TRICHILIA EMETICA TECHNICAL REPORT
Mafurra T richilia emetica
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE, USES AND AGROFORESTRY POTENTIAL
World Agroforestry Centre TRANSFORMING LIVES AND LANDSCAPES
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE Biodiversity Gender Knowledge ORGANISATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Mafurra Trichilia emetica
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE,
USES AND AGROFORESTRY POTENTIAL
By: Patrick Matakala, Arnela Maússe and Alberto Macucule
Maputo, June 2005
PUBLISHED BY HAMILTON-FYNCH: [email protected] WORLD AGROFORESTRY CENTER - ICRAF
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank the FAO and particularly the LiNKs Project for the financial contribution made to undertake this study. The research team would also like to thank Dr. Estevão Filimão and Ms. Gaia Segola for their comments on initial drafts of the study. The study would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of the District Directorates of Agriculture and Rural Development of Inharrime and Zavala, as well the Administrative Officer of Chidenguele Administrative Post. Special thanks go to the two technicians of Inharrime and Zavala District Directorates of Agriculture and Rural Development – Adélia and Alcides – for their guidance in the field, to all community leaders and respondents for their cooperation and friendliness.
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List of Acronyms
ARIM Agronomic Research Institute of Mozambique
ARTSC-Nelspruit Agricultural Research Training and Science Centre - Nelspruit
ASNAPP Agribusiness in Sustainable Natural African Plant Products
CPWILD Commercial Products from the Wild
DDARD District Directorate of Agriculture and Rural Development
EN 1 National Road Number 1 (Estrada Nacional Número 1)
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
ICRAF International Centre for Research in Agroforestry
MEDIMOC Medicamentos de Moçambique
Mt Mozambican Metical
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
SAFIRE Southern Alliance for Indigenous Resources
USD United States Dollar
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE Mafurra TRICHILIA EMETICA
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgments –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ii List of Acronyms –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– iii List of Tables ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– v List of Figures –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– vi
1. INTRODUCTION –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 1.1 Background ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 1.2 Study objectives –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 2 1.2.1 General –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 2 1.2.2 Specific –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 2
2. METHODOLOGY––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 3 2.1 General methodology and study area description –––––––––––––––––––––––––– 3 2.2 Phases of the study –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 5 2.2.1 Study preparation –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 5 2.2.2 Field work –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 5 2.2.3 Reporting––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 6
3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 7 3.1 Household composition and structure ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 7 3.2 Perceptions and local knowledge –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 8 3.3 Mafurra processing and other uses ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 11 3.4 Marketing of mafurra and its by-products ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 14 3.5 Species propagation and cultivation ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 17 3.6 Pests and diseases –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 18 3.7 Mafurra potentials and traits for improvement –––––––––––––––––––––––––––24 20 3.8 The contribution of mafurra to household food security –––––––––––––––––––– 22
4. CONCLUSIONS AN RECOMMENDATIONS ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 25 4.1 Conclusions ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 25 4.2 Recommendations –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 26
Annex 1: Field survey questionnaire ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 28
Annex 2: Names of interviewees by gender, age, occupation and study area location –––––––– 34
Annex 3: Flowering, maturation and harvesting seasons of different types of mafurra according to interviewees in Inharrime, Zavala and Chidenguele districts ––––––––– 41
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List of Tables
Table 3.1: Summary of interviewees by gender and study location ––––––––––––– 8
Table 3.2: Summary of household composition and structure by gender and study area location ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 8
Table 3.3: Characterization of different types of mafurra identified within the study area ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 9
Table 3.4: Common names of different types of mafurra cited in the study areas and frequency distribution of the responses –––––––––––––––––––––––– 10
Table 3.5: Level of preference for types of mafurra between male and female respondents –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 11
Table 3.6: Prices for different types of mafurra types and their by-products within the study area. ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 15
Table 3.7: Local names of pests and diseases common on mafurra within the study area and frequency of responses ––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 18
Table 3.8: Description of common pests and diseases found on mafurra and some local control measures practiced by respondents within the study area. –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 20
Table 3.9: Priority traits identified by respondents for improvement to enhance mafurra production within the study area–––––––––––––––––––––––––– 21
Table 3.10: Contribution of mafurra to food security and improved local diets.––––– 23
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE Mafurra TRICHILIA EMETICA
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Location of study areas in Inhambane and Gaza Provinces.–––––––––––– 4
Figure 2: Color differentiation of mafurra types found in the study area. –––––––––––– 9
Figure 3: Drying of mafurra fruit in the sun. –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 12
Figure 4: Boiling of mafurra to obtain oil and dry pulp. –––––––––––––––––––––––– 12
Figure 5: Selling of mafurra fruit at a local roadside market in Chidenguele.––––––––– 14
Figure 6: Illustration of local conservation methods of fresh mafurra during commercialization. –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 16
Figure 7: Consumption of boiled cassava dipped in mafurra oil (munhantsi) over breakfast –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 22
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1. Introduction
1.1 BACKGROUND
Mafurreira (Trichilia emetica Vahl.) the mafurra tree––is a valuable oil-producing tree species that belongs to the Maleaceae family and grows successfully in Mozambique. The species is well adapted to different agro-ecological conditions, but is mainly found along the coastal lowlands in the southern part of the country where it is commonly integrated in local agroforestry practices.
Mafurra mainly grows in the wild but it is also widely propagated by farmers, especially women, through seed, rootstocks and wild seedlings on-farm and near homesteads. In urban areas, mafurra is also frequently used for ornamental purposes and as a shade tree.
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE Mafurra TRICHILIA EMETICA
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The mafurra tree has significant cultural and socio-economic value in Mozambique, The importance of especially in the southern part of the country. It is commonly used for spiritual cere- mafurra goes beyond monies that involve pledging to ancestors, and in the identification of graves in family Mafurracemeteries. In addition, mafurra fruits are widely consumed and sold during the immediate local season, especially by women. consumption in its crude TRICHILIA EMETICA form, as it is also locally There are many types of mafurra mainly identified by the colour of the pericarp (the edible cover of the seed) such as red and white mafurra, and also by size of the processed by women into fruits, such as big and small mafurra seeds/fruits. White mafurra is the most an edible oil (called preferred for both local consumption and for sale because it is more palatable and munhantsi) and pulp has more pulp. However, there are a few families who own or produce mafurra trees (called xibehe) mainly due to the difficulties associated with propagation of the species such as poor germination capacity and seedling survival. During the harvest season from November-March, households with larger quantities, and especially women, supply urban markets in order to raise and increase family income to support other basic needs. The importance of mafurra goes beyond immediate local consumption in its crude form, as it is also locally processed by women into edible oil (called munhantsi) and pulp (called xibehe) that improve local diets and are used as food sources, particularly during post-harvest periods that are characterized by high food shortages.
However, there are many limitations in relation to the handling and conservation of fresh fruits and seeds, as fruits mature in short periods, thereby demanding a lot of Most rural communities effort by women in fruit collection and drying to avoid deterioration. There are also have access only to natural many losses of fruit experienced as a direct consequence of high humidity levels resources for construction caused by rain and poor conservation conditions by users, such as exposure to materials. sunlight all of which cause accelerated fruit rotting. Therefore, mafurra collection, transportation, fresh use and marketing must be done within the shortest possible time to avoid rapid deterioration of the fruit. Mafurra seed is also susceptible to insect attacks during fruit development and maturation stages.
This study is intended to document and disseminate indigenous knowledge related to propagation, conservation, processing, and use of mafurra taking into account gender roles. It also highlights the contribution of mafurra to rural household food security.
1.2 STUDY OBJECTIVES
1.2.1 GENERAL The purpose of this study is to document local knowledge in relation to uses, marketing, processing and propagation of mafurra, as well as to assess its potential contribution to increased family income and food security.
1.2.2 SPECIFIC To collect data on local knowledge (utilization, dissemination, propagation, conservation and cultural myths) related to mafurra; To carry out a detailed analysis of the potential contributions of mafurra to house- hold incomes and food security; To establish the market chain (production-commercialization-consumption) for mafurra; and To disseminate the results of the study to all relevant stakeholders. 2 Trichilia emetica, Vahl. Mafurra
2. Methodology
2.1. GENERAL METHODOLOGY AND STUDY AREA DESCRIPTION
This study was carried out in Inharrime and Zavala Districts in Inhambane Province, as well as the Administrative Post of Chidenguele (Posto Administrativo de Chidenguele) in Manjacaze District, Gaza Province (Figure 1). These are some of the areas located along the National Highway EN 1 (Estrada Nacional Número 1) that are major sources of mafurra sold in major urban centers including Xai-Xai in Gaza Province and the capital city of Maputo.
However, data collection was not only confined to locations along the highway, but also involved several other locations and administrative posts, such as Dongane, Chacane and Mahalambe in Inharrime District, and CanetaneLOCAL and Muane in Zavala INDIGENOUS District. KNOWLEDGE Mafurra TRICHILIA EMETICA
3 Figure 1: Location of the study areas in Inhambane and Gaza Provinces
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The research team comprised two senior researchers from Maputo and a driver. In each district visited, a technician from the Agriculture Sector was also recruited as part of the research team. In each location and/or administrative post visited, a local resident was also included in the team to serve as a guide in the identification of families to be interviewed and assist with translation of conversations into local languages in the event of limited communication between the research team and the interviewees.
During the planning phase, a minimum of 35 households were defined as an adequate sample per district. However, the team was able to collect data from about 50 households per district. Field data collection employed a combination of Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques including semi-structured interviews with key-informants comprising both men and women (mafurra users, sellers and local leaders) and relevant groups of stakeholders, construction of ranking matrices, direct observations and discussions in small groups. The majority of interviewees Mafurra contributes were illiterate, which made it difficult for them to comprehend certain technical significantly to household questions particularly in relation to propagation techniques and mafurra traits for food security and income improvement.
2.2. PHASES OF THE STUDY
In order to achieve the foregoing objectives, the study was divided into the following three phases: i) study preparation; ii) field work; and iii) final reporting.
2.2.1. STUDY PREPARATION This phase involved the formation and training of the research team, refinement of the study terms of reference and planning of fieldwork (scheduling, logistics). The research team was composed of two senior researchers and a driver plus one technician from the Agriculture Sector in each district visited. The World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) office in Maputo provided training to the research team in the application of PRA tools.
2.2.2. FIELD WORK Field data collection took place between August 8th – 25th, 2004. The first week (August 8th -13th), was spent in Inharrime district; August 16th – 20th in Zavala District; and August 23rd – 25th in Chidenguele Administrative Post in Manjacaze District.
Within each district, four villages comprising 50 households were selected for inter- views. The criteria for selection of these areas included relevance to mafurra production potential, evidenceLOCAL of marketing INDIGENOUSactivities, uses, processing and KNOWLEDGE other basic information that was required by the research team such existence of mafurra trees in the study area. Information on different potential areas was initially obtained from the District Directorates of Agriculture and Rural Development (DDARD) in each district and/or their representativesMafurra in specific administrative posts and villages. TRICHILIA EMETICA
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With the exception of community repre- accordance with the questionnaire With the exception of sentatives, interviewee households were (Annex 1) that was used during the inter- community randomly selected based on a list views. Data analysis was based on Mafurraprovided by local leaders. After random- frequency distribution of the responses representatives, ization, the TRICHILIAteam sorted out the EMETICAusing pattern matching and also the interviewee households household names on a list and the analysis of data in a gender perspective. were randomly selected interviewer selected the first fifty house- For each section and question, some based on a list provided hold representatives per study area to mathematical parameters such as mean be interviewed. Household names were and mode were calculated and similar by local provided by a knowledgeable local questions were grouped in order leaders. resident who was part of the research to discern the general tendencies in team. In case of absences or lack of the responses. Different approaches availability, the team interviewed the including triangulation were also used in next available household on the list . the interpretation of final results. The final stage was the drawing up of results, 2.2.3 REPORTING conclusions and recommendations. This phase consisted of data processing using a word processor and Excel spreadsheet followed by data analysis in
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3. Results and Discussion
3.1 HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION AND STRUCTURE Annex 2 provides a detailed list of interviewees by study area, gender and age. Table 3.1 summarizes the categories of interviewees by gender and study area. A total of 149 people were interviewed of whom 48 were from Inharrime, 50 from Chidenguele and 51 from Zavala. The interviewees in Chidenguele and Inharrime were aged between 19 and 89 years, while in Zavala the ages ranged between 24 and 93 years old. Almost all interviewees were farmers.
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE Mafurra TRICHILIA EMETICA
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Of the 149 interviewees, 92 were women and 57 were men (Table 3.1). In all the three areas studied, the number of female interviewees was relatively higher than that of males except in Zavala, where the distribution was somewhat balanced (26 Culturally, it is Mafurrafemales and 25 males). The high proportion of female interviewees in this study acknowledged that couldTRICHILIA be attributed to the fact EMETICAthat women were more likely to be at home or on nearby farms than men and hence had a high probability of meeting with the women are the research team. Culturally, it is also acknowledged that women are the predominant predominant collectors, collectors, users and processors of mafurra. The majority of interviewees were users and processors of farmers with only a limited number of respondents being technicians or workers from mafurra. the District Directorates of Agriculture and Rural Development as well as those who were self-employed.
Table 3.1: Summary of interviewees by gender and study location
STUDY AREA STUDY AREA MALES FEMALES TOTAL
Inharrime 16 32 48 Zavala 25 26 51 Chidenguele 16 34 50
Total 57 92 149
Table 3.2 illustrates the summary of household composition by gender and study area. The total number of individuals represented in the households interviewed was A mature mafurra tree. 959, of whom 155 were male, 254 were female and 550 were children. Zavala showed the highest number of females in terms of total household composition (98), followed by Inharrime (86), and finally Chidenguele (70). In relation to male compo- sition in the households, Inharrime had 56, followed by Zavala at 57 and Chidenguele with 42. The number of children in the households interviewed was 146 in Inharrime, 188 in Chidenguele and 216 in Zavala.
Table 3.2: Summary of household composition and structure by gender and study area location
DISTRICT/ STUDY AREA LOCATION MALES FEMALES CHILDREN TOTAL
Inharrime 56 86 146 288 Zavala 57 98 216 371 Chidenguele 42 70 188 300
Total 155 254 550 959
3.2. PERCEPTIONS AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE
The types of mafurra that were frequently reported to be available in the study areas included nhamarrobe/nhamadjavane (white mafurra - Figure 2), wobilivila (red mafurra of normal size - Figure 2), nhatxocoti/nhatxotxue (small size red mafurra), xifampure/nhamapfumete (red mafurra without an aril), malaule (mafurra that could be either white or red with a single small seed), bape (red mafurra of big size and good taste), and wopatela (mafurra of mixed white and red colors- Figure 2). Various types of mafurra were found in the study area differentiated mainly by color, fruits/seed size, and taste. Table 3.3 shows the main types of mafurra and frequency of respondents that referred to each type in the three study areas.
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Figure 2: Differentiation of mafurra types found in the study area––color figures on cover
Table 3.3: Common names of different types of mafurra cited in the study area
DISTRICT/ LOCAL NAME NUMBER OF N LOCATION OF MAFURRA RESPONDENTS
Inharrime Nhatxocoti 39 Wobilivila 32 Typical street scene in Nhamadjavane/Macanete 23 rural Mozambique. Xifampure 12 48
Chidenguele Wobilivila niku bassa 5 Nhamadjavane 49 Wobilivila 44 Nhamapfumete 28 Nhatxotxue 32 Bape 12 Wopatela 3 Nhamarrobe/Nhamadjavane 51 50
Zavala Wobilivila 47 Nhatxocoti 33 Xifampure 32 Malaule 2 51
Common names of mafurra were found (found in both Inharrime and Zavala to be similar in the three study areas, districts), for instance, is the same as although there were some minor differ- ‘nhamapfumete’ found in Chidenguele – ences in the naming of the different meaning ‘Without vision or blind.’ types. The differences in names are Similarly, ‘nhatxocoti’ in Inharrime and simply semantic from a linguistic point of Zavala, is the same as ‘nhatxotxue’ in view. For instance, although the main Chidenguele. Therefore, the outlier language spoken in the three study names such as ‘bape’ and ‘malaule’ are areas is Chope, that which is spoken in simply as a result of linguistic differences Inharrime is often mixed with or has and external influences on the Chope influence from Bitonga (another local language. Table 3.4 provides a compara- language). The Chope spoken in tive description of the main Chidenguele is often mixed with characteristics used in the differentiation Xangana, a predominant language in and classification of mafurra identified in neighbouring Gaza Province,LOCAL whereas INDIGENOUSthe study areas. KNOWLEDGE the Chope spoken in Zavala is consid- ered pure. Hence, the nameMafurra ‘xifampure’ TRICHILIA EMETICA
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LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE
Table 3.4: Characterization of different types of mafurra identified within the study area
User preferences LOCAL NAMES MAIN CHARACTERISTICS MafurraOF MAFURRA for the type of mafurra NhamadjavaneTRICHILIAMafurra that EMETICA is completely white, tasty or sweet with high pulp level and varied according to mealy in texture.
specific needs such as Wobilivila Red mafurra, tasty or sweet with a mealy texture like that of nhamadjavane. Pulp level varies from one tree to another. The name taste, pulp and oil ‘wobilivila’ means red in the Chope language. content. Nhamapfumete Mafurra that can be either white or red. The only difference from the latter two is that its aril is completely covered and thus is invisible. The name means ‘without eyes’ in the Chope language.
Nhatxotxue Mafurra that is red in colour, with a small fruit size and with a bitter taste. This mafurra has a higher oil content than the other types and has a low pulp level compared with red mafurra.
Bape This is a variety of red mafurra, probably the largest size available. It has a good, sweet taste, is mealy in texture and has a very high quality pulp content. It is particularly characterised by late maturity compared to oth- ers.
Wopatela This type of mafurra has mixed colours of white and red (Figure 1). Some people prefer to call this white mafurra (nhamadjavane) if white predomi- nates, or red mafurra (wobilivila) if red predominates. The name ‘wopatela’ means mixed.
Malaule Mafurra that may be either white or red but with a single small seed.
The reproduction calendar for mafurra was found to be common for all the identified varieties. Respondents reported that flowering occurred between July and August; A typical rural home fruiting between August and September; maturing between November and reflecting dependence on December; and fruit harvesting between December and March. For the normal red natural resources and low type, small red type and the type without an aril, some variations were reported in annual incomes. their flowering periods and harvest seasons (see Annex 3). The big red mafurra and the one without an aril (nhamapfumete) were found to mature late.
User preferences for the type of mafurra varied according to specific needs such as taste, pulp and oil content. Table 3.5 illustrates the level of preferences of different type of mafurra. White mafurra (nhamajavane or nhamarrobe) is the most preferred by almost all respondents (91.2% men and 86.96% women) for its good taste and high pulp content, followed by the bigger red type wobilivila, (84.21% men and 81.52% women). The least used types of mafurra among all respondents include wopatela, bape and malaule. Of these, women still prefer bape and wopatela in comparison with men who prefer malaule.
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Table 3.5: Level of preference for types of mafurra amongst male and female respondents
TYPES OF CUMULATIVE % OF CUMULATIVE % OF MAFURRA MALE RESPONDENTS FEMALE RESPONDENTS (n=57) (n=92)
Nhamadjavane 91.20 86.96 Wobilivila 84.21 81.52 Nhatxotxue 61.40 72.50 Nhamapfumete 38.60 54.30 Malaule 3.50 0.00 Bape 1.75 8.70 Wopatela 1.75 6.52
Mafurra consumption involves local habits and customs in southern Mozambique. Almost all households interviewed consume mafurra with pleasure and satisfaction, it being the most preferred wild fruit when in season by the Chope people The inter- A wide variety of crops viewees, especially men (35.3%), mentioned that they consumed mafurra for are cultivated in home nutritional reasons while the majority of women respondents (38.3%) asserted that gardens. mafurra consumption was part of local tradition and custom passed over genera- tions. The women respondents also denied having knowledge of the chemical composition of mafurra to make inferences about its contribution to nutrition and health. On the other hand, men (35.3%) justified their position by saying that although they did not know anything about the chemical composition of mafurra, they believed that mafurra contained some vitamins because during the season, people who ate mafurra looked more beautiful, fair and fat.
3.3 MAFURRA PROCESSING AND OTHER USES
Use of mafurra varies according to type. For direct consumption while fresh, both male and female respondents preferred mafurra that is tasty and sweet irrespective of color or size. All types of mafurra can be processed to obtain oil (muhantsi) and dry pulp (xibehe). It is important to note that the small red mafurra (nhatxocoti) that has a bitter taste and high oil content, is used exclusively to extract oil.
As mentioned earlier, from processing one can obtain a range of mafurra products that could be sold and consumed locally. These products include cooking oil, medicinal oil, edible pulp, residual and fresh sauce or milk that could be used in seasoning different foods such as cassava, vegetables, meat and fish. The dried pulp of mafurra is a good substitute for coconut and groundnuts, particularly in times of shortages of the latter. Fresh mafurra soaked and made into a sauce or milk can be added to fresh food as a seasoning. Sauce preparation consists of soaking fresh mafurra seeds in water orLOCAL cashew nut fresh INDIGENOUS juice that is kept for about KNOWLEDGE 15 to 20 minutes, hand mixed and filtered in order to obtain the required sauce. The soaking is done in order to separate the pulp from the seed. The sauce is milky and can be light or dense, depending onMafurra the amount of water added. TRICHILIA EMETICA
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Mafurra processing requires good preliminary treatment, immediately after harvest. The major and most important pre-treatment after harvest is the drying process. This is predominantly done by women in two steps. The first is in the sun for a Mafurraperiod of one to two weeks (Figure 3), and secondly, in containers placed inside huts Smoke is used inside whereTRICHILIA fires are lit to provide smoke EMETICA that eventually reduces the vulnerability of fruits huts to reduce the to attack by fungi and insects. Once dry, the mafurra fruits are placed in bags vulnerability of fruits to awaiting final processing. attack by fungi and insects
Figure 3: Drying of mafurra fruit in the sun
It can be said that processing of mafurra seed starts with the drying stage, followed by washing up and soaking in water for two days in big pots. Before soaking, there is selection and removal of rotten seeds to guarantee a good quality final product. After two days of soaking, the mafurra fruits are removed, pressed by hand and then put into water again and mixed to obtain a milky and oily liquid that is later filtered to separate the liquid from seeds. The liquid is then boiled for at least three hours after which it separates into a top clear emulsion and a bottom dense residue (Figure 4). The top emulsion is further boiled for two hours to obtain pure oil (muhantsi). The bottom dense residue is boiled until a dry pulp (xibehe) is obtained. This process lasts an average of 12 hours and consumes a lot of firewood. The whole process of extracting oil and obtaining dry pulp is quite labour-intensive. Since women are responsible for mafurra processing and other household chores (e.g. collecting water and firewood, cooking, preparing kids for school, etc.), they end up being over-worked.
Figure 4: Boiling of mafurra to obtain oil and dry pulp
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For medicinal oil production, seed is activity away from their family members crushed and water is added and boiled and strangers. Women undergoing in order to obtain the desired oil. menstruation or suffering from nasal Medicinal oil can be applied to wounds, hemorrhage are also not allowed to hair, and as a lotion particularly on newly process mafurra for the same reason. born babies as a skin emulsifier. Apart Orphans are also banned from from the medicinal oil, other parts of the processing mafurra as they are believed mafurra tree have also been used in to be ‘out of luck and with a bad hand’, traditional medicine. Mafurra leaves having lost one or both of their parents. have been use to cure a number of According to the respondents, only stomach ailments such as colic and diar- females get involved in the processing rhea, as well as root and bark as males are believed to be more concoctions to clean the digestive vulnerable than women to engaging system. in sexual activities. This stereotype is actually played out when any man tries Mafurra on the tree before The mafurra tree can be classified as a to approach a work area where a group ripening. multipurpose tree species as it provides of women are processing mafurra. a wide range of products and services. Whether the man had engaged in sexual In addition to the already mentioned activities or not beforehand, he is not products above, mafurra provides good allowed to get closer to the work area shade and has been promoted in because women think men will never be ornamental plantings around major cities honest about their sexual activities – the in Mozambique. The wood is also used best solution is ban them completely in carvings such as wooden spoons, from approaching processing areas. pounding pestles, wooden boxes and dishes. Mafurra tree is not recom- The mafurra tree is also an important mended as firewood, but it can be used species used in traditional ceremonies in case of diseased trees. often led by elderly men, including the evocation of ancestors (ku pahla), Almost all interviewees reported the praying for rains, etc. This is common existence of cultural rules and norms in among households and in particular in relation to the utilization and processing community sacred areas. According to of mafurra passed over from generation interviewees, where mafurra is not to generation. One of the myths is that available, family members are required the processors cannot engage in sexual to plant a new mafurra tree to which all activities two to three days prior to and future ceremonies would be conducted. during the processing time. It is strongly In rural areas, mafurra trees are also believed that oil yields would be dimin- used to identify family graves in cases ished if one were involved in sexual where families do not have resources activities 2-3 days prior to or during to purchase tombstones. The tree is the processing activity. To avoid such preferred for this purposes because it inconvenience, processors,LOCAL who are INDIGENOUSprovides both shade and edible KNOWLEDGE fruit. predominantly women, will spend the nights elsewhere as a groupMafurra during the TRICHILIA EMETICA
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LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE 3.4 MARKETING OF MAFURRA AND ITS BY-PRODUCTS
Commercialization of mafurra, which is mostly done by women, is an important task Mafurrawithin the study area, particularly where white mafurra is predominant such as in The small red type of ZavalaTRICHILIA and Chidenguele along EMETICA the National Highway EN1 (Estrada Nacional mafurra known as Número 1) (Figure 5). However, other varieties are equally sold, with the exception of the small red type of mafurra known as nhatxocote, which is tasteless and bitter. nhatxocote, is tasteless In comparing the three study areas, the respondents believe that Inharrime produces and bitter. and sells the least quantities and lowest quality of mafurra. They cited poor soils as the main reason. For instance, women respondents noted that if one brought seedlings from Chidenguele or Zavala to Inharrime, they would all die due to poor growing conditions.
Sellers off to the market with the mafurra in baskets Figure 5: Selling of mafurra fruit at a local roadside market in Chidenguele carried on their heads.
Mafurra commercialization is mainly done by poor household members, and by female-headed households but there are some households that sell mafurra because of its relative abundance during the peak harvest periods. Both male (34.6%) and female (37.8%) respondents reported that mafurra commercialization is mostly done by poor households for several reasons. They cited the high cost of living as having transformed rural life drastically such that in the past, families with more mafurra trees simply gave away fruit to their neighbors but that today, mafurra is seen as an alternative source of income and not offered free of charge. Mafurra trees are now closely guarded by families. From legal and traditional points of view and according to general local consensus, nobody is allowed to collect mafurra outside his/her home or field or private forest. Neighboring forests and fields are restricted to the relatives of ancient families and therefore, all the rights are reserved for such families. As pointed out earlier, commercialization of mafurra is mainly carried out by female members of the households. Before selling, mafurra is sorted according to color, size and in certain cases the external appearance of the fruit plays an important role in the pricing. The selling price varies according to the variety of mafurra, the size of the container, season, abundance and market location along the highway. Three sizes of containers are used to measure the amount of mafurra to be sold: small, medium and large. Small size containers of mafurra have an average weight of about 0.5 kg; medium container about 1.0 kg; and large container between 1.5 to 2.0 kgs. Table 3.6 illustrates mafurra prices and their by-products within the study area. 14 Trichilia emetica, Vahl. MAFURRA
Table 3.6: Prices for different types of mafurra and their by-products within the study area
DISTRICT LOCAL NAMES FRESH MAFURRA PRICES (in Meticais) OR OF MAFURRA SMALL DISH MEDIUM DISH LARGE DISH STUDY AREA
Chidenguele Nhamadjavane (white) 15 000 - 20 000 30 000 - 50 000 70 000 - 80 000 Wobilivila (red normal) 5 000 - 10 000 20 000 - 25 000 40 000 - 50 000 Bape 15 000 - 20 000 30 000 - 40 000 60 000 - 80 000 Mafurra oil 20 000 - 50 000 Xibehe 1 000 - 2 000
Zavala Nhamadjavane (white) 15 000 40 000 - 50 000 80 000 Wobilivila (red normal) 10 000 25 000 - 30 000 50 000 Xibehe 500 - 1 000 Mafurra oil 40 000 - 80 000
Inharrime Nhamadjavane (white) 5 000 - 10 000 1 000 - 3 000 White mafurra. A colour Wobilivila (red normal) 5 000 - 10 000 1 000 - 2 500 image can be seen clearly Exchange rate: 1USD = MZM 20000 on the cover.
During the peak periods of mafurra, supply is often higher than demand thereby resulting in relatively low prices often decided by buyers. Given that the product has a short life span, and markets largely remain unregulated, producers are often forced to sell their mafurra at unfair and low prices.
According to the study results, white mafurra prices varies between 15000,00 – 20000,00 Mts for a small dish, between 30000,00 – 50000,00Mts for a medium size dish, and 70000,00 – 80000,00Mts for a large size dish. The price for the normal size red mafurra type varies between 5000,00 – 10000,00Mts for a small dish, 20000,00 – 30000,00Mts for a medium dish, and 40000,00 – 50000,00Mts for a large dish. According to the respondents, households sell on the average between 1-3 medium dishes per day. Assuming that an average household is able to sell a maximum of two medium size dishes per day, this translates into family income between 40000,00 Mts – 80000,00 Mts/day (USD2.0-4.0/day). This compares to an average wage labour of USD 0.5-1.0 per day. On special days when demand is high, a household may sell up to 4 or 5 medium size dishes or 3 to 4 large dishes, yielding between 80000,00 Mts to 150000,00 Mts per day/household for the normal red mafurra, or between 100000,00 Mts to 200000,00 Mts for the large size dish. However, it must be stated that not all households are able to obtain these income levels given the fluctuations in production, market opportunities and number of family members involved in the commercialization. In addition, not all production at house- hold level is for sale, part is kept for further processing and/or immediate consumption. LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE Mafurra by-products are sold on a very small scale due to their relative importance in household food security, particularly among low-income families who depend to a large extent on mafurra for their subsistence. The average quantity of mafurra oil produced by each householdMafurra in a season is about 10 litres per year but there are some households that fail to produce even 5 litres per year. Households that produce less than 5 litres per year oftenTRICHILIA prefer to keep all the oil EMETICAfor their consump- tion while those that produce more than 5 litres per year sell part of their oil at a price that varies between 50000,00 Mts – 80000,00 Mts per litre. The dry pulp by-product
15 WORLD AGROFORESTRY CENTER - ICRAF
LOCAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE
(xibehe) is not for sale according to local traditions. In most cases, this by-product is offered for free to relatives and neighbours. However, some poor households, due to The study area is the need for extra income, sell this by-product at a price between 1000,00 Mts – probably the major Mafurra2000,00 Mts for 150g. Generally however, this by-product is for subsistence producer and supplier of consumptionTRICHILIA and not for sale. EMETICA mafurra to urban The main buyers of mafurra are women intermediate sellers from Maputo and Xai-Xai centers, such as cities where the demand is high. However, transit passengers and, in some cases, Maputo, Xai-Xai, local people are involved in the process of buying and selling mafurra. Local people Maxixe and will buy mafurra in case of wishing to eat a specific variety that they do not have or, alternatively, if they do not have mafurra trees nearby. This applies particularly in the Inhambane case of white mafurra that is less abundant in all the study areas. Local people will buy mafurra in very small quantities as they can still get it from neighbours or relatives for free. Although the study area is probably the major producer and supplier of mafurra to urban centers, such as Maputo, Xai-Xai, Maxixe and Inhambane, there are severe market constraints that can be highlighted. These include: