The Inter-Ethnic Relationship Between Serbs and Albanians a Field Study in Kosovo

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The inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians A field study in Kosovo

Alex Johansson

Bachelor thesis, 15 hp Programme for International Crisis and Conflict Management, 180 hp Spring term 2018

Acknowledgement

Without the financial support from SIDA (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency) and their scholarship Minor Field Studies, this study would not have been possible. Equally vital was my interpreter and contact person in field, Dritan Neziri. I would like to thank him for his networking and involvement prior to and, during this study.

I would also like to thank Maja Edfast at the Embassy of Sweden in Pristina, for contributing with helpful contacts. Additional acknowledgments go to my tutor Elisabeth Olivius and associate professor Dzenan Sahovic for their guidance.

Last but not least, I would like to express my gratitude to the 12 respondents who took their time contributing to this study. My best wishes to all the inspiring people I got to know during my six months of field study in Kosovo.

Alex Johansson 2018-08-22

Abbreviations

EU - European Union

KLA - Kosovo Liberation Army (Alb. UÇK)

MPs - Member of Parliaments

NATO - North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NGO - Non-governmental organization

OSCE - Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

UN - United Nations

UNMIK - United Nations Mission in Kosovo

UNSC - United Nations Security Council

Abstract

The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region.

The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter- ethnic relationship.

The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovo have handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.

Key words: Inter-ethnic relations, Kosovo, Serbs, Albanians, Brussels agreement, Ahtisaari plan, Serbia-Kosovo train, Reconciliation, Conflict resolution

Table of Contents

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 5

1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM ...... 5 1.2 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 5 1.3 OUTLINE ...... 6 2. THEORY ...... 6

2.1 HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONALISM...... 6 2.1.1 PATH DEPENDENCE ...... 8 2.1.2 OPERATIONALIZATION ...... 9 2.2 GALTUNG’S CONFLICT TRIANGLE ...... 10 2.2.1 ACTOR CONFLICT AND STRUCTURAL CONFLICT ...... 10 2.2.2 USE OF VIOLENCE ...... 11 2.2.3 OPERATIONALIZATION ...... 12 2.3 PREVIOUS RESEARCH ...... 12 3. METHOD...... 13

3.1 DESIGN ...... 13 3.1.1 SELECTION OF KEY MOMENTS ...... 14 3.2 DATA COLLECTION ...... 16 3.2.1 INTERVIEWS ...... 16 3.2.2 SELECTION OF RESPONDENTS ...... 17 3.2.3 ETHICS ...... 18 3.3 DATA ANALYSIS METHODS ...... 19 4. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS ...... 19

4.1 KEY MOMENTS ...... 19 4.1.1 TRAIN INCIDENT ...... 19 4.1.2 BRUSSELS AGREEMENT ...... 23 4.1.3 AHTISAARI PLAN...... 27 5. CONCLUSION ...... 31

5.1 FURTHER RESEARCH ...... 33 REFERENCES ...... 34 APPENDIX 1 – INTERVIEW GUIDE ...... 36

1. Introduction Since the end of the Kosovo war in 1999, the relationship between Serbs and Albanians have constantly shifted between hostile and peaceful. Various incidents since year 2000 have had different kinds of influence on inter-ethnic relations. The First Agreement of Principles governing Normalizations of Relations signed by Serbia and Kosovo in year 2013 was, according to EU, UN, NATO and OSCE, “a historic break-through for Kosovo- Serbia relations and stabilization processes in the rest of Western Balkans”1. An incident with a negative outcome was when Serbian authorities attempted to operate a direct train to Mitrovica (Kosovo) from Belgrade with nationalist slogans which provoked the Albanians in Kosovo.2. It was considered as one of the most hostile exchanges since the war in 1999 between Serbia and Kosovo. Violence, distrust, segregation, nationalism and claims of territory are examples of crucial factors that affects the relationship between the two ethnic groups.

1.1 Research problem Several studies regarding the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo exists, but not as much involving the relationship between the two ethnic groups, Serbs and Albanians. A lot of tension exists between Serbia and Kosovo, Serbia has for example not recognized Kosovo as an independent state, which is considered to be hampering the possibility for negotiations and agreements, not to mention peace amongst the two ethnic groups. The study of how and why the relationship between Serbs and Albanians changes is vital, in order to identify factors that contributes to a hostile relationship. This study will hopefully contribute to the reconciliation process between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo.

1.2 Purpose of the study and research questions The purpose with this study is to analyze how the relationship3 between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo has changed over time and why these changes have occurred. The aim is to explain which factors influence the relationship, in a positive or negative way.

• Which key moments influencing the Serb-Albanian relationship can be identified during the period 2008 to 2018? • How have these key moments influenced the Serbian-Albanian relationship? • In which way has the relationship between Serbs and Albanians changed since the declaration of independence in 2008 until 2018?

1 Demjaha, Agon. Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. SEEU Review. Vol. 12 no 1. (2017): 191. DOI: 10.1515/seeur-2017-0013 2 Ibid 3 Relationship is defined in this study as: ”The way in which two or more people or groups regard and behave towards each other”. Cambridge Dictionary. https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/relationship (Accessed 2018-08-20)

1.3 Outline The theoretical framework for this study is described and discussed in chapter (2). How this study was conducted regarding selecting key moments and respondents is presented in chapter (3), together with the data analysis methods. Chapter (4) presents the empirical material and the analysis. Lastly, the conclusion will be presented in chapter (5).

2. Theory I will attempt to use the following theories to explain why certain factors influence the relationship between Serbs and Albanians; resulting either in hostile or friendly outcomes.

Formal rules and organizations, and informal rules and norms are common key themes for historical institutionalism. Why a certain choice was made and/or why a certain outcome occurred are questions that historical institutionalists wants the answers to.4 Since institutions are products of history, you need to understand the historical process in order to understand the institution.5 The inter-ethnic relationship is one institution itself but there are also other institutions involved in this study as the governments of both sides. Historical institutionalism will be used to explain how institutions has changed over time.

Another useful theory is Johan Galtung’s conflict triangle, which is a model that describes the dynamics and incentives of conflicts. The triangle consists of three components, A (attitude and assumptions), B (behavior) and C (contradictions). A fully articulated conflict can only exist if A, B and C are present, according to Galtung. Attitude, behavior and contradictions do constantly change and influence each other, making the conflict dynamic. Galtung’s triangle can be used to make a distinction between ‘structural conflicts’ and ‘actor conflicts’. Galtung argue that three types of violence (manifest, cultural and structural) are influencing and legitimizing each other and that they can enter a conflict at different times.6 This theory will be used to understand the conflict between the two inter-ethnic groups.

2.1 Historical Institutionalism Historical institutionalism (HI) is an approach used to study politics, it is neither a particular theory or a specific method. It focuses on the real-world empirical questions, how institutions structure and shape political behavior and outcomes.7 According to historical

4 Porta Della, Donatella & Keating Michael (eds.). Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences: A Pluralist Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 159, 161-162. 5 Bucheli, Marcelo and Wadhwani, R. Daniel. Organizations in Time: History, Theory, Methods. Oxford University Press Scholarship Online. 2013. 112. E- book. 6 Demmers, Jolle. Theories of violent conflict: An introduction. 2nd. ed. New York: Routledge, 2017. 60-61, 63. 7 Porta Della, Donatella & Keating Michael (eds.). Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences: A Pluralist Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 150.

institutionalists there are three important ways in which history matters. The first one is that consequences of political decisions may differ depending on the historical context. For example, depending on when a political decision is made, it affects how the decision is accomplished. The second one is that historical institutionalists focus on the historical moment and the context where decisions are made. Attitudes, behavior and strategic choices take place inside economic, political, social and cultural contexts. Actors and agents can learn from previous experiences, meaning that political actions differ regarding place, time or context. It is therefore possible to give a more detailed explanation of a specific event by deepening and developing an understanding of the actors and the historical moment they are within. The final way which history matters is that previous outcomes influence future behavior and decision-making. An example is the U.S. achievements in conflicts like the second world war and the victory against Communism, which gave them confidence to overrule countries with dictatorship and establish democracy and capitalism. Then the massive criticism of how the U.S. handled the war in Iraq shaped the American foreign policy again. Historical institutionalists argue that history is not a chain of independent events, instead, variables tends to shape one another.8

Whether institutions are formal/non-formal or a norm, they are difficult to change. An institution is often rooted within a larger set of institutions, changing a specific institution could therefore affect the others. When several institutions begin to change there will be a significant resistance, particularly if actors are benefiting from one or more institutions. Even institutions that are not optimal can be difficult to change due to expectations that are established by norms and/or institutions. The long-term effects by changing certain rules are difficult to foresee and actors will therefore not prefer any adjustments, even if the existing rules are not optimal. People have invested in learning the existing norms and institutions, which explains why there can be resistance in changing these. It is possible for people to prefer norms and institutions only because they are used to them - i.e. their preferences and behavior are shaped and affected by institutions.9

Historical institutionalists are using theory as a guide to empirical exploration rather than creating a general covering model. Key periods or phases of change can be identified by applying theories in complex processes of institutional evolution and transformation. Theoretically informed historical narrative can be accomplished by having a dialogue between theory and evidence, which is a common process amongst institutionalist and

8 Porta Della, Donatella & Keating Michael (eds.). Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences: A Pluralist Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 164-166. 9 Ibid, 167-168.

constructivist. Instead of providing abstract and generic explanations, which is common for rationalists and behaviorists, historical institutionalists prefer using historical narratives which emphasize sequence and timing in a specific context. They use process-tracing and process-elucidation to identify and trace causal processes over time, and theories that can explain these processes.10 Historical institutionalists believes that present political processes and institutions are affected by historical legacies. To understand the present, it is necessary to understand the past, and trace the legacies of that evolution. History matters, in the sense that structures, institutions, processes, practices and behaviors are describing the present. They are fluid, dynamic and ever-changing which means that they are not transmitted from the past and bequeathed to the future.11

Historical institutionalists have in the recent years encouraged diachronic analysis as an approach. A diachronic analysis highlights the process of change over time, which relates to the institutionalists process-tracing method. The analysis proceeds historically, treating developmental path and the pace of change as a matter for empirical investigation. A diachronic approach makes it possible to advance theoretical statements inductively and empirically about the temporal aspects (temporality, the time and timing) of the process of change, or deductively test theoretical hypothesis about that process of change.12

2.1.1 Path Dependence James Mahoney argues that path dependence is characterized by institutional patterns or event chains with deterministic properties, that are set into motion by historical sequences. There are two dominant types of path-dependent analysis, self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, whereas this paper will focus on the first one. By analyzing self- reinforcing sequences, there is a focus on long-term reproduction and formation of a specific institutional pattern, sometimes called increasing returns. Increasing returns refers to adopted institutional patterns that over time becomes difficult to change due to the increasing benefits that follows continued adoption. The longer an institutional pattern has existed, the more challenging it is to choose options that previously were available and perhaps more ideal.13 Critical junctures arise when an institutional pattern is adopted from two or more alternatives. When an actor chooses a specific option, it becomes over time difficult to return to the initial stages where multiple options were still available, making

10 Hay, Collin. Political Analysis: A Critical Introduction. London: Palgrave, 2002. 47-48. 11 Ibid, 142–143. 12 Ibid, 148–149. 13 Mahoney, James. Path dependence in historical sociology. Theory and Society. Vol. 29 no. 4 (2000): 507-508.

junctures “critical”. Counterfactual analysis identifies alternative options that would result in different outcomes, which is often necessary to determine the critical junctures.14 Figure 1 is an illustration of a self-reinforcing sequence where a chosen alternative is reproduced over time, making it difficult to go back to the initial stage of multiple alternatives. The first box contains three different available options (A, B and C). When option B (in this case) is selected it becomes a critical juncture. Theory is unable to predict or explain if option A, B or C is going to be adopted, which makes it a contingent event. In the third box option B is being reproduced over time due to the benefits that follows, hampering the possibility to return to the first box with multiple options. When theory cannot explain a specific event, it is often considered to be contingent.15

A B B B, B, B C

Figure 1. Illustration of contingency in self-reinforcing sequence. 2.1.2 Operationalization The purpose with this study is to analyze how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians have changed over time, by identifying key moments (incidents/events) influencing their relationship. HI emphasizes on how institutions can shape political behavior and thereby affect decisions and outcomes. As mentioned earlier, when a political decision is made may affect how a decision is implemented and therefore influencing an outcome. The Serbian- Albanian relationship changes over time, which makes it necessary to analyze key moments involving, for example, political decisions. Decisions made when the Serbian-Albanian relationship was hostile may have resulted in different outcomes compared to if decisions were made when the relationship were stable or positive. The context is also an important factor for when a key moment is occurring, affecting the inter-ethnic relationship in a positive or negative way. The economic, social and political context in Kosovo during a specific timeframe can result in different outcomes. Actors can learn from previous experiences, which means that previous outcomes can influence future behavior and decisions.

By analyzing the context and the institutions at the time of a key moment, it may help explaining why the outcome was negative or positive for the inter-ethnic relationship.

14 Mahoney, James. Path dependence in historical sociology. Theory and Society. Vol. 29 no. 4 (2000): 513. 15 Ibid, 13-14.

Institutions, structures, behavior and practices at the time of a key moment may not have been the same then compared to a couple of months or years before/after. HI and path dependence emphasize that history matters, it matters in the sense that it influences present decision-making. By using HI and path dependence it may be possible to explain why previous decisions and moments have affected the inter-ethnic relationship, but also Kosovo’s existing institutions and norms. Path dependence and self-reinforcing sequence analysis might explain how specific institutions in Kosovo have emerged and developed.

2.2 Galtung’s conflict triangle As mentioned before, Galtung’s conflict triangle consists of three components A, B and C. A (attitude and assumptions) contains underlying factors that are theoretical, such as fear and prejudice. B (behavior) contains empirical and observable factors: violence and discrimination. C (contradiction) is also latent involving a goal or something wanted. Figure 2 illustrates how A, B and C affect each other and that a conflict is possible to arise from any component.16 For example, Serbia’s goal (C) might be to prevent Kosovo from being recognized by all the member states of the UN, which might produce assumptions (A) about Serbs living in Kosovo which may result in discrimination or violence (B) against them from perhaps Albanians. Conflicts are therefore dynamic processes in the sense that attitudes, behavior and contradictions are constantly changing and influencing one another.17 A (attitude & assumptions)

C B (behavior) (contradiction)

Figure 2. Illustration of Galtung's conflict triangle. 2.2.1 Actor conflict and structural conflict According to Johan Galtung there are two types of conflicts, actor conflicts and structural conflicts. In an actor conflict, the actor is fully aware of the underlying contradiction (C) and conscious of his/her cognition, emotion and volition (attitudes and assumptions) (A).

16 Demmers, Jolle. Theories of violent conflict: An introduction. 2nd. ed. New York: Routledge, 2017. 61. 17 Ibid.

When (C) and (A) are obvious for the actor, he or she has therefore the possibility to act (B) purposefully. In other words, a conflict can only be resolved if the actors are fully aware of the real incompatibility underlying the conflict (C). However, most conflicts are not conscious where actors have an accurate image of (C). When actors are not aware of (A) and (C) it is a structural conflict. In structural conflicts, actors can be exposed of repression and exploitation although they are not fully aware of it. Actors can feel frustrated and act upon the frustration (B) because (A) and (C) exist in their subconscious. However, their acts do not fulfill any purposes in the sense that they are not conscious about the structure of the social system. The actors are not aware of the contradiction preventing them from reaching their potential levels of needs satisfaction. “Top dogs” do usually benefit by exploiting structural conflicts, while the “underdogs” are trapped. With other words, structural conflict is when actors are failing to see the larger picture.18

2.2.2 Use of violence Galtung claims that there are two problems within violence studies: the use of violence and the legitimation of that use. Quoting Galtung: “those aspects of culture, the symbolic sphere of our existence – exemplified by religion and ideology, language and art, empirical science and formal science (logic, mathematics) – that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence”.19 Cultural violence can make people believe that repression and exploitation is something normal. Both structural- and manifest violence can become legitimized and acceptable in a society, which explains why some actors are failing to see the larger picture. The arise of a hegemonic culture is possible when people are getting lost in their daily routines and worries. The values of a dominant class can become common for all the people through cultural hegemony where actors are incapable of perceiving the socio- economic exploitation.20

Manifest-, structural- and cultural violence are constantly legitimizing and influencing each other. The fact of structural violence and the act of manifest violence can be legitimized by cultural violence. For example, cultural violence can label victims of structural violence as “evil” if they are using manifest violence in order to get out of the structural violence. Manifest-, structural- and cultural violence enters at different times. Cultural violence is permanent, it transforms very slowly and therefore remains the same for long periods of time. Structural violence is a process with ups and downs, and manifest violence is an event.

18 Demmers, Jolle. Theories of violent conflict: An introduction. 2nd. ed. New York: Routledge, 2017. 61-62. 19 Ibid, 63. 20 Ibid.

Violence is structured by cultural codes and norms, and rules and regulations. The underlying organization of society which is shaping and preserving violent conflict should therefore be analyzed, rather than violent agents such as victims and perpetrators.21

2.2.3 Operationalization Galtung’s conflict triangle can contribute in understanding key moments that have influenced the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. The components A, B and C can provide an understanding on why certain key moments have had a positive or negative effect. If Kosovo is dominated by structural conflict it is expected that actors (Serbs and Albanians) are not fully aware of the real contradictions that are hampering reconciliation and unification. The war in Kosovo (1999) may have contributed to attitudes and assumptions between Serbs and Albanians that no longer must be true. Perhaps there is a ‘false’ contradiction between the two ethnic groups, a contradiction that even might not exist? A conflict can, however, start from either A, B or C. If a key moment is provocative enough, it might result in a conflict, as long as A and C exist. Because the inter-ethnic relationship is changing over time between positive and negative, the components A, B and C should also be changing. If the relationship had been stable for a period of time, it should have been an actor conflict in the sense that actors are fully aware of the contradictions and their emotions, which would have resulted in a solution.

It would also be of interest to analyze if factors like language and art, empirical science and formal science, religion and ideology have been used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence (from both Serbs and Albanians). If, for example, politicians or other elites are trying to justify structural violence based on ‘false’ contradictions, it might help to understand the outcomes of the selected key moments.

2.3 Previous research Agon Demjaha’s article Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo analyzes inter-ethnic relations between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, since the declaration of independence year 2008.22 Demjaha analyze a few incidents that have had an influence on the relationship between Serbs and Albanians, e.g. the Normalization Agreement between Serbia and Kosovo, and the attempt to operate a train with nationalist slogans from Belgrade to Mitrovica, as mentioned in the introduction. Demjaha concludes that history has a vital role regarding how incidents influence the relationship between the two ethnic groups. Politicians agenda and the overall relationship between Belgrade and Prishtina do also affect future relations

21 Demmers, Jolle. Theories of violent conflict: An introduction. 2nd. ed. New York: Routledge, 2017. 63-65. 22 Demjaha, Agon. Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. SEEU Review. Vol. 12 no 1. (2017): 181.

between Serbs and Albanians.23 The data regarding the outcomes of the chosen incidents have mainly been collected from various news articles, but not from citizens in forms of surveys or interviews. Demjaha’s article have been used in this study in order to identify key moments (incidents) that might have had a positive or negative outcome. This study has deepened the knowledge of the outcomes of these key moments by conducting interviews with Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo.

Annika Björkdahl and Ivan Gusic examines in their article The divided city – a space for frictional peacebuilding, how liberal peacebuilding is accommodated in two divided cities, Mostar (Bosnia) and Mitrovica (Kosovo). Björkdahl and Gusic refers to liberal peacebuilding theory where friction can, for example, arise when international actors implement liberal peacebuilding that connects with, and engage social conditions and local material. 24 Björkdahl and Gusic argue that clashes are not only a result of a confrontation between liberal democracy and local practices. It is rather unstable, uncertain and unexpected processes where existing and new ideas merge, which creates new actors, structures and messy dynamics.25 Björkdahl and Gusic mentions how UNMIK, after the war in Kosovo 1999, tried to establish new democratic institutions in Mitrovica that included both Serbs and Albanians. However, Serbs in North Mitrovica rejected the integration into new institutions, resulting in parallel systems/institutions.26 This study has tried to examine why Serbs in Kosovo (especially) dislikes the idea of integrating into Kosovo institutions, as a result of Ahtisaari plan. The information gathered showed how complex the integration is when it comes to everyday life for Serbs who are “trapped” between two institutions (Serbian and Kosovo). 3. Method 3.1 Design The aim with this study is to understand what factors influence the relationship between Serbs and Albanians. Quantitative data often consists of numbers and statistically material such as the calculations of height, weight and age. However, in order to gather and understand data such as an event, feelings, intentions, and decision-making, it is preferable to use qualitative methods. Observations and interviews are two examples of how qualitative data can be gathered.27 To acquire knowledge about how and why certain key

23 Demjaha, Agon. Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. SEEU Review. Vol. 12 no 1. (2017): 190–193. 24 Björkdahl, Annika & Gusic, Ivan. The divided city – a space for frictional peacebuilding. Peacebuilding. Vol. 1 no 3. (2013): 317. DOI: 10.1080/21647259.2013.813172 25 Ibid, 322. 26 Ibid, 324. 27 Ahrne, Göran & Svensson, Peter. (eds.). Handbok i kvalitativa metoder. Stockholm: Liber AB, 2015. 10.

moments have had an influence on the Serb-Albanian relationship, it is necessary to conduct interviews with both Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Qualitative data is often required to explain historical processes and discover mechanisms within the social life, which in this study is necessary in order to identify key moments. Qualitative methods do also provide the opportunity to understand other perspectives and backgrounds, which can be accomplished by conducting interviews.28 Interviews, but also other qualitative methods, are beneficial for the researcher in the sense that you get closer and more familiar with the people and the context that you are studying. The distance between analyzing empirical material and conducting interviews are relatively short within qualitative research, which makes it possible to adjust the research-design depending on the results from the fieldwork.29 Qualitative methods were therefore preferred in this study due to the need of interviews, but also the need of observing and understanding the context that Serbs and Albanians encounters in Kosovo.

3.1.1 Selection of key moments The timeframe 2008 to 2018 have been chosen due to Kosovo’s declaration of independence, and because of the overwhelming events that occurred prior to the independence. A wider timeframe would very likely consist of more events, which would make the selection process more difficult considering the limited time for this study. Events that have occurred recently can also be problematic to study, in the sense that consequences and reactions can change over time.

Several moments were explored in order to find the “key” ones, which in interaction with the theories could have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. Due to the chosen period of time that this study focused on (2008-2018), and the given time frame for this study, three key moments were selected:

1) The train incident was chosen as a key moment due to its evident and serious reactions in social media such as Twitter and Facebook, but also in news agencies such as Balkan Insight and Prishtina Insight. It was obvious that this incident sparked tension between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, and especially between Serbian and Kosovo politicians.30 This incident was even seen as an “act of war”31, which might have been one of the most

28 Ahrne, Göran & Svensson, Peter. (eds.). Handbok i kvalitativa metoder. Stockholm: Liber AB, 2015. 12. 29 Ibid, 15. 30 BIRN Team. Serbia Accused of Provoking Kosovo Over Train. Balkan Insight. 2017-01-16. http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/serbia-accused-of- provoking-kosovo-over-train-01-16-2017 (Accessed 2018-07-30) 31 Kentish, Benjamin. Kosovo stops Serbian train crossing border in move declared ‘act of war’. The Independent. 2017-01-15. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/kosovo-stops-serbia-train-crossing-border-belgrade-war-isa-mustafa-aleksandar-vucic- a7528361.html (Accessed 2018-08-19)

critical moments between Serbs and Albanians since the unrest in Kosovo in 2004.32 This incident was a critical juncture/key moment in the sense that when the train was ordered to operate from Belgrade to Mitrovica, with as media reports it “provocative slogans”, the Serbian authorities could not “back down”. Due to the hostile discourse that exist between Serbia and Kosovo, it’s not likely that politicians on both sides would admit eventual wrongdoings.

2) Brussels agreement was chosen as a key moment because it was considered as a historical moment between Serbia and Kosovo.33 A new institutional pattern with continuous talks/negotiations between the two countries could be seen as a critical juncture/key moment. Brussels agreement also meant that it would become difficult for Serbia and Kosovo to return to the initial stage of multiple alternatives, especially when both countries are attempting to join the EU.34 If the actors, Serbia and Kosovo, had chosen another alternative than Brussels agreement, the outcome might not have been as “diplomatic” and “peaceful” as it was with the Brussels agreement. The agreement can be seen as a new beginning for Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo to integrate and live together. The outcomes with this agreement might have been more positive than without an agreement.

3) When Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in year 2008, they also made a commitment to implement UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement, better known as “the Ahtisaari plan”.35 The implementation of Ahtisaari plan into Kosovo’s constitution was chosen as a key moment because it was obvious that it would be difficult to return to the initial stage with multiple alternatives. There is also a connection to HI and its theory about increasing returns where an adopted institutional pattern becomes over time difficult to change due to the benefits that follows. With ten seats reserved for the Serbian community in Kosovo,36 it is likely that Serbian politicians and their communities are considered to be of benefit. The International Crisis Group report on Ahtisaari plan concludes that there is “No good alternatives to the Ahtisaari plan”37, which means that the choosing of Ahtisaari plan in front of other alternatives makes it a critical juncture/key moment.

32 Traynor, Ian. Fourteen dead as ethnic violence sweeps Kosovo. The Guardian. 2004-03-18. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/mar/18/balkans (Accessed 2018-08-20) 33 Smolar, Piotr. Serbia and Kosovo sign historic agreement. The Guardian. 2013-04-30. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/apr/30/serbia-kosovo-historic-agreement-brussels (Accessed 2018-08-20) 34 Ibid. 35 Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. Summary of the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement. 2008. https://2001- 2009.state.gov/p/eur/rls/fs/101244.htm (Accessed 2018-08-20) 36 UNSC; 2007; Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement; S/2007/168/Add.1; New York. 37 The International Crisis Group. Kosovo: No Good Alternatives to the Ahtisaari Plan. 2007. https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans/kosovo/kosovo-no-good-alternatives-ahtisaari-plan (Accessed 2018-08-20)

3.2 Data collection Local media in Kosovo and existing research articles about Kosovo was the primary source to identify key moments that have influenced the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. News and debate articles in foremost local media provided information regarding topics and issues that were in some way sensitive for the two ethnic groups. Events or decisions that have, for example, provoked either Serbs or Albanians, and were discussed in local or international media, were useful to identify the produced outcomes. Research articles concerning the relations between Pristina and Belgrade, but also Serbs and Albanians, provided knowledge about previous incidents and their outcomes. Examples of news agencies that were useful were Prishtina Insight, Balkan Insight and BBC. Social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter were also valuable due to agencies, politicians, key individuals, and others that post and/or share thoughts, articles, and reports regarding the situation in Kosovo.

3.2.1 Interviews Interviews can be either structured or unstructured. Qualitative interviews are beneficial for the researcher if he/she wants to understand complex phenomenon and events. Qualitative interviews enable deep conversations with the respondents resulting in a better understanding regarding a particular outcome for example. Quantitative interviews such as standardized questionnaires do not have the same ability to seize a respondent’s thoughts about an incident, compared to qualitative interviews. However, results from qualitative interviews cannot be generalized due to the limit of respondents.38 The purpose of this study was not, however, to be representative, but instead trying to understand and explain which outcomes and factors influence the relationship between Serbs and Albanians. Qualitative interviews were preferable in the sense that respondents could be more flexible and freer regarding their emotions and thoughts about key moments. Standardized questionnaires are suitable when comparing answers amongst the respondents, however, they cannot get hold of detailed data such as emotions and thoughts.

Semi-structured interviews were the primary method for this study due to its flexibility and structure. This form of interviews allows flexibility in the sense that the respondents can go beyond fixed answers, resulting in more detailed and deeper answers. When conducting semi-structured interviews, all the respondents should be given the same questions which enables comparison between the respondents’ answers. When performing unstructured interviews, it is more difficult to improvise and adapt in order to achieve good quality data.

38 Hjerm, Nilsson, Lindgren, Simon and Nilsson, Marco. Introduktion till samhällsvetenskaplig analys. 2nd ed. Malmö: Gleerups Utbildning AB, 2014. 149– 150.

Unstructured interviews require more experience and preparations by the researcher, compared to semi-structured interviews. Semi-structured interviews were used in this study because they are best suited for researchers who wants a high degree of validity, and they provide more detailed information from the respondents compared to quantitative forms of interviews.39 The interview guide can be found under Appendix 1, on the last page.

However, when conducting semi-structured interviews, it’s important to have the reliability in mind. Would the results of this study be the same if it was conducted by another researcher and/or in another time? Depending on if open or closed questions are used, and how the dialogue between the researcher and the respondent are shaped, the results can differ.

3.2.2 Selection of respondents Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo were the two targeted groups for this study and for the interviews, due to the purpose of studying the relationship between the two ethnic groups. Snowball sampling has been the primary method to select respondents. The snowball sampling technique can be used via a first respondent or perhaps a contact person. After the first interview is conducted the respondent may recommend people with interesting experiences or information (in this case Serbs and Albanians), which he/she can help you get in touch with. A contact person can also be a part of the snowball sampling by knowing people of interest who also may be interested in participating in an interview. Snowball sampling is useful when you want to study an event/incident. However, it can also be a disadvantage using the snowball sampling, in the sense that the respondents and their acquaintances may have the same experiences and thoughts.40 This technique was, after all, best suited for this study, mainly because of its effective approach to locate respondents. The snowball sampling technique was useful in finding Serbs and Albanians who would like to participate in this study and be interviewed. Because Serbs are a minority in Kosovo and deeply segregated, the snowball sampling might be the only alternative to get in contact with Serbs.

Six Serbs and six Albanians were chosen to participate in the interviews, whereas half of the Serbs and Albanians were intended to be elites/politicians. The idea of interviewing three elites/politicians, and three ordinary citizens per ethnic group had to be dismissed, due to difficulties in finding Serbian and Albanian elites/politicians who were willing to participate. English speaking Serbs and Albanians have been prioritized in order to avoid

39 Hjerm, Nilsson, Lindgren, Simon and Nilsson, Marco. Introduktion till samhällsvetenskaplig analys. 2nd ed. Malmö: Gleerups Utbildning AB, 2014. 150- 151. 40 Ahrne, Göran & Svensson, Peter. (eds.). Handbok i kvalitativa metoder. Stockholm: Liber AB, 2015. 10.

using an interpreter which can result in misunderstandings where certain information won’t have the same meaning when translated. The demand for English speaking respondents would possibly mean that the majority would be elites, well-educated, students, and teachers for example. This was not a crucial issue because this study was not intended to be representative, but rather gather as much information as possible to understand what factors influence the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. The selected respondents had an acceptable variety of age, sex, profession, and residence, which made it possible to compare how different or similar opinions are within the ethnic groups. The majority of the respondents were men, only two out of 12 respondents were females (one Serbian, and one Albanian). It would have been desirable to have an equal amount of men and women as respondents, but due to the present gender roles in Kosovo, it was a bit problematic. A strong patriarchal culture is present in Kosovo which makes it sensitive and risky (due to rumors) to have a one-on-one meeting with women in Kosovo. The number of declines to participate in an interview were higher amongst women than men.

3.2.3 Ethics During the interviews, the four principles of research ethics were followed: Information, approval, confidentiality and use of information.

Before or during the interviews, the respondents were informed about their participation being voluntarily. They were not forced to do something they did not want to, and they could abort the interview whenever they wanted to. The respondents were informed about their part in this study and were given material required to determine whether they want to contribute or not.

The respondents acknowledged their consents before the interviews were conducted. By informing the respondents beforehand regarding this study and the interview questions, they had enough information to decide whether they wanted to participate or not. The respondents had the right to abort the interview whenever they liked, and without any pressure or consequences.

All of the respondents are anonymous due to the request of some respondents. The respondent’s personal information will not be used for commercial or other non-scholarly purposes. The respondents have been noticed that this study will be published, and they will also be offered a copy of this study when it’s finished.41

41 Vetenskapsrådet. Forskningsetiska principer, inom humanistisk-samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. 2002. http://www.gu.se/digitalAssets/1268/1268494_forskningsetiska_principer_2002.pdf (Accessed 2018-08-22)

3.3 Data Analysis Methods Each interview has been recorded and transcribed. The transcribed interviews were separated into two different groups, one with Serbian respondents and one with Albanian respondents. Answers from every key moment were compared within its group, but also with the other group. For example, a comparison was made with only Albanian respondents, and the same with Serbian respondents. This was made in order to detect similarities and differences within, but also between the two ethnic groups. A comprehensive understanding was acquired regarding key moments and topics which were sensitive for the respondents. The theoretical framework was then applied in order to understand why certain key moments and topics had or didn’t had a negative/positive affect on the respondents.

All information from the interviews could, of obvious reasons, not be mentioned in this study, and a delimitation has therefore been done. Answers from the interviews, that together with the theoretical framework were considered relevant in order to fulfil the purpose of this study, have been presented in the empirical analysis. Quotes presented in this study are not only representing the individual respondent, they are also representing (in some cases) the common thoughts among Serbs and/or Albanians. 4. Empirical analysis 4.1 Key moments 4.1.1 Train incident On 14th of January 2017, a train painted with Serbian flags, and slogans such as “Kosovo is Serbia” written in 21 different languages, was headed to Mitrovica but stopped near the border to Kosovo. The government of Kosovo was accused, by the then existing Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic, for sending special forces to stop the train and to blow up the railway. These accusations resulted in Serbian authorities forcing the train to stop south of Serbia. The dispute continued to escalate when Kosovo government denied any involvement of special forces trying to blow up the train. The then existing Serbian President Nikolic responded that if any Serbs are being killed in Kosovo, Serbian forces are ready to enter Kosovo. Albanian politicians, Serbian opposition and experts criticized Serbia, claiming that they sent the train to achieve political points. The Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama said: “These games are political maneuvers for political gains”.42 Except the paintings and the slogans, the train was decorated inside with famous Serbian Orthodox religious icons and images from monasteries in Kosovo. Marko Djuric, head of

42 BIRN Team. Serbia Accused of Provoking Kosovo Over Train. Balkan Insight. 2017-01-16. http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/serbia-accused-of- provoking-kosovo-over-train-01-16-2017 (Accessed 2018-07-30)

the Serbian government’s office in Kosovo, didn’t see this train as a provocation, he said: “This is like a mobile exhibition presenting our cultural heritage”. Mr. Vucic accused Kosovo for overreacting, he said that they “[…] Sent a train, not a tank”, and that they only stopped the train to not escalate the situation.43

The train incident resulted in different reactions among the respondents. Most of the respondents, both Serbs and Albanians, condemned Serbia for sending the train. Kosovo and Serbian politicians were criticized for overreacting and trying to shift focus from the real problems in the society. One Albanian male said: “In media it was overreacted by politicians, because the train itself wouldn’t be a big deal coming in here [Kosovo], even with these symbols”.44 Adding to this, an Albanian respondent said: “[…] it could be a simple trick of the Serbian government, just to interrupt the political calmness that is here”.45 One Serbian reacted similar to previously respondents, “[…] it’s food for the Albanian and Serbian politicians, in order to create problems, and to make the people forget about the miseries in their daily lives”.46

There have been no problems with operating a train between Belgrade (Serbia) and Mitrovica (Kosovo) before this moment. The paintings and the slogans outside and inside the train provoked both Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, creating a negative outcome. These paintings and slogans resulted in reactions by Kosovo government where special forces were sent near the border to Serbia, which produced reactions in media. Citizens in Kosovo, who otherwise focused on their daily routines and worries, had now shifted their focus to the ongoing tensions between Serbia and Kosovo.47 This can therefore be seen as a “historical moment”. It is also suggested that the train happened in a calm context and that moments like this has happened before to interrupt the ongoing situation, which implies that these moments follow a pattern.

Galtung argues that by being able determine what the people should focus on, it is possible to produce a hegemonic culture where you can influence the behavior of others, which seems to be the case here. Cultural violence has also an ability to make people believe that repression and exploitation are something normal. However, it doesn’t seem to be true in this case, most of the respondents are well-aware of the on-going repression from both sides. A Serbian female living in North Mitrovica, where the outcomes of the train incident have

43 BBC. Serbian train sparks escalation in tensions with Kosovo. BBC. 2017-01-14. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-38625872 (Accessed 2018- 07-30) 44 Respondent 1; Albanian male; 37 years old; Works for an international organization; Interview 2018-03-27. 45 Respondent 6; Albanian male; 40 years old; Unemployed; Interview 2018-05-03. 46 Respondent 7; Serbian male, 45 years old; Paramedic; Interview 2018-05-08. 47 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization; Interview 2018-05-02.

been very noticeable, said: “[…] we have basically been used as a tool by both governments, to realize their goals, and it’s very dangerous because we can get hurt in this.”48 Another Serbian male living in North Mitrovica said: “I didn’t like it at all, nobody liked it […] because it’s a really bad trick from Serbian government to escalate the situation, and to put away the light from what was really going on.”49 He continues: “You wake up and face everyday life, and on top of that you have these tensions that are going on. This is why, I think, many people want to leave this place.”50

These respondents seem to be aware of the components in Galtung’s ABC-theory which he argues avoids a structural conflict; they are talking both about A (attitudes and assumptions) and C (a goal/something wanted, or the underlying problem). The respondents are, however, experiencing repression and exploitation by politicians from both sides (Serbian, and Albanian). The politicians are seen as “top dogs” who are benefiting from this kind of incidents, where Serbs and Albanians are mistrusting each other, which reinforces the “us versus them”-mentality. All the respondents are giving the impression that they are fully aware of the underlying problem (C), which defines an “actor conflict”. Even though the respondents might, according to themselves, know what the underlying problem is, the answer can, and do differ between the respondents. Because the actors are fully aware of the underlying problem (C), it is possible to resolve the conflict according to Galtung’s theory. Nonetheless, what determines what the “real” underlying problem is? It seems to be the politicians, as the respondents describes it, who might not be aware of A and C or at least do not address them, which makes it difficult to resolve the conflict.

“Considering that the economy is really bad, that people are really poor, they cannot find a job, and they are struggling every day. On top of that you have this stuff, and of course people are getting tired of it”51, this means the context that people are living in are the core problem, but that that moments like this make people react. A Serbian paramedic said: “[…] and people forget that their salaries decreases, that they don’t have money for electricity, because the train incident is the main problem now.”52 This implies that the behavior changed because of the train accident.

Another Serbian male said: “Why would I care if I work with an Albanian or a Serb? As long as I have good income, and good prospects for the future. Why would I care if my boss

48 Respondent 8; Serbian female; 27 years old; Freelancer; Interview 2018-05-16. 49 Respondent 9; Serbian male; 29 years old; Working for an NGO; Interview 2018-05-16. 50 Ibid. 51 Respondent 9; Serbian male; 29 years old; Working for an NGO. 52 Respondent 7; Serbian male; 45 years old; Paramedic.

has an Albanian or a Serbian name? As long as he/she provides me and my family with a good salary.”53 This statement together with the previous two supports the HI-theory of how economic, social, and politic context during a specific timeframe can result in different outcomes. When people have a stable economy, it seems less likely that incidents and statements from politicians and/or media can influence the inter-ethnic relationship. The same goes with political stability, if a country has an unstable political environment combined with a poor economic growth, it seems to be easier to blame each other. One Serbian male reflected on the inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians in the past, when there a higher number of job opportunities compared to today “[…] the older generations have had the chance in the past to interact, and they remember the golden age of Yugoslavia, when Trepca54 mine was at its peak. It was providing jobs and good salaries; Serbs and Albanians were working together. They remember this life, they spoke both languages, they worked together, they had good salaries.”55

The reconciliation-process, and the relationship between Serbs and Albanians are not improving, but instead worsen due to how the politicians handle incidents. It seems that it’s not necessary incidents per se that are worsening the inter-ethnic relationship, but rather the exaggerations of them, by media and politicians. An operating train from Serbia to Kosovo was not the problem, all respondents agreed that it was normal.56 However, there were different opinions regarding the symbols and slogans outside and inside the train. One Albanian female said: “They are using this event to become a bit more popular, to like him/her [politician] a bit more and maybe gets some votes.”57, which also supports the theory that ‘top dogs’ are benefiting from exploiting inter-ethnic incidents. At the same time, a former Albanian commander within KLA said: “When it comes to Kosovo politicians in relationship with Serbian politics, they cannot really play with Kosovo people […] but for their own benefits they use things internally in Kosovo. […] because then they will be declared as traitors, people would riot as in history (where people got killed).”58 ‘Exploit’ in this sense, seems to be understood as the politicians are using incidents to build up ties between the countries, perhaps to re-start a negotiation, but they would then face aggression. Instead they exploit incidents for their own political careers.

53 Respondent 11; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. Interview 2018-05-17. 54 Trepca mine is located outside Mitrovica. 55 Respondent 11; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. 56 Respondents 1-12. 57 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization. 58 Respondent 3; Albanian male; 46 years old; Former KLA-commander. Interview 2018-04-15.

Regarding violence as an outcome, an Albanian female said that her reaction of the train incident was: “We are a state, we decide who comes in, and who doesn’t […] we are an independent state, if you're coming here to offend us, or insult us in any way, we can stop you like any other state would do.”59 Moreover, one Serbian male said: “Thank god that it was stopped […] because that train could lead to some other incidents on the bridge60, like when there were barricades.”61 Fortunately it did not lead to manifest violence however it might be seen as structural violence that was legitimized as mentioned earlier as a “mobile exhibition presenting our cultural heritage”.

4.1.2 Brussels Agreement The First Agreement of Principles governing Normalization of Relations, more knows as the “Brussels agreement”, is a 15-point agreement signed by Serbia and Kosovo. The dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo are under the auspices of the EU. The aim with this 15-point agreement was to integrate Serb majority municipalities such as (North Mitrovica, Zubin Potok, Leposavic, and Zvecan) into Kosovo’s legal and constitutional system. The agreement also concludes that there shall only be one Kosovo Police Force, meaning that Serbian security structures in Kosovo, especially in the north of Kosovo, will have to integrate into the existing Kosovo Police. In order to achieve the 15-points agreement within the Brussel agreement, an Association of Serb majority municipalities shall be established. This association should have “full overview of the areas of economic development, education, health, urban and rural planning”.62 The association of Serb majority municipalities will have the opportunity to provide a list of Serbs for the position as Police Regional Commander, which the Kosovo Ministry of Internal Affairs will choose from. The Police Regional Commander will be responsible for the four northern Serb majority municipalities, (Leposavic, Zvecan, Zubin Potok, and North Mitrovica).63

The signing of the Brussels agreement, and its implementation resulted in different reactions and opinions among the respondents. One Albanian professor said: “Yes, I supported it from the beginning […] it has its own historically role which was supported also by the international community”64, and when asked if the agreement is positive for the inter-ethnic relationship, he said: “Yes, sure. Because this is kind of living together, tolerance in between

59 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization. 60 Ibar bridge – one of the most famous and controversial bridge between North and South Mitrovica. 61 Respondent 10; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. Interview 2018-05-17. 62 Demjaha, Agon. Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. SEEU Review. Vol. 12 no 1. (2017): 191. DOI: 10.1515/seeur-2017-0013 63 The Prime Minister Office. First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalisation of Relations. Pristina, 2013. http://kryeministri-ks.net/wp- content/uploads/docs/First_agreement_of_principles_governing_the_normalization_of_relations_April_19,_2013_Brussels_en.pdf 64 Respondent 2; Albanian male; 63 years old; Professor of Public Governance; Interview 2018-04-14.

different religions and cultures”65. Another Albanian said: “I believe that some parts within the Brussels agreement are in function of finding solutions to everyday problems, in between Albanians and Serbs”66. When asked if this agreement is positive for the inter-ethnic relationship, he said: “Yes. It is in function for improving their [Serbs] daily life in Kosovo, or the integration into the normal life”67.

When asking the Serbian respondents, the same questions, they did not really feel the same optimism as most of the Albanian respondents did. One Serb living in North Mitrovica reacted to the agreement: “I took it pretty hard […] I understood that it meant the end of Serbian institutions. Until 2013, the community in the North did really believe at one point it would just officially become a part of Serbia. With this agreement it’s not going to happen, we will have to become a part of Kosovo’s systems”68. According to HI, changing institutions is likely to result in resistance from the society, even institutions that are not optimal can be difficult to change. Serbs (especially in the North of Kosovo) who have been using Serbian institutions in Kosovo, are feeling forced to integrate with Kosovo structures. “For the majority of the people [Serbs] this meant going from a system that was not perfect, into a system that was even worse. […] in general people were not happy to integrate. They felt that they are being made to integrate into a system that had worse quality systems than the Serbian systems”69. The reactions of this decision to, over time, abandon the parallel structures and encourage the Serbian community to integrate with Kosovo institutions, are dependent on the current economic, social, and political context. Changing institutions is known to cause resistance, but the resistance among the Serbian community in Kosovo is greater when they know it will be difficult, almost impossible, to return to how it was before. When asked if it’s possible to not integrate with Kosovo institutions, a Serbian female said: “It was possible because we lived with it, but it wasn’t sustainable, and it’s not going to be. […] it will not be possible any longer, for the simple reason that Serbia is not interested in keeping these institutions. Because now you cannot do a simple thing without Kosovo institutions”70. The signing of Brussels agreement characterizes a critical juncture (key moment), where it has become difficult to return to the initial stage with multiple options. When abandoning the Serbian parallel structures, it will not become easier to officially be a part of Serbia when they no longer have the same institutions. With other words, an

65 Respondent 2; Albanian male; 63 years old; Professor of Public Governance; Interview 2018-04-14. 66 Respondent 4; Albanian male; 38 years old; Traffic engineer; Interview 2018-04-19. 67 Ibid. 68 Respondent 8; Serbian female; 27 years old; Freelancer. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid.

institutional pattern has been adopted. In the longer run, the agreement might be one step closer to a reunification of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, where tolerance between the two ethnic groups can be established, as the Albanian professor mentioned. Hopefully it will create a new pattern where positive outcomes follow each other.

Many respondents agree that Brussels agreement was somewhat positive, at least from the beginning, but they think it has failed it purpose due to poor implementation. The respondents have been complaining about the lack of transparency regarding the content of the agreement. They feel that their opinions and voices are being ignored during negotiation- and implementation processes. One Serbian said: “They [politicians] are basically lying to people, and they don’t really come forward with what has been agreed in Brussels. […] people feel sometimes pressure from the system, that they need to integrate, while their rights are not really respected by Kosovo government”71 It’s not the integration per se that is the problem, it’s the definition of integration, and what it brings: “The language, the freedom of movement, and all the basics you need to have to integrate into a community are not respected”72. He continues: “I don’t think that Kosovo government is really showing Serbs that they are welcomed to integrate in this system, this is the problem”73. Most of the respondents are expressing that the implementation of the Brussels agreement is being forced, and that Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo haven’t been counseled within the implementation process. “[…] because of the Brussels agreement people are integrated in some institutions, people communicate only when they need to. Even though you see politicians from the Serbian community [in Kosovo] taking part in the government, and participating in different events, it’s only because they need to go, and not because they think it’s good for the inter-ethnic relationship”74. The changing of institutions has apparently not satisfied the people in Kosovo, especially Serbs living in North Mitrovica where the effects of the agreement are most noticeable. “We [Serbs] expected the Brussels agreement to improve, not only the inter-ethnic relationship, but also the living conditions, the freedom of movement. Agreements that are in benefit of ordinary citizens are not implemented. For me, Brussels agreement is a completely failure”75.

There is an indication of an on-going structural conflict where the top-dogs (politicians) are benefiting from the Brussels agreement, while the citizens of Kosovo are being ignored. “[…] there is no real will for Brussels agreement to succeed. Only the things that are strictly

71 Respondent 9; Serbian male; 29 years old; Working for an NGO. 72 Respondent 9; Serbian male; 29 years old; Working for an NGO. 73 Ibid. 74 Respondent 10; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. 75 Ibid.

connected to the politicians, or for their benefits, will be implemented”76 One Albanian thinks positive about the agreement, but is disappointed with the implementation “[…] from all the agreements that we have signed, only Serbs didn’t keep their part of the deal. […] It’s the Serbian government that is not letting this thing go further.”77 One Albanian believes that an integration of Serbs into Kosovo institutions is something they are entitled to “We live in the same country, and I believe that they should have the same rights as us, they should be integrated into Kosovo institutions. As long as they work for the best interest of Kosovo, of course they should be integrated, there should be Serbs in every institution”78.

Another Albanian thinks that Kosovo made a mistake when signing the Brussels agreement. “I think that when they [Kosovo & Serbia] started the negotiations, they did a mistake, at least Kosovo did a mistake”79. He would rather see that not only Serbs in Kosovo, but also Albanians in Serbia would be granted the same competences and benefits as the Serbs in Kosovo. “Why do they want all these competences for Serbs in Kosovo? They don’t give it to Albanians in Serbia, especially when there are more Albanians in Serbia than Serbs in Kosovo. It should be both ways, and that’s a win-win situation”80. One Serb thought that Serbian majority municipalities in Kosovo were already integrated into Kosovo institutions/systems, “They are already integrated. They are integrated because they have assemblies that acts according to Kosovo law, they have Kosovo emblem and flag. We cannot speak about them trying to integrate, because they are already integrated.”81 When asked if the agreement was positive or negative for the inter-ethnic relationship, he said “For me it’s negative, for Albanians it’s positive because it just adds note to Kosovo independence”82

Regarding the Brussels agreement, it seems that both Albanians and Serbs wants (in most cases) the same thing. However, the tensions between them lays in differences of how they can achieve a society where the rights of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo are respected. Most of the respondents wants the Brussels agreement, or at least liked the idea of it, but it came to soon, they are not ready yet. Historic institutionalism stresses that the timing is vital, that when affect how. Historical institutionalism also emphasizes that it is difficult to change institutions, to change something that people are used to. As a result of the Brussels

76 Respondent 10; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. 77 Respondent 6; Albanian male; 40 years old; Unemployed. 78 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization. 79 Respondent 1; Albanian male; 37 years old; Works for an international organization. 80 Ibid. 81 Respondent 12; Serbian male; 50 years old; Unemployed; Interview 2018-05-29. 82 Ibid.

agreement, which aims to abolish the Serbian parallel structures, resistance from especially Serbs, but also Albanians can therefore be expected.

The agreement was supposed to create some kind of unification with shared institutions, where both Serbs and Albanians are equally treated. According to the respondents, the Brussels agreement seemed to have had a reversed effect. Serbs and Albanians might be using the same institutions and services, but the inter-ethnic communication is based on fake reasons. Serbs and Albanians are interacting with each other only because they need to, not necessarily because they want to. The agreement has yet not resulted in a more sincere, and kinder friendship between the two ethnic groups. It is noticeable that Serbs in Northern Kosovo focus more on what the agreement has done concretely in their municipality, while Albanians are a bit more distanced from the outcomes of the agreement. Due to the lack of transparency, and politicians who only implement particular points from the agreement, the structural conflict is reinforced. By not knowing or understanding what the agreement really means for Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, it can produce assumptions about each other that necessarily don’t have to be true. These assumptions (A), and unknown goals (C) can, as part of Galtung’s conflict-triangle, be the cause for further violence and conflicts. With other words, inter-ethnic violence can occur based on false assumptions about each other.

4.1.3 Ahtisaari plan Former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari was appointed by the UNSC as a Special Envoy to Kosovo, where he would lead the negotiation process regarding the status of Kosovo. In March 2007, there had been over 15 rounds of negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo, and all of them had failed. Ahtisaari prepared a Comprehensive Proposal which stressed that an independence is the only viable option for Kosovo. However, Kosovo had at the time being, according to Ahtisaari, not the sufficient capacity to become an independent state without the involvement of the international community. Protection of minorities, economic growth, inter-ethnic reconciliation, and sustainable development of democratic institutions were vital areas that Kosovo lacked capacity of accomplishing alone. Ahtisaari proposed therefore an independent Kosovo where military and international civilian authorities will supervise and support Kosovo. The international community would have the mandate to “correct actions, that is, to veto local government decisions that would

contravene the provisions of the Settlement proposal and the spirit in which they were crafted”.83

Article 3, Annex 1 (Constitutional Provisions), paragraph 3.2 in the Comprehensive Proposal For the Kosovo Settlement, declares that “[…] the Assembly of Kosovo shall have twenty (20) seats reserved for representation of Communities that are not in the majority in Kosovo”.84 Ten of those seats are allocated for communities such as Roma, Ashkali, Egyptian, et al. However, ten seats are reserved for the Serbian community only, meaning that even though they achieve less mandates, they are still guaranteed ten seats in the Kosovo Assembly.85

The respondents have mixed feelings whether the reserved/guaranteed seats were and/or are necessary today for the Serbian minority in Kosovo. One Albanian thought that the reason for reserving seats for Serbs in Kosovo was understandable, but not fair today “[…] in the beginning Serbs were not able to work and walk freely… and since the number of participants [Serbs] in the voting system were really low, that is why they decided to give them reserved seats. […] nowadays the movement is free, they [Serbs] can go wherever they want, and they are able to vote. If they are able to vote, why not give them as many seats as they deserve, according to the proportional percentage? Why discriminate them positively? Why? If you want equal rights, let them have equal rights”86. This summarizes what many of the respondents, both Serbs and Albanians, thinks about Ahtisaari plan in terms of reserved seats.

Ahtisaari plan can be considered as a self-reinforcing sequence, which means that it has been a long-term reproduction. The increasing returns that have followed the continued adoption of Ahtisaari plan and its reserved seats for Serbs, have made it even more difficult to change. The longer an institutional pattern has existed, the more challenging it is to choose options that previously were available, and perhaps more ideal. This theory has been supported by the answers of the respondents. Most of the respondents were fine with the introduction of reserved seats for Serbs due to poor voter turnout. Ten years later from when Ahtisaari plan was instated, when the safety and rights of Serbs have improved, people are starting to question whether it’s necessary with those seats. The new institutional pattern from 2008 (Ahtisaari plan) could have had benefits for the Serbian MPs, and the Serbian community, which creates a resistance for changing or abandoning the institution. It is also

83 Demjaha, Agon. Inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. SEEU Review. Vol. 12 no 1. (2017): 186. DOI: 10.1515/seeur-2017-0013 84 UNSC; 2007; Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement; S/2007/168/Add.1; New York. 85 Ibid. 86 Respondent 1; Albanian male; 37 years old; Works for an international organization

difficult to choose options that were available before the Ahtisaari plan. In order to change the constitution, which is based on the Ahtisaari plan, the majority of the assembly (including the minorities with reserved seats), needs to vote in favor for. The Serbian freelancer said: “[…] there are several laws called “laws of vital interests” in the Kosovo constitution, which cannot be changed without a double majority, meaning a majority of all the 120 MPs, and the majority of the non-majority MPs [10 seats belonging to Serbs]. […] a law cannot be changed without the consensus of Serbs. I think it's an important mechanism, a mechanism that Kosovo Assembly has tried to circumvent in the past, that shows that it is necessary”87.

Some of the respondents thinks that the reserved seats have encouraged Serbs in Kosovo to integrate with Kosovo institutions, and become a part of the society. The Albanian professor replied when asked if reserved seats were necessary: “For the time, when the constitution was created and approved, it was more than necessary. Because with this, you kind of motivated the minorities, the communities, to be integrated into Kosovo institutions”88. One Albanian responded to the same question: “In the beginning it was to show that Kosovo, and Kosovo people have the will to improve relations with Serbs in here, and even with the Serbian government. As a gesture of goodwill, they did that.”89 He continues: “[…] there was not one suggestion that EU or UN regarding the Kosovo-Serbia relationship, that Kosovo didn’t fulfil. We did fulfil all of them, because we want to finish this, we want to leave it behind, join the EU, and move forward. Improve the quality of our lives, better paychecks, better everything. If not for us, at least for the younger generation that will come”90.

One Albanian thinks that the number of reserved seats is too many, and that it might be discriminating for other minority groups in Kosovo, which is shared by a few other respondents: “[…] the number is quite high, it could be less. If Serbs have reserved seats, what about the rest? In my opinion, they are not less important than Serbs. They are Kosovo citizens as well, so why are you offering all these benefits to one group of people?”91. She also concludes that both Serbs and Albanians belongs to Kosovo, and that they have to learn to live together: “I’m not saying we like them, I am not saying we hate them, it’s just that they live here. We live here, and we have to live together, that’s it. I mean it’s reasonable,

87 Respondent 8; Serbian female; 27 years old; Freelancer. 88 Respondent 2; Albanian male; 63 years old; Professor of Public Governance. 89 Respondent 6; Albanian male; 40 years old; Unemployed. 90 Ibid. 91 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization.

[…] probably most of them have been born and raised in here. So, it’s their country too, they deserve to be here”92.

There are also some respondents who thinks that the reserved seats never should have been implemented, due to its positive discrimination of Serbs in Kosovo, and its undemocratic order. One Albanian said: “This is the most unlawful and undemocratic thing that happened to Kosovo. […] they [Serbian MPs] don’t represent anyone because they didn’t get votes from no one. Those people who have reserved seats are not elected by people, they are just placed there, they are misused in order to destabilize Kosovo and to keep their own interests”93. Another Albanian said: “Serbs which are members of the Kosovo Assembly, they should represent the interest of local Serbs in Kosovo, not the interest of the Serbian state, as they are doing now. That is why they are elected”94. However, he emphasizes that it's important that Serbs are being represented in Kosovo, as long as it’s achieved by democratic means. “The Serbian participation in the Kosovo assembly is not a bad thing, it’s the opposite actually. It’s necessary for them to be represented, but the elected ones should represent the interest of the voters, and not the state of Serbia”95. One Serb agrees that the reserved seats were necessary then, but not necessarily today: “We didn’t have Serbs that were represented/present in the daily political life. Now it's totally different, even though we are a minority, we have more [representatives] than we really need. We have positive discrimination, this is true”96.

All of the respondents share the opinion that both Serbs and Albanians should be heard and represented in the civil society, and the assembly. What might be seen as surprising is that Albanians are more positive to having reserved seats for Serbs in Kosovo (at least for a while), than what might have been expected. Albanians do want Serbs to be integrated with Kosovo institutions, and to be a part of Kosovo. However, there are differences among both Serbs and Albanians if reserved seats are the most optimal solution. As earlier mentioned, a conflict can arise from component A (assumptions), B (behavior) or C (a goal/something wanted) within Galtung’s conflict-triangle. When actors are fully aware of A and C, a conflict can be resolved and/or there is a less possibility for a conflict to arise. All of the respondents are showing a will for co-existence between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, which should mean that there is a consent regarding (C), the goal. If Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have the same goal, to co-exist and to be a part of common institutions, and there

92 Respondent 5; Albanian female; 40 years old; Works for an international organization. 93 Respondent 3; Albanian male; 46 years old; Former KLA-commander. 94 Respondent 4; Albanian male; 38 years old; Traffic engineer. 95 Ibid. 96 Respondent 7; Serbian male; 45 years old; Paramedic.

is no negative assumptions (A) about each other, there is only one component that might cause trouble, and which the summarizes of the respondents have shown they disagree about, is component B (behavior). Controversial behavior can according to Galtung’s conflict-triangle trigger a new conflict, but the possibility should be small as long as the two ethnic groups are fully aware of component (A) and (C).

There is an obvious difference between the respondents regarding if it's still necessary to have reserved seats for Serbs, but also if the elected Serbian MPs are working for the interest of Serbs in Kosovo, or for the Serbian state. Reserved seats affect the people in the sense that Serbian authorities are accused (by both Serbian and Albanian respondents) of directing/deciding how the Serbian MPs in Kosovo should vote in the assembly. People feel powerless because there is nothing they can do to change the constitution and regulate the reserved seats. An absolute majority is necessary to change the constitution, and thereby the number of reserved seats. This cannot be achieved if the Serbian MPs are voting against it. Citizens who tries to get out of the structural violence run a risk of being labelled as “evil” by the top-dogs who are benefiting from the system. One Serbian mentions how Serbs in Kosovo were encouraged not to vote in Kosovo elections, “In the past we were strongly advised from our local leaders not to participate in any elections, or not to join the parliament, even before the declaration of independence”97. When politicians and others who were against this isolation from participating in Kosovo institutions and politics, they were marked as traitors, “At this time, some Serbs were considered as traitors, and threatened or physically attacked. It was a sign to everyone to keep their mouths shut”98. This shows that the behavior is creating a negative outcome.

5. Conclusion The relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is today generally better than it was ten years ago in 2008. However, their relationship has during this ten-year period been going up and down (mostly down) because of reoccurring incidents. The majority of the respondents feels that when the inter-ethnic relationship reaches a quite stable, and sometimes positive level, it often becomes hostile (due to particular incidents) and then back to normal after a few weeks. The attitudes of the Serbian and Albanian respondents towards each other were more sympathetic and gentler than expected. The respondents gave the impression that they don’t really have any particular conflicts with each other, but rather

97 Respondent 11; Serbian male; 33 years old; Working for an NGO. 98 Ibid.

with the politicians. With other words, the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo has improved during the period 2008-2018, but it’s not going fast enough as the respondents would hope it would.

Another conclusion is that the inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians is a reproduction of a pattern of ups- and downs, affected by incidents caused by other than regular citizens which are interrupting their everyday life. The relationships between the two groups might be reinforced by politicians, media or by the citizens, because institutional patterns are difficult to change.

Three key moments that were considered to have influenced the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo were identified: Train incident, Brussels agreement and Ahtisaari plan. These key moments have had both direct, and indirect effects on the inter-ethnic relationship. For example, the train incident affected the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo indirect. The incident was mainly handled through Belgrade (Serbia) and Pristina (Kosovo), and the actions of their political leaders led to insecurity and nervousness among Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Serbs and Albanians were not really a part of this incident but got instead unwillingly affected by it. Brussels agreement and Ahtisaari plan had a more direct effect on the relationship between Serbs and Albanians, both through the reserved seats for Serbs (which was described as positive discrimination), and the integration of Serbian institutions into Kosovo institutions (which the Serbian community was not ready for). Negative attitudes, proactive behavior and contradictions about goals leads to conflicts, and hampers the way forward for a sustainable solution.

Another conclusion from this study is that it was difficult to generalize and find particular patterns depending on ethnicity. You cannot see Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo as a hegemonic group who acts and thinks the same, just because they have the same ethnicity. In several cases, both Serbian and Albanian respondents had the same thoughts and comments. Sometimes they were even more critical for the actions of their own community and/or politicians, than the other ethnic group. Many of the comments from the respondents have not been mentioned or discussed in Kosovo media. Serbs and Albanians have much more in common than what is represented in the media. Assumptions have however resulted in mistrust between Serbs and Albanian which has caused a tense relationship. When both actors are not fully aware of their assumptions, and what is actually wanted, it can easily result in disputes, which these three key moments have shown. It is not the moments per se that are the reasons of non-friendly relationship, but the established institutions.

A more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo has been achieved. Both Serbs and Albanians do want to live a normal life where inter-ethnic difficulties can be set aside. After conducting interviews with 12 respondents, six Serbs and six Albanians, it was obvious that they both respected each other and the idea of living together. Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have more in common than what they might think, which hopefully this study has revealed.

5.1 Further research Further research can use this study as a foundation for understanding how and why certain incidents affects the inter-ethnic relationship. In order to discover general patterns between, and among Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, it would be preferable to conduct a quantitative study. It was possible to see some patterns regarding where the respondents lived, for example what they thought about certain issues. However, the number of respondents were not enough to generalize, and to actually determine a patter. Further research should conduct a quantitative study on bigger groups of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, in order generalize how the inter-ethnic relationship is affected by particular key moments.

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Appendix 1 – Interview guide

How would you describe the present situation between Serbs and Albanians?

• Is it worse/better now than 5 or 10 years ago?

How would you describe the relationship between Serbs and Albanians since the independency (year 2008)?

Who/what do you see responsible for the current situation between Serbs and Albanians? (Why is the situation as you describe?)

On 14th of January 2017, a train painted with Serbian flags and the words “Kosovo is Serbia” written in 20 languages, was headed to Mitrovica, but stopped near the border to Kosovo.

• What was your reaction?

• Would you say that this event got to exaggerated? (E.g. politicians and media)

• Do you feel that politicians, elites and/or media exploit these events for the purpose of their own agenda?

The First International Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations between Kosovo and Serbia was signed year 2013. Two examples of the 15- point agreement aims at integrating Serb majority municipalities of northern Kosovo (Northern Mitrovica, Leposiviq, Zvecan etc), and also to guarantee integration of all Serbian security structures in the North into Kosovo institutions (e.g. one Kosovo Police Force).

• What was your reaction of this agreement? (Is this positive for the Serb-Albanian relationship?

• What do you think of the idea that Serbs should integrate with Kosovo institutions?

• What are your thoughts of EU’s involvement regarding the dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo? (is a third-part necessary for the Serb-Albanian relationship?)

As a part of the Ahtisaari Plan, Kosovo has since year (2008) 20 seats guaranteed for minority communities, whereas 10 are reserved for Serbs.

• What is your opinion about reserving seats for a minority?

• How important is it that Serbs are represented in e.g. the parliament for the Serb- Albanian relationship? (other alternatives?)

• There have been accusations that Serb MP’s are being “controlled” by Belgrade. What is your opinion about these accusations? In what way have this affected the relationship between Serbs and Albanians? (e.g. mistrust, assumptions, illegitimate).

What would you say is the greatest obstacle for a friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians?

Is there anything you would like to add?