of Oklahoma P. 1988):

Postmodern genresisthus characterized byits appropriationof othergenres,both high and popular, by its longing for a both/and situation rather them one of either/or(p.8). As Ihave already suggested, the emerging genre of the interviewisa complex combination of a number of existing genresincluding monologue,dialogue, dramatic monologue, and comedy. Because scholar-criticshave beenlargelyinsensitivetothe generic mutations that have given risetothe modern interview,theinterviewform hasgone under-appreciatedandlittle-studied.Cohen notes, however, thatitis"the nature of genres to combine," and thisinsight, when applied tothe interview,shouldresultinitsreceivingserious scholarlyattention by literaryhistoriansaswellas genretheorists. What kind of concrete approachtotheinterview might criticsstudyingthe form take?

Literaryhistorianscould,for example,tracethe history of the interview,notingthehistorical implicationsof the formalinnovationsinthegenre. Culturalhistorians might examine how the interviewhasreflectedand shapedhistory.Because the modern interview hasitsoriginsinand been most popular in the US, a history of the genre could furnisharevealing,far-rangingsocialhistoryof twentieth-centuryAmerica.

1 0 1 100 CarolinasCommunication Annual

Meanwhile, genre scholars could focus more on the interactionsand combinationsof various genres with the emerging genre of the interview.For an overview of such conceptual issues,see Ralph Cohen's contributionto Perloffs collection: "Do Postmodern Genres Exist?" (esp. pp.15,17,18). CONTRIBUTORS

Randy K. Dillon (Ph.D., University of Florida),is Assistant Professor of Communication and Mass Media at Southwest Missouri State University inSpringfield, MO. Catherine A.Jolivet(Ph.D.,Louisiana State University),isAssistant Professor of Romance Languages and Literatureat George Washington Universityin Washington, D.C.

John Rodden (Ph.D., University of Virginia),is Adjunct Professor of Speech Communication atthe University of Texas at Austin.

RoySchwartzman (Ph.D., University of Iowa),is Assistant Professor of Theatre, Dance and Speech at the University of South Carolina.in Columbia, SC.

John S.Seiter(Ph.D.,University of Southern California),isAssistant Professor of Languages, Philosophy, and Speech at Utah State University in Logan, UT. Eunkyong Lee Yook (Ph.D.,University of Minnesota),isa Assistant Professor of Speech Communication at James Madison Universityin Harrisonburg,VA. 1998 CAROLINAS COMMUNICATION ASSOCIATION CONVENTION

Convention Theme Striving for the Mountaintop: Evaluating Obstacles and Triumphs Along the Communication Discipline's Journey to Excellence

ConventionDates 2-3 October 1998 Location Quality Inn Biltmore Asheville, NC 704/274-1800 Check-in time is 3:00 p.m. Room reservation deadline: 1 September For more information: Jean De Hart Department of Communication Walker Hall Appalachian State University Boone, NC 28608 704/262-2402 [email protected] THE CAROLINAS COMMUNICATIONASSOCIATION 1997-98 MEMBERS Lori Adams Doreen Geddes Leigh Nelson Andrea Aadaser Ethel Glenn Jeff Nichols Brenda Armentrout H.L. Goodall Douglas Norman Mary Ash lock Constance Green Bob Nowell Phillip Bailey Jimmie Griffi,n Edytak Oczkowicz Gregory Baldwin Tom Heeney Cynethia Page Bill Balthrop Melody Henson Emily Patterson Faye Barber Debra Hibbard Robert Payne Kay Butler Barefoot Bill Hill Kami Periman Ron Bassett Mark-Anthony Hines Samuel Perry David Berube Sandra Hochel Jill Pittman Kimberly Biggers Howard Hoffman Charles Porterfield David Bobbitt Jack Holgate Nancy Potts William Bolduc Mark Hovind Stephen Pullum David Bollinger Judith Hudson Leanne Pupchek Gus Bradley Mal Hyman Caroll Purgason Kristi Brewer Diane Jenkins Charles Quick Cindi Brown Janet Joines Dwarka Ramphal Deborah Brunson Dolores Jones Phyllis Randall. Amber Burgess Mary Jordan Page Ransom Evelyn Burrows Amy Katz Amanda Refern Lawrence Burrell Howard Kingkade George Redman Leigh Cameron Leslie Kittredge Donna Rewalt Ray Camp Sara Kluttz Lloyd Rohler Chad Campbell Roxann Knutson Lawrence Rosenfeld Allison Carr Esther Kramer Charlynn Ross Stephanie Carrino Mary Kaye Krum Lora Lee Sager Charles Catalano Lisa Latham Kenya Samuels Anne Cathey Joseph Lee Roy Schwartzman Lynn Cherry Carol Leeman Margaret Shepherd Norman Clark Richard Leeman Craig Allen Smith Terry Cole George Lellis Nancy Snow Patricia Co'rneaux John Llewellyn Regula Spottl Chip Cox Carmen Love Sandy Stallings Kerry David Cox Shelly Lutzweiler Maude 11 Stephens Kimberly Cuny Brian Mabry Ronda Sting ley Patricia Cutspec Faye Maclaga Melissa Stowasser Margaret Daniels Kristin Magod Andrew Taylor Jean Dehart Joanna Malchano Theresa Szypulski Michael Digh Francine Marrus Carole Tal lent Betty Dillard Ginger Martin Tom Tedford Sister Marie Donovan Tracy Matthews Shawn Thomas Howard Dorgan Louise Maynor Christina Toy Kelly Dorgan Bonnie McAllister Glenda Treadaway Carol Drowota Ann McDonald Frank Urben Carolyn Dunk le Bruce McKinney Keri Van Doren Joyce Elliot David McLennan Amy Wagoner Jennifer Estava Rod McVetta Mary Leigh Wallace Dean Farmer Beth Mickel Gretchen Weber Katie Fields Ken Mihalik Frank Whaley Eric Fife Mary Miller Linda White Wanda Foil Taylor Mills Charmaine Wilson Kate Fowkes Mona Moore Mitchell Elizabeth Wilson Hal Fulmer Nina-Jo Moore Katherine Young Paul Gates Jody Natalie 105 BESTCOPYAVALABLE ritgc 1 01 L CS 510175

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