The Pomaks of Rodopi

School of Journalism and Mass Communications Faculty of Economic and Political Sciences

The Pomaks of Rodopi:

The Influence of Local Media on Pomak Identity and Social Integration

Triantafyllos Gkiouzelidis

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF DIGITAL MEDIA, COMMUNICATION AND JOURNALISM

Specialization: Risk Communication and Crisis Journalism

Supervisor: Prof. Gregory Paschalidis

Thessaloniki, May 2018 Abstract

In the north-eastern part of Greece, bordering with Turkey and Bulgaria, is the historic region of Thrace, an area that in the post-Lausanne Peace Treaty period, has regularly found itself embroiled in the diplomatic tensions between the three neighboring countries. The special characteristic of Thrace is the co-existence of Christian and the Muslim populations. The Muslim minority of Thrace is approximately 100.000 strong, consisting of three distinct ethnic groups, the Turkish origin Muslims, the Pomaks and the Roma. They have been living together for almost a century, even though they speak different languages, they believe in different Gods, they get educated in parallel systems and they see each other as the “other”, a “stranger”, or even a “potential enemy”. This problematic situation derives from the fact that both the Christian majority and the Muslim minority, consider this place as their homeland and they see each other as invaders. In our study, we examine how the Pomaks are represented in the local media over a four-year period. The major problem investigated is on how the Greek local media deal with the Pomak problem, and more specifically, the origins and ethnicity of the Pomaks. The existing literature has mainly examined the Pomaks living in the city of Xanthi, and only a handful of papers have attempted to investigate the social context of the Pomaks in the border region of Rodopi. Our aim is to shed light on the media’s role in the mutual perceptions of the Christian and Muslim populations of the Rodopi region.

Keywords: Pomaks, Thrace, Rodopi, minority, media influence, media framing.

CONTENTS

Abstract ...... ii

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Chapter 1 ...... 3

The Pomak issue ...... 3

1.1 Definition of “Minority” ...... 3

1.2 The composition of the muslim minority ...... 3

1.3 Historical background of the Pomaks ...... 7

1.4 The Pomaks of Rodopi ...... 8

1.5 The Pomak issue ...... 10

Chapter 2 ...... 15

The Mass Media ...... 15

2.1 Agenda setting, Priming, Framing ...... 15

2.2 The effects of mass media ...... 19

Chapter 3 ...... 23

Treatment and perceptions of the Pomaks ...... 23

3.1 Treatment of the Pomaks by the Greek state ...... 23

3.2 Attitudes of the society of Rodopi towards the Pomaks ...... 25

Research design ...... 27

4.1 Research Questions ...... 27

4.2 Sample ...... 28

4.3 Method ...... 31

Chapter 5 ...... 33

Findings ...... 33

5.1 Ethnicity, national consciousness and language ...... 33

5.2 Origin from Greece or Turkey? ...... 37

iii

5.3 Health campaigns and media negativity ...... 39

5.4. Politics ...... 42

Chapter 6 ...... 46

Discussion ...... 46

Chapter 7 ...... 53

Conclusions ...... 53

REFERENCES ...... 55

APPENDICES ...... 61

Α. Map with Pomak villages of Rodopi...... 61

B. Reference Used in the analysis of the articles ...... 64

C. Local media links and rankings ...... 67

INTRODUCTION Thrace, the north-eastern part of Greece, has experienced a series of diplomatic tensions between the three bordering countries, Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria. The main source of conflict has been the existence of the minority, which consists of three ethnic groups, the Pomaks, the Roma and the Turks. In spite of their striking differences, they have been living together for centuries, as both Christians and Muslims consider Thrace to be their homeland (Kandler, 2007). However, the term “minority” implies a kind of inferiority to the rest of the population that constitutes the dominant power (The Law Library of Congress - LLC, 2012). In the case of the minority of Thrace, however, the dominant power seems to be dual, the Greek state and the Turkish Government, which has persistently been involved in the lives of the members of the minority, or in general minority issues, based on the idea that the minority is wholly Turkish. The Greek state, on the other hand, has changed its minority policies, as a consequence of the political and social changes it experienced over time. A minority possesses distinct ethnic, linguistic and religious characteristics, which the members of the minority try to preserve (LLC, 2012). In the case of Pomaks, their distinct features were either been ignored or underestimated, while efforts to homogenize them with the Turks have been rather successful. For years, the Pomaks have lived with a fluid or uncertain identity, while they also presented multiple identities depending on the context (Askouni, 2006; Kokkas, 2008b). The local media served as political tools, controlled by either Greek or Turkish elite. The Turkish-speaking media have promoted the idea of unity among all minority members, while the Greek state has neglected the Pomaks, who have been struggling to shape their identity. Their origin has been disputed at different periods of time, as there are different theories and perspectives of the issue (Askouni, 2006; Leved, 2015; Malkidis, 2006; Troumpeta, 2001). This gave rise to the Pomak issue, which can be determined by the historical events, rather than legislation (LLC, 2012). The consequences are been experienced by the Pomaks, who have to deal with the inequality in economic and educational opportunities, insufficient social consistency, social exclusion and communication gaps (Katsimigas, 2006). Under the different political circumstances, the Greek state’s common practice has been to treat the Pomaks as part of the Muslim minority, without considering their ethnic differentiation (Askouni, 2006). Similarly, Turkey worked hard in integrating all populations into a unified Turkish minority, sometimes by illicit means (Kokkas, 2008b). The perception of the Pomaks has been mainly connected with negative attitudes, stigmatization and discrimination by the Turks (Hamdi, 2004), while the Pomaks also felt neglected by the Greek state. In addition, although antagonistic, both Greek and Turkish rhetoric indicated that the Pomaks are subordinate to both the Greeks and the Turks, dictating or influencing public opinion (Demetriou, 2004). The mass media construction of the Thracian and minority social reality has influenced public opinion and shaped the people’s attitudes. It is indicated in the literature that the messages delivered by the media, political parties and elites have a strong impact on the public, as they contribute in the formation of public attitudes (Lachapelle, Montpetit and Gauvin, 2014). Considering that news sources can influence public perception (Cissel, 2012), the influence of the local media on minority issues was great. The present study explores whether in what ways the media influence the Pomak identity and social integration and the perception of the Pomaks by Christian and Muslim populations. The study focuses on the region of Rodopi, which has been under-researched, in comparison with other areas of Thrace, where the Pomaks live. The temporal dimension of the study lies on the last years (2014-2017), as it was attempted to shed light on the potential changes between the past and the present, rather than provide a historical account. The first three Chapters provide the theoretical background of our study. Specifically, the first focuses on the Pomak issue, their definition as a “minority”, the historical background and the current state of the Pomaks. The second highlights the effects of the mass media, which follows an analysis of agenda-setting, priming and framing. The third presents how the Pomaks are perceived and treated by the Greek state and the society of Rodopi. The fourth Chapter presents the research design of our study. After examining a large volume of articles published in the local newspapers, both Greek-speaking and Turkish- speaking, the researcher detected four salient frames which were analysed through careful examination of the features and content of the 20 articles that were finally selected. In Chapter 5, the four main themes that emerged from the analysis are connected to the existing literature, and the changes between the past and the present situations are been indicated. In the sixth chapter we discuss the findings of the analysis of the articles and the final chapter includes some conclusive remarks deduced from the analysis presented in the previous chapter, along with some hopes, as expressed in literature and the media.

Chapter 1

The Pomak issue

1.1 Definition of “Minority”

There is no universal definition of the term “minority”, as it is a sensitive and politically nuanced issue. However, based on international data and documents regarding minorities, a minority group is recognised by a state as long as specific criteria like ethnicity, religion and language are met, and provided that the subjective element of self-identification exists (The Law Library of Congress- LLC, 2012).

The most frequently used definitions are those of the Permanent Court of International Justice and European Court of Human Rights (1930) and Francesco Capotorti’s (1991), who was a Special Rapporteur of the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. According to the latter, a minority is a “group numerically inferior to the rest of the population, in a non-dominant position, consisting of nationals of the State, possessing distinct ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics and showing a sense of solidarity aimed at preserving those characteristics” (LLC, 2012, p. 15).

With respect to this definition, the numerical inferiority and non-dominant position of the minority, the nationality of the members of the minority group and the characteristics of the group constitute the objective criteria of defining a minority group. The subjective criterion refers to group solidarity with the aim of preserving their distinct features, as culture, traditions, language and religion are essential to be maintained and safeguarded. In 1990, the Copenhagen Document of the OSCE introduced the concept of self-identification, clarifying that belonging to a national minority group is a matter of an individual’s choice (LLC, 2012).

1.2 The composition of the muslim minority

Turkey was found, by the end of World War I to have lost much of its territory. As Lewis (2001) already mentioned, since 1918, groups have been established in Thrace and Smyrna, such as the so-called “Mudafaai Hukuk”, in order to create the necessary conditions for the creation of a Turkish-Muslim community in Greek Thrace and its future association with Turkey. With time, the ghettoization of the minority in Thrace led it to strengthen its ties and dependencies across the border; it therefore enhanced Turkey’s influence as a custodian power and gave vantage and clout to the minority’s most nationalist segments. Excluded from channels

3 of economic participation and political representation in Greece, the minority invested its savings abroad, especially in Turkey, received secondary and higher education there, and sought to exercise influence and pressure through the support of the ‘kin-state.’ Strongly rooted in the multiple economic, social and educational ties the minority has developed over the years across the border, Turkey’s patronage actively intensified in the 1980s. As the minority crystallized its separate position, it transformed from a de jure ‘Muslim minority’ to a de facto ‘ethnic minority’ that in the mid-1980s mobilized to claim a common Turkish consciousness (Anagnostou, 1999b).

Over time, their political marginalization and economic exclusion in Thrace and Greece created a fertile ground for the radicalization of Muslims who in the 1980s mobilized to protest curtailment of their rights and demand official recognition as a ‘Turkish minority’. It reached its apex in 1989-90 with the election of two independent (from national political parties) minority representatives in the Greek Parliament who rallied the support of the minority on the basis of Turkish nationalism and solidarity with ‘motherland’ Turkey across the border. Turkey’s patronage has provided support through advocacy and economic assistance, and operated through the Turkish consulate in Komotini. It brings together minority leaders (mayors of communes, members of the Prefecture Council, members of organizations, etc.) in the unofficial Minority Advisory Committee (Simvouleftiki Epitropi Mionotitas), which was formed in the 1980s and remains in place until the present.

The Muslim minority of Rodopi is consisted of three distinct groups. The first group is the Turkish origin Muslims, the second is the Pomaks, an indigenous group that was converted to Islam according to most academics and Roma (Gypsies, with a language other than Turkish). More specifically, the Turkish origin Muslims, are Muslims of Turkish descent, who were excluded from the exchange of Greek and Turkish populations . They were already settled in the area east of the border line established by the Treaty of Bucharest in 1913 (Kanakidou, 1994). The Pomaks is a population whose origin is being questioned. It is, however, certain that it is one of the oldest Balkan populations in the Rodopi Mountains. Pomaks live in the mountainous regions of Western Thrace, have light-colored features, speak their own language (for which there was no scripture until now) and in their habits there are elements of Christian culture. The third group is Roma, the well-known nomadic tribe that moves from one place to another more often than it maintains a permanent home. For this reason their number (relatively small) is unstable and presents fictitious variations in population censuses (Kanakidou, 1994).

These communities are basically patriarchal and traditional and thus the male members of the community define the daily routine, the social behaviour and the subsidence of the family. On the other hand the position of the female membes of the family is mainly domestic.

Recent research shows that the self-determination of a large part of the minority and minority Gypsies as Turks has a fluid content, appears mainly as a "variable rather than a constant of their consciousness" and is closely linked to their inferior social position and clear devaluation connotations the identities of Pomak and Gypsy within the minority. The most decisive factor for the adoption of the Turkish definition is the relationship of the minority with Turkey as a reference state, which, apart from civil protection, until recently (mainly through the educational outlets) provides the only prosperity prospects for the members of the minority population. As Akgönül mentions, for the minority, Turkey is not so much a homeland, but a symbol of power and protection (Askouni, 2006).

Rodopi has clearly the largest concentration of ethnic Turks, which makes it the natural centre for Turkish culture. Not suprprisingly, there are no reliable official statistics for either the ethnic composition of the minority or its exact size. Different sources make different estimates that vary widely. For instance, the data for the Gypsies are more difficult to account for, and they are probably the most unreliable. They constitute a marginal group with limited political significance. There is reason to question how consistent the ethnic criteria have been applied in the various censuses. Some of the Gypsies have Turkish as mother tongue while other speak their own language (Roma) (Aarbake,2000).

Historically, the Roma have been devastated by the "civilized world". Their persistence in their particular cultural values, in physical life, in the constant movement from place to place, and the lack of adaptation to the social compatibility of every place and every age are some of the reasons why the particular population group suffered repeated persecutions in various countries (Tsioumis, 2003).

According to the National Action Plan for Social Inclusion (NAPSI) 2008-2010, Roma are considered Greeks with no separate ethnic identity (NCHR, 2009). They are not recognized as a national minority by the Greek State (Abdikeeva et al. , 2005; Pavlou, 2009: 33), which accepts this term only for those groups explicitly mentioned in bilateral treaties – namely the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, according to which there is a 12,000-person Roma population, as part of the recognised Muslim minority of Western Thrace. Roma people outside Thrace are not

5 considered by the Greek authorities as members of a minority, but as a ‘vulnerable social group’ (CommDH, 2009; cited in Pavlou, op.cit.).

Their phenotypic features (colour of skin, face traits) and their traditions and way of life (tent-dwelling, nomadic, traditional dress code for women, under age marriages, patriarchal extended families) make them appear alien to the Greek nation despite their centuries-long presence in the country. Even though a large part of the Roma populations in Greece are Christian, religion does not seem to matter here as a bridge between the majority population and the Roma minority. The Roma in western Thrace are also a more complex case as they are also discriminated against within their own Muslim community (Troumpeta, 2001).

A serious hindrance to the development of a Gypsy movement among the Gypsies living in Thrace is the political conflict between Turkey and Greece. Turkey promotes the social and lingual unification of the Gypsies with the rest of the Muslim minority, the encouragement of the procedure of amplification of the Turkish influence, so that the population of the Muslim minority will increase and its political role in the region will be reinforced. As a consequence those Gypsies who attempt the promotion of their identity face hostility and even threats, officially or unofficially. Every move towards the conservation and promotion of the Gypsy identity is considered to be an anti-Turkish act, aiming to the tearing apart of the Muslim community and is dealt accordingly (Liapis,2004)

On the other side Greece refuses to take any kind of initiative in order to avoid reactions by the part of Turkey. So the defence of the Gypsy language and culture is left to the hands of private initiators and is subjected to failure since there is no political or financial reinforcement. The most important initiative in the field of the Gypsies is the one taken by a Greek businessman, Mr Prodromos Emfietzoglou, who since 1996 has given a boost to the promotion and recognition of the Gypsy inheritance. He has been the main sponsor of a number of cultural events as well as social mediation particularly in the field of hygiene and children protection (Liapis,2004).

The Gypsy language, although it differs radically from Turkish, is not taught in minority schools. Gypsies living in Thrace are approaching 20,000, half of whom talk Turkish. In their vocabulary, of course, they have incorporated several Greek, Pomak, Romanian and Persian words. In essence, there are two main dialects of the Romans, one of which is spoken mainly by the residents of Komotini and Droseros (village) and the other one is spoken in the village of Polyanthos of Rodopi (Kottakis, 2000).

1.3 Historical background of the Pomaks

In Greece, where the majority of its population (90%) is Christian Orthodox, there is no other minority apart from the Muslim minority in Western Thrace. Even though Greece has always played host to a number of various ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups, most prominently Catholics and Jews, only the Muslims of Thrace have been officially recognized by the constitution of Greece, as a minority. The Muslim minority comprises three distinct ethnic groups: the Pomaks, the turkish origin Muslims and the Roma. Apart from their common religion, these groups have different historical origins, cultural identity and language (LLC, 2012; Trikka, n.d.).

The Pomaks inhabited Thrace earlier than the other groups (Leved, 2015), and are the most controversial group in the minority, as they have been the object of interstate dispute at different periods of time (Askouni, 2006; Leved, 2015). The term Pomaks was first recorded in 1839. Till then, the pejorative term “ahriyan” was used to refer to the Islamized residents of Rodopi. However, the origin and meaning of the word have not been verified (Askouni, 2006).

Regarding the origin of Pomaks, there are many theories, but the prevailing ones are actually two. This is a result of the chronic dispute among Greece, Bulgaria and Turkey with regards to the origin of Pomaks. According to the first one, the Pomaks are offspring of the local Christian residents of Rodopi who were forcefully Islamized (Leved, 2015). According to the second one, the Pomaks are of Asian origin, who settled in Rodopi, where they gradually embraced Islam. After the fall of Byzantine Empire, the Pomaks went through racial degeneration, because they were been hated by both the Bulgarians and the Turks, who forced them to convert from Christianity to Islamism. Since then, the Pomaks, especially those living in Rodopi, remain Muslims, most of them Sunnites and a few Alewites (Malkidis, 2006).

There are also other theories, according to which Pomaks are descendants of the ancient race Agrianes or of Alexander the Great’s warriors (Troumpeta, 2001). The Turkish perspective holds that Pomaks are descendants of ancient Turkish races that settled in the area at the beginning of the Byzantine Empire. The Bulgarians claim that Pomaks are Islamized Bulgarians, mainly based on linguistic similarities (Leved, 2015).

Pomaks since the beginnings of their history have suffered many hardships. Foteas (1978) argues that the Pomaks were Christians who were forcibly converted to islam in the 16th century, as the name of settlements with Christian names indicates. While under the Turkish administration there was no provision for them, and all of them were indifferent to their

7 education and financial condition. The Bulgarians during the Bulgarian occupation forced the Pomaks, mainly in Xanthi, to assimilate Christianity and baptized the Pomaks with pre-selected names and names drawn up by a Bulgarian committee. In the area of Rodopi, they did not proceed to violent convertion to Christianity, but they only gave Bulgarian names to the Pomak population and forced their children to learn the Bulgarian language. In many cases, and in particular between 1941 and 1944, the Bulgarians demanded that the Pomaks sign statements of reliability stating their Bulgarian origin.

At the liberation of Thrace in 1949, no distinction was made between the Turks and the Pomaks and they were treated as a whole. The books that were given to them (in schools) were all in the Turkish language (in Latin), although in Rodopi there were strong reactions and most of them were destroyed as unholy and anti-religious (Foteas, 1978).

The Pomaks were considered to be a threat and possibly collaborating with Sofia and the Soviets. In this way, successive Greek governments took into account or followed the orders of the Allied forces which promoted a political Turkization of Pomaks, forcing them to speak Turkish through the minority schools. Following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, Greece began separating the Pomaks from the rest of the minority, although this was not reflected on a practical level as far as the minority schools were concerned.

1.4 The Pomaks of Rodopi

Rodopi is one of the 51 Regional Units (former Prefectures) of Greece, characterized by cultural, linguistic and religious heterogeneity. It belongs to Thrace, bordering Bulgaria, Xanthi, Evros and the Thracian Sea (Regional Unit of Rodopi-RUR). It covers 2,543 km² of mountainous and semi-mountainous areas, and is constituted of four municipalities, Komotini, Maronia-Sapes, Iasmos and Arriana. Its population was estimated to 108,555, according to the 2011 census. More than half of the population (57,099 or 52.60%) are Muslims, and only 10,180 (17.80%) are Pomaks (Hellenic Statistical Authority-HSA). Komotini is the capital city of Rodopi, with 55,000 residents. Muslims are estimated to 10,928 (27%) and the Pomaks are estimated to 1,800 (16.50%) (HSA).

Table 1.1 Population composition of Thrace.Source: Hellenic Statistical Authority, 2011

PREFECTURE POPULATION CHRISTIANS MUSLIMS

RODOPI 108.555 51.456 57.099

EVROS 144.000 135.000 9.000

XANTHI 91.000 51.000 40.000

TOTAL 338.000 226.000 112.000

According to the 1951 census, which was the last census reporting populations according to their religion and language, there were 18,671 Pomaks in Greece (LLC, 2012). From the population of Thrace (336,954), 105,092 people were Muslims. These rates have not been significantly differentiated since then, as in diverse documents and sources, the numbers range between 98,000 and 130,000 (Askouni, 2006).

The Pomaks of Greek Thrace, according to various sources, are about 40,000 and the Gypsies more than 20,000. This number comes to a sum of 400,000 if we also count the Pomaks living in Bulgaria (Mekos, 1995).

Pomak villages are mainly found on the mountain range of Rodopi. The total number of the Pomak villages rises up to 120 to 160, 40 of which are in northern Rodopi. The majority of Pomaks lives in the South part of Bulgaria, in the range of Rodopi. In the prefecture of Rodopi, the Pomak population is the second largest one in Thrace, following that of Xanthi (RUR). There are differences between the Pomaks of Xanthi and Rodopi with respect to appearance, language and even the religion in some allegedly reported cases. The two groups have difficulty in communicating with each other, and do not usually establish relationships (Foteas, 1978). Most of the Pomaks live in the Pomak villages, but part of the population moved to Komotini, the lowland Muslim villages or abroad during the 1980s and 1990s, due to financial difficulties. As the villages were isolated on the mountains, Pomaks, they have maintained the quaint character and traditional architecture of their villages and their special culture (RUR).

With respect to language, 82% of the minority’s native language is Turkish, and Pomak language is spoken by only 18% of the minority population (Askouni, 2006). Their language is

9 considered to be a Slav dialect, in which Turkish and Greek elements have been integrated (Papanis, 2008;Kottakis,2000).

Muslims in the Western Thrace are allowed to practice their religion (LLC, 2012), as religion is a central axis of their private and social lives (Troumpeta, 2001). In all the Pomak villages, there are mosques so that they can practice their religion. They believe in Sunni Islam and they live conservatively, as the Koran mandates (Leved, 2015) in their patriarchic society (Mylonas, 1990).

Due to the ethnic heterogeneity of Rodopi, a number of issues are raised for the Pomaks, including insufficient social consistency, inequality in the economic and educational opportunities, communication gaps and social exclusion (Katsimigas, 2006). The recent economic recession has added to the survival problems of the Pomaks. Overall unemployment has reached 40% of the population in Rodopi in 2016 (HAS), while the unemployment rate of the minority outweighs that of the total population, especially because female members of the minority group are unemployed. The Pomaks make a living mainly from livestock farming and tobacco growing (Leved, 2015).

In addition, most of the minority members are undereducated (Askouni, 2006). Although the percentage of illiterates has fallen sharply compared to the past, it still remains high (Kottakis, 2000). In 2002, 223 Primary schools with 7107 pupils, 2 Gymnasiums/Lyceums and 2 Religious Schools with 905 students functioned for the Minority in Thrace (Tsistselikis, 2007). Teaching in Turkish is done by minority teachers, many of whom are graduates of the Special Pedagogical Academy of Thessaloniki (EPAT) which ran from 1968 to 2012, when it was replaced by the Department of Primary Education at AUTH and the Department of Primary Education of the Democritus University of Thrace in Alexandroupolis. Today, eventhought, the number of Muslim adolescents register at Greek speaking public schools has risen significantly, the respective number of Pomak pupils remains low.

1.5 The Pomak issue

In order to clarify the Pomak issue, it is essential to refer to certain events, as it is a matter of historical fact and not of law (LLC, 2012). The Muslim minority has existed in Thrace since their exemption from the compulsory exchange of populations, agreed in the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923 (Askouni, 2006; Leved, 2015, LLC, 2012).

The Treaty of Lausanne has been disputed and misinterpreted by both Turkey and Greece at different periods of time (LLC, 2012). For example, although the Supreme Court of Greece held that the Treaty applied to all Muslims living in Greece, except for Dodecanese Islands that fell under another Treaty, the official position of Greece was that the Treaty of Lausanne applied only to the residents of Western Thrace (LLC, 2012).

According to the Treaty, in 1923 Greece and Turkey allowed the Greek Orthodox populations of the Greek citizens living in Istanbul, Imbros and Tenedos and the Turks living in Thrace to continue staying at these regions, despite the compulsory population exchange (Askouni, 2006; LLC, 2012). Almost 2 million people (aprox. 1,300,000 Orthodox Greeks living in Turkey and 500,000 Muslim Turks living in Greece), were obliged to leave their homeland.

According to certain calculations, during the autumn of 1922, around 900,000 Greeks had arrived in Greece (Andriotis, 2008). The population exchange was envisioned by Turkey as a way to formalize, and make permanent, the exodus of Greeks from Turkey, while initiating a new exodus of a smaller number of Muslims from Greece to supply settlers for occupying the newly depopulated regions of Turkey, while Greece saw it as a way to supply its masses of new propertyless Greek refugees from Turkey with lands to settle from the exchanged Muslims of Greece (Howland, 1926). The compulsory population exchange was based almost solely on the religious identity of the individuals, regardless of their language or ethnicity. It involved almost all the Orthodox Christians living in Turkey, and most of the Muslims living in Greece.

Between 1925 and 1927, wealthy minority members sold their land and left the area, while the remaining members had no demands but to maintain their traditions and religion (Troumpeta, 2001). As the Lausanne Treaty compelled both parties to ensure freedom, the Muslim minority was given civil and political rights, legal protection, education and freedom of religion (Trikka, n.d.).

After the World War II, and due to the uprising danger coming from north, the Greek government turned the mountain villages of Rodopi into a restricted military zone in order to isolate the Greek Pomaks from those who lived in Bulgaria. People living in those villages needed to grand permission from Police in order to visit Komotini or other places. The Pomaks were considered to be a threat and possibly collaborating with the Soviet Union and its satellite states like Bulgaria and thus the Greek government promoted a political Turkization of Pomaks, obliging them to learn and speak the Turkish language in the minority schools. This

11 zone was extended from Thrace to Epirus along the border line. Finally, the so called “supervised zone” was abolished in 1995.

Despite the ethnic diversity of the Muslim minority, Greek policy was characterised by its Turkification. Between 1951 and 1968, for example, the schools catering for the Muslim minority were renamed from ‘Muslim’ to ‘Turkish, and the Turkish language was made compulsory. In 1972, during the Greek military dictatorship, the “Turkish schools” were once again renamed to “minority schools”. It was only in 1987 that the Supreme Court abolished the use of the term “Turkish”, as it imposed the Turkish identity on groups that did not have the Turkish ethnicity (Kanakidou, 1994). At the same time, however, the Pomaks’ relation to the Turks and Turkey had become closer. Today, Greece denies the existence of a Turkish minority, although it recognizes that some members of the Muslim minority are of Turkish origin (LLC, 2012).

During the period of 1967-1974, the Greek military dictatorship caused major administrative harassment issues (LLC, 2012), and the Muslim minority were subjected to serious discrimination practices. Among the suppressive measures imposed, discrimination against minority members was practiced due to the increased control on minority institutions through arbitrary administrative measures (Troumpeta, 2001). After the Cyprus invasion, large numbers of the Muslim minority left for Turkey and Europe, especially during 1988-1991, which was a period characterised by tension between Greece and Turkey (Georgiadou, 2006). Also, just after the invasion of Cyprus, Greece began separating the Pomaks from the rest of the minority, although this was not reflected on a practical level as far as the minority schools were concerned.

Until the decade of 1990, in a context of constant tension between Greece and Turkey, Greek authorities had implemented a policy of discrimination that infringed upon and the minority’s social and political rights. The minority was considered to represent a potential threat to the Greek national interests. Therefore, its isolation and inhibition of any social development were used as a means of political control and stability. The marginalization, the discrimination suffered by the minority as a socially inferior group, resulted in the reinforcement of feelings of resentment (Askouni, 2006).

Subsequently, the Greek government policy became more moderate and liberal, especially after 1991, when the law of equality between Christians and Muslims was passed. At the same time, the minority continued to be manipulated by Turkey, through the embassy in

Komotini (Trikka, n.d.). Based on a literature review, Trikka (n.d.) has evidenced Turkey’s political interference by reporting specific activities.

From 1955 to 1998, according to the Greek Citizenship Code (Article 19), Muslims were denaturalized and deprived of their citizenship, mainly due to the deterioration of Cyprus and Turkey’s relations. In 1991, the Prime Minister visited Thrace and the government adopted a new policy, in order to stop all suppressive measures and ensure that all members of the minority were equally protected before the law. Two years later, candidates from the Muslim minority were given the right to be elected, thanks to a change in the electoral law (LLC, 2012). In 1995, more measures were taken to facilitate the lives of the minority members and integrate them into the social and political life of Thrace (Aarbakke, 2000; LLC, 2012). In addition, in 1998 the Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Code was abolished (Aarbakke, 2000), which entitled Greek authorities to denaturalize Greek citizens of non-Greek descent who left Greece allegedly with no intention of returning.

The Pomaks were undefended in the midst of Turkish mechanisms of power, unable to resist to the “cultural genocide” (Kottakis, 2000; Liapis, 1995), which continues until today (Liapis, 1995). The Pomaks speak the Pomak language with their families, learn the Turkish language in the minority school, and need to learn Greek for their transactions with the Greeks (Liapis, 1983).

The Pomaks have been influenced by diverse languages, religions and cultures through time. The fact that their language is not written, in combination with trilingualism, has contributed to the further deterioration of their mother tongue (Kokkas, 2006). In 2006, a Greek-Pomak bilingual dictionary was issued by Ritcan Karahodja. Also, there is a website that offers some basic Pomak language courses as well as an online dictionary in Greek and English language (http://pomakdictionary.tripod.com/index/ index.html). Unfortunatelly, quite a few Pomaks are of the opinion that their language will fade out, due to the fact that a proper knowledge of Greek or Turkish might be more important for their social integration.

In 2011, the Administrative High Court, the Council of State, granted Greek citizenship to foreigners who were born in Greece and lived or received education in Greece for a specific period of time, as the previous legislation (Law No.3838/2010) had failed to recognize foreigners’ connection to the Greek nation and their wish to accept Greek values in order to attain Greek consciousness (LLC, 2012).

The members of the minority themselves do not have a common answer to the question of their identity. According to a survey, the Pomaks are torn in two, as 45% of them feel they are Pomaks, while 55% of them feel more like Turks (Kottakis, 2000). It seems that the numerical and political power of the Turkish-speaking members of the minority contributes to the enhancement of a Turkish consciousness (Askouni, 2006).

It is noteworthy that the two largest Pomak populations of Xanthi and Rodopi are differentiated in terms of self-definition of their identity. The former desires differentiation from the rest of the Muslims, while among the latter, attempts for integration into the Muslim group prevails. Therefore, Pomaks’ self-identification remains fluid and is directly connected to their inferior social positions, and the implications of their identities as Pomaks within the minority group. The most crucial factor that influences the adoption of the Turkish identity is the fact that Turkey provides the only prospects of well-being to the minority members, as Turkey is considered to be a symbol of power and protection (Askouni, 2006).

The basic parameter which forms the framework of existence and action of the minority and, consequently, the formation of its identity is its distinction from the majority population on social, economic and political levels. The isolation and marginalization of the minority formed the breeding ground for the development of the Turkish consciousness among most of the minority population. The demarcation of the minority was the outcome of both the Greek and the Turkish policies. The Pomaks, however, unlike those of Turkish origin, do not have a national state of reference (Troumpeta, 2001).

Theories regarding Pomaks’ origins and characteristics added to the issue. According to some research findings, there is 50-70% blood relation between the Pomaks and the Greeks, while relation to Bulgarians, Turks, Serbs and Albanians has not been evidenced. In addition, linguistic similarities shared by the Pomaks and the Greeks have been found, although they have been ignored. It is supported that the Pomaks’ language and consciousness are neither Bulgarian nor Turkish, as the Pomaks are connected with their own history and land, rather than with the nations that may have influenced them (Hidiroglou, 1992). It is also supported that because their mother tongue is not taught, in violation of the Treaty, their identity is distorted (Karakizos, 2011).

Theodorou (2012) has summarized the features that characterise the attempts in the literature to attribute a national identity to the Pomaks. First, although self-identification is a major topic or current societies, there is a tendency to disregard the diversity of the Pomaks, by

14 placing them under the artificial Turkish identity. Second, despite numerous research projects and studies, it is evident that attempts to construct national identities devalue the individual and perpetuate prejudices and degrading mindsets. Third, the Turkish propaganda continues to struggle to establish the Pomaks’ Turkish identity. Finally, and most importantly, the majority of the Pomaks demand that their population is not labelled, regardless of the legitimacy of the term used, while they do not wish to be differentiated from the Greek population.

Chapter 2

The Mass Media

2.1 Agenda setting, Priming, Framing

Media discourse “is part of a process by which individuals construct meaning, and public opinion is part of the process by which journalists (…) develop and crystallize meaning in public discourse” (Gamson and Modigliani, 1989, as quoted in Cissel, 2012). There are three models regarding the effects of the mass media. According to the first one, the media have an agenda-setting function, in the sense that they influence public opinion by means of the attention they attract to their selective coverage of issues. According to the second one, the perceived salience of an issue directly affects public evaluations, which is referred to as priming. The third model postulates that media frame issues in ways that reduce complexity and makes them understandable to the public. Such interpretive frames lead the public to make different evaluations regarding the same facts (Kim, Scheufele and Shanahan, 2002; Scheufele, 2000). The distinction between agenda setting, priming and framing are eloquently summarized below:

Agenda setting is based on the idea that the media direct people’s thinking by transferring salience to issues that are covered more prominently or more frequently. Salience is “making a piece of information more noticeable, meaningful or memorable to audiences” (Entman, 1993). When salience is enhanced by repetition, placement or association with familiar symbols, the receivers are more likely to discern the meaning of the information and process it, and, therefore, store it in the memory (Entman, 1993). Priming is “the process of activating a particular construct in memory resulting in that construct becoming more available and influential in subsequent thinking” (Ratcliff & McKoon, 1988, as quoted in Cacciatore, Scheufele and Iyengar, 2016). Thus, priming can be considered as an extension of the agenda-

15 setting process. Both agenda setting and priming imply that individuals from attitudes on the basis of the most salient considerations at the time of decision making (Cacciatore, Scheufele and Iyengar, 2016). Agenda setting [sic] looks on story selection as a determinant of public perceptions of issue importance and, indirectly through priming, evaluations of political leaders.

Framing focuses not on which topics or issues are selected for coverage by the news media, but instead, on the particular ways those issues are presented (Price and Tewksbury, p. 184 as cited in Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007). Framing can be described as a process of “portraying an issue from one perspective to the necessary exclusion of alternative perspectives” (Boydstun et al., 2013).

A frame “consists of a schema of interpretation, a collection of anecdotes, and stereotypes that individuals rely on to understand and respond to events” (Cissel, 2012). In the communication process, frames have at least four locations, the communicator, the text, the receiver and the culture. The communicators, guided by frames which organize their belief system, make conscious or unconscious framing judgements about what to say. Frames are contained in texts and are manifested by the presence or absence of key-words that provide reinforcing clusters of facts or judgements. The frames guiding receivers’ thinking may or may not reflect the frames, which are contained in the text and the communicator’s intention. The culture, as a set of common frames, which can be empirically demonstrated because it is exhibited in the thinking and discourse of the majority of people in a social group, is the stock of commonly invoked frames (Entman, 1993).

The first definition of media framing was provided by Goffman (1974, as cited in Cissel, 2012). He defined framing as schemata of interpretation which enable the readers to “locate, perceive, identify and label” occurrences and life experiences (Cissel, 2012). According to Boydstun et al. (2013), the most elaborate and widely used definition of framing was provided by Entman (1993): “Framing essentially involves selection and salience. To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described” (p. 52). More specifically, frames define problems by determining the actions of the agents, along with the costs or benefits, diagnose causes, by identifying what created the problem, make moral judgements, by evaluating causal agents and the effect of their actions and suggest remedies, by offering

16 solutions to the problems and predicting their results. It is noteworthy that a phrase may serve more than one of the above framing functions, while another may serve none (Entman, 1993).

Framing is the main central in political communication (Boydstun et al., 2013; Cissel, 2012; Entman, 1993) and, thus, it is a political tool which can significantly influence the public attitudes towards policy issues and the application of policy issues (Boydstun et al., 2013). As a tool, framing “defines how news media coverage can shape mass opinion by using these specific frameworks to help guide their reader to understanding” (Cissel, 2012).

Based on the first-level agenda-setting hypothesis, public opinion is influenced by emphasis drawn to specific issues. Salience in the media enables the public to access information about this issue, and, therefore, the media have an impact to the degree to which the public is interested in this issue, which is the reason why attention is drawn to second-level analyses (Sheafer, 2007). The main distinction between the two is that first-level agenda setting focuses on the salience of issues, while second level agenda setting focuses on the salience of attributes of issues (Weaver, 2007).

Each object of the agenda has numerous attributes which are increased in relation to their salience both in the media and the public’s minds, leading to evaluations. However, some attributes influence the accessibility of the object regardless of their salience, which implies that an effective component is included in both agenda setting and priming (Sheafer, 2007). However, agenda setting involves more than accessibility as not everybody is equally influenced by the amount or accessibility of the information (Weaver, 2007).

With respect to framing, news frames are considered to be conceptual tools with which the media convey and evaluate information, after selecting specific aspects of issues, in order to increase their salience and help the public classify and interpret reality (Semetko, 2000). The frame package is inextricably linked with the topic, as it includes several elements that simplify an issue or event in order to make them understandable. This means that the media provide the public with relevant information about an issue, along with the manner in which it should be interpreted (Van Gorp, 2007).

According to the media priming hypothesis, agenda-setting influences the factors which contribute to people’s evaluation of issues. For example, people use the most accessible and salient issues in order to make the evaluations of politician’s performance. An issue’s saliency in the news influences the public’s opinion and evaluation of the importance of the issue. Whether the tone of the media is positive, negative or neutral also influences the public

17 perspective. The evaluative tone is considered to be part of the second-level agenda setting. In addition, public evaluation is a significant factor in the priming process, which includes a double affective element, as it combines affect with regard to the message strength and direction. Therefore, the public’s political judgements are affected by media-affective attributes (Sheafer, 2007).

It has also been indicated in the literature that the length of the article is linked to its perceived importance. The researcher can draw conclusions about the importance of the topic by observing the length of the article and its location. It can be easily inferred that a long article on the front page is or should be regarded by the reader as more important than a short article in the middle of the publication (Cissel, 2012).

Therefore, as in other forms of research, in framing research it is very difficult for the researchers’ impact to be neutralized. This difficulty adds to the challenge of identifying and coding frames, mainly because frames are quite abstract variables (Boydstun et al., 2013). Some researchers hold that priming and framing are natural agenda-setting extensions, in that priming is the effect which agenda setting has on the way the public form evaluations, and framing refers to the selection of a limited number of related attributes being included in the agenda. Thus, framing can be named as attribute agenda setting or second-level agenda setting (Kim, Scheufele and Shanahan, 2002; Scheufele, 2000).

Framing is useful in that one can understand the frames used by the media, the politicians and the public to communicate about a particular issue. It is a challenging task, though, as the data in which frames are generated and developed are growing rapidly and due to the creative and dynamic nature of language. Indeed, language is a central and common issue in all definitions of framing, regardless of their different conceptualizations of framing. Natural language processing is a valuable research tool for analyzing frames, because all framing techniques are identified and analyzed with the use of language signals that range from simple words to complex phrases. Natural language processing appears to be significant in that it helps researchers operationalize and measure frames. With respect to the growing volume of data, the availability of online data has created an unprecedented opportunity to identify and analyse frames in near-real-time and in multiple modes and various media formats (Boydstun et al., 2013).

The initial step for a communications scholar or a political scientist is frame discovery, which is the process of identifying the list of frames about a specific issue in a political

18 discourse. The next stage requires frame analysis, which is the coding of instances of framing in a text so that the patterns in frame usage can be revealed (Boydstun et al., 2013).

In order to detect subjectivity and sentiment, Boydstun et al. (2013) suggest that apart from the frame dimensions, tracking the tone of the text is also significant for the analysis. Therefore, the tone of the text can be described as positive, negative or neutral. The positive tone reflects a sympathetic point of view and the negative tone shows non-sympathetic points of view. The neutral tone includes both positive and negative tones, which are balanced, or it may reflect a neutral point of view when an issue is not discussed in either a positive or a negative manner. In order to identify the tone, the coder must be put in the position of an individual directly affected by the issue discussed, and decide whether the data are appealing or distressing. By doing this, the coder can detect implicit frames, as well, because the public may make inferences, even if the article does not overtly take sides. This can be interpreted in terms of framing bias and epistemological bias. Framing bias involves explicitly subjective words or phrases used for the expression of a particular point of view, whereas, epistemological bias involves implicit assumptions and presuppositions in texts that appear to be neutral.

Entman (1993) has clarified that the receivers’ existing schemata guide their processing of information. An emphasized idea can be difficult for a receiver to notice, interpret or remember due to the existing schemata, while the opposite, a notion appearing in an obscure part of a text that can be highly salient, is also true. Therefore, salience indicated a kind of interaction between the text and the receiver. For this reason, researchers’ task to analyse the influence of frames on the readers’ thinking is always challenging.

In sum, agenda setting and framing focus on the relationship between issues in the news and public perceptions of them (Semetko, 2000). Although not identical, second-level agenda setting and framing share similarities. Both involve the way issues are covered in the media and focus on the most salience aspects of the issues, while they both refer to ways of thinking. However, framing includes a wider range of cognitive processes, like evaluations and recommendations (Kim, Scheufele and Shanahan, 2002; Scheufele, 2000; Weaver, 2007).

2.2 The effects of mass media

Agenda setting theory and framing theory have enabled researchers to study the influence of news media on public opinion (Cissel, 2012). The power of a communicating text is described through the concept of framing. Analyzing frames help researchers understand the

19 way human consciousness is influenced by the transfer of communication from one location to another, i.e. from speech, news reports or novels to human consciousness (Entman, 1993).

The power of news media lies in the fact that they are the key source of information and they control what people understand about events and issues across the world on a daily basis. Information, regardless of the different forms of communication through which it is provided, framed, so that the goals of the source are met (Cissel, 2012). Mass media function as a means of informing the public about diverse issues. The media can influence local communities, by focusing on mobilizing and making some types of information more salient (Kim, Scheufele and Shanahan, 2002). By covering certain aspects of an issue more prominently their salience is increased (Kim, Scheufele and Shanahan, 2002). Sheafer (2007) believes that negative attributes draw public attention more easily than positive attributes, while the wording of a question may direct respondents’ attention.

Agenda setting and priming have the power to create widespread biases. Media, then, can allocate power in societies, by consistent framing in favor of specific deeply entrenched values (Cissel, 2012), or maintain existing power relationships (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). Framing contributes to the exertion of political power, making frames in news texts an imprint of power, as the identities of the actors or interests that dominate the text are noticeable (Entman, 1993).

Mass media may influence people’s habits or attitudes or contribute to and communicate changes within the society. However, it is difficult to examine the influence of the media on such changes, as they are only part of the social forces that help people construct their realities (Mehraj, Bhat and Mehraj, 2014). There are specific theories regarding the impact of mass media on social changes. For example, according to the social cultivation theory, people assimilate dominant messages, images and symbols unconsciously. The social learning theory holds that the media can educate people, while the play theory refers to the pleasure, rather than information gained from the media (Mehraj, Bhat and Mehraj, 2014).

According to the agenda-setting theory, news sources can have a significant impact on public perception. Newspapers and journalists are able to dictate the stories that are considered to be noteworthy and manage their prominence and space, accordingly. The selection of words is a means of persuasion, as language enables journalists to form stereotypes and generalizations in the minds of the readers. Today’s media are powerful in dictating what the public perceives as the truth (Cissel, 2012).

Selecting and highlighting specific aspects of reality, while omitting others, influences the way audiences perceive and interpret a problem and whether they will remember it or how they will evaluate it. Frames influence the audiences not only by directing receivers’ attention to a particular topic, but also by directing attention away from other aspects. The selection of words to describe an issue is as critical as the omission of a specific aspect of a situation (Entman, 1993).

Directing attention to or away from some features of reality through framing lead to common reactions of the audiences. However, although, it is implied that framing has common effects on the receivers, it is also logical that not all receivers will be influenced in the same way or degree. Some receivers may draw conclusions that contradict the reinforced message, rather than simply process the dominant meaning. Literature, however, shows that people are not so well-informed about most social and political matters, which makes framing rather influential (Entman, 1993).

Such framing effects are influenced by both the media environment and the congruity of one’s political worldview. People evaluate expert credibility based on the congruity between the experts’ frames and one’s worldview. The way messages are delivered influences individuals’ evaluation of the source credibility. When receiving information, people evaluate whether the experts providing the new information is credible or not. Public trust in scientific expertise and evidence is high when information about complex, technical and nonmoral issues is received. Cultural biases influence the shaping of perceptions of expert credibility (Lachapelle, Montpetit and Gauvin, 2014). Political messages with no specific communicator have limited framing effects since expert credibility is been questioned (Lecheler, de Vreese and Slothuus, 2009).

The effects of the frames on people also depend on its persuasiveness, the recipients, and the political context (Chong and Druckman, 2010; Lachapelle, Montpetit and Gauvin, 2014). The importance of the issue influence framing effects depending on whether they regard an issue to be important or not, which indicates that individuals are been affected differently by the new information. Regardless of the salience provided to specific issues, people’s personal values and preferences constitute a crucial factor of the degree to which a frame affects public opinion and attitudes. The significance attached to an issue by an individual affects the framing effect (Lecheler, de Vreese and Slothuus, 2009).

Literature reveals that people’s preferences can change when been exposed to one-sided messages, either positive or negative. A clear example is provided by Chong and Druckman (2010). Popular support for the government increases when the aims of a programme for the poor are emphasized, while it decreases when people are told about the heavy taxes that will be required. The authors draw emphasis to the time of receiving such messages, as when competing messages are received simultaneously, the opposing effects of the messages cancel each other and people take moderate positions. When the messages are separated by days or weeks, most people’s attention is disproportionately drawn to the most recent message, because the effects of previous messages decay over time.

In addition, the degree to which framing influences audiences depends on journalistic objectivity. In such cases, the sophisticated and active role of the reported requires that more than one interpretations are equally salient and accessible to average readers (Entman, 1993). Some media may be characterised by distortion bias, when the reality is purportedly distorted or falsified, content biased, when two sides are not equally treated in the media and news is presented in favour of one side, or decision-making bias, in cases when journalists’ mindsets and motivations lead to the production of biased content. In such contexts, agenda setting, framing and priming may be linked with bias, and therefore, be used as a means of exercising power (Entman, 2007).

Political elites control framing (Entman, 1993; Entman and Rojecki 1993). It has been supported that the mainstream media present news in a biased manner, because their profit motive and special interests involved in their businesses dictate their agenda. In contrast, independent alternative media, which have little or no profit motive allow their readers to have a more objective and transparent portrayal of the events (Cissel, 2012).

Media environments change rapidly due to new technologies and social networking and, consequently, changes are observed in the behaviours of the audience that evolves in these environments (Cacciatore, Scheufele and Iyengar, 2016). With respect to the internet, the communicative links between the power holders and citizens may have been facilitated, but new technologies may be easily and effectively used for political purposes (Dahlgren, 2005).

Chapter 3

Treatment and perceptions of the Pomaks

3.1 Treatment of the Pomaks by the Greek state

The Greek government policies have affected group relations within the minority. Policy changes lead to a reconfiguration of power, which affects self and group identification (Demetriou, 2004). Currently, the minorities are protected by principles and norms developed by the United Nations, the European Union, the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. A body of experts monitors whether Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is implemented. According to this article, the minorities should enjoy their religion, language and culture and should be protected against unfair Greek state’s administrative, judicial and legislative acts or individual acts (LLC, 2012).

Turkish interference in the political and educational issues of the minority since the 1930s, led to the Greek state’s discrimination towards the minority, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. Such practices resulted in the homogeneity of the groups within the minority, which, in turn, allowed more interference on part of Turkey. The Greek state minority policies were adhered to the Ottoman model, as the religious forces among the minority were enhanced, and the communities were been divided in terms of religion (Demetriou, 2004). The Greek state drew emphasis on the Turkish character of the Pomaks, when they considered them to be potential allies of Bulgaria, due to closeness to the Bulgarian borders and linguistic resemblance (Chousein, 2005).

According to Demetriou (2004), there was a change in the Greek policy. Rather than denying the existence of a distinct Pomak identity, the Pomaks were a sub-category of the Greek identity. This Greek “Islamitization” thesis is based on the assumption that the Pomaks are Christian converted to Islam. This, in turn, influenced international relations, as it promoted a change in foreign policy orientation from the previous anti-Bulgarian orientation to anti- Turkish orientation, which was strengthened after the war in Cyprus when Turkey became the major military threat to Greece.

The Greek state accepted the existence of a distinct ethnic community of Pomaks within the minority group so that their culture and traditions were differentiated from the Turkish ones (Chousein, 2005). Mobilization of the minority during the next decade lead to the crucial period of the 1988-1991, after which the Greek state changed its policy (Mavrommatis, 2006).

Also triggered by the fact that the size of the Greek minority in Istanbul had significantly diminished, the Greek official terminology turned from “Turkish” to “Muslim”. From that point, the focus was shifted to the Pomak identity, and efforts for its Greek ethnitization started. Communities’ awareness of each other created a mosaic of identities, which, although, it was idealized in the Greek official discourse, failed to be materialized by the minority policies (Demetriou, 2004). Therefore, two different forms of multiculturalism emerged in political discourse: “the idealized model of the Greek officials and the problematic daily-experienced multiculturalism of the minority politicians” (Demetriou, 2004).

Before that change, and on the basis of the Cold War doctrine of “danger from the north”, the north borderline was declared as a monitored military zone until 1996. This treatment led to the Pomaks’ isolation and their hatred towards the Greek state (Troumpeta, 2001). The establishment of the restricted area zone resulted in strong denial of the Pomak identity by the Greek authorities, who described the minority as Turkish (Demetriou, 2004). The Turkish discourse which presented the Pomaks as a distinct ethnicity that was eventually assimilated by the Turkish (Demetriou, 2004). This explains the reason why Erdogan, the prime minister of Turkey insists that Turks living in Thrace must not be assimilated. Such statements hinder any discussion or action towards the Pomaks’ integration (Kandler, 2007).

Although Pomaks desired to be recognized as different from the rest of the minority, the Greek governments treated them as an integral part of the Muslim minority without taking their ethnic differentiation into account. In addition, due to the deficient education they receive, the Pomaks have difficulty in both entering the universities and having equal work opportunities. It is noteworthy that the minority candidates had been excluded from the Greek institutions until 1990 (Askouni, 2006).

Therefore, a significant issue which adds to the perpetuation of the problems is the provision of education to the minority members. The minority education is a special organized system of schools mainly in a primary education. There are 146 minority schools of Primary Education, 78 of which are in the Prefecture of Rodopi, and 4 minority schools of Secondary Education, 2 of which are in Komotini (Ministry of Education, Research and Religion). Moreover, a specific percentage of minority students enroll in the post-secondary education institutions (LLC, 2012), with a different system of assessment which was introduced in 1997, due to their difficulty in language (Kanakidou, 1994). However, most of the young people enroll in Turkish universities (Troumpeta, 2006).

The Pomaks are obliged to enroll in the minority schools, where they are taught mainly the Turkish language and rudimentary Greek language, while the Pomak language, which is oral, is discarded, although, it has been one of the Pomaks’ requests (Troumpeta, 2006; Tsitsekelis and Mavrommatis, 2003). While only one-fifth of the Pomaks children goes to secondary schools (Troumpeta, 2006), there are some minority children who go to Greek schools and manage to upgrade their educational level (Soltaridis, 1990).

With respect to the legal literature in Greece, there is no consensus regarding choosing between civil jurisdiction or Sharia law, which is against the Greek and European rules and human rights. However, in practice, Muslims are subject to Sharia law (LLC, 2012; Trikka, n.d.). An example of Greek authorities’ attempts to ensure equality is that the Pomaks’ mosques should be as high as the Christian churches (Mekos, 1998).

Freedom of the press was secured by the Greek state, along with their freedom of religion (Minaidis, 1990). The minority has had access to the media since 1924, when the first newspaper was published (Kottakis, 2000). The Pomaks’ presence in national and global circles is represented by few Pomaks. They are responsible to preserve their tradition and culture and claim for their rights. The Pomak newspaper “Zagalisa” which means love for the Pomak language, was established in 1997 by the Centre of Pomak Research and the Panhellenic Association of the Pomaks (Zagalisa).

3.2 Attitudes of the society of Rodopi towards the Pomaks

Members of different communities have lived together for centuries in Thrace (Demetriou, 2004). Within this context, the coexistence of Muslim and Christian populations has raised a number of issues. All residents, regardless of the group they belong to, believe that their relationships are not problematic. Their relations are usually limited to commercial transactions, and interpersonal relationships are relatively few.

According to the Greeks’ perspective, the minority’s identification with Turkey carries hostile implications. Being a Muslim is perceived by many Greek people as tantamount to being Turkish, and, therefore, contradictory with having Greek citizenship (Markou, 2006). This prejudice is not only the outcome of an aggressive Turkish policy and the traditionally tense relationship between Greece and Turkey, but is also related to the widespread perception that Turkey represents the country’s main enemy (Trikka, n.d.).

Mutual suspicion and fear due to geographical proximity with Turkey and tension in the diplomatic field, sustain and enhance the sense of insecurity, especially when considering that most Greek residents of Thrace settled in the area due to population exchange. Such recollection is part of their family history which influences their perceptions of their current situation. There are instances in which suspicion and prejudice towards the Pomaks by those of Turkish descent are observed (Chousein, 2005).

The Turkish minority members are said to make negative comments on the Pomak identity and characterize them as having limited intellectual capacities and inhuman behaviour (e.g. bestiality). Such behaviours manifested by both the Christians and Turkish-speaking Muslims, may be explained if one considers the living conditions of the Pomaks. Living in the mountains in traditional communities, the Pomaks were not able to keep up with the latest evolution of society, which resulted in “social retardation and financial discomfort”, according to Hamdi (2004), the president of the Centre for Pomak Studies in Komotini, who highlighted the significance of the Pomak language in his speech in a conference in Holland. Therefore, the Pomaks’ ethnic name was associated to negative qualities and used as a swear word by others. Consequently, when Pomaks started descending to towns, they received rejection and felt shame for their identity and their language (Hamdi, 2004).

Others’ behaviours have made several citizens feel stigmatized or insulted if attributed the Pomak identity (Demetriou, 2004). Demetriou (2004) eloquently explains that, during her visit to the Pomak villages, the inhabitants identified that the Pomak villages were the ones “from the next one upward”, clearly stating that their village was not inhibited by Pomaks. The only villages in which inhabitants speak the Pomak language were the ones next to the Bulgarian border.

Identification of the minority and the concept of Pomakness have changed (Demetriou, 2004). As reported by Demetriou (2004), toward the end of the 1990s, the multicultural character of Komotini was celebrated by local people and officials, drawing emphasis to the advantages of the town’s wealth, beauty and variation. In contrast, Turkish local politicians emphasized on the problems of the minority members, with a special focus on their rights, the standard of living and welfare (Demetriou, 2004).

The Greek attitudes and policies can also be interpreted in the light of Panturkism, an expansionist ideology which aims at the political union of all ethnic Turkish groups. Although not officially promoted by the state, it is cultivated by Turks in key positions, while anti-

Hellenic periodicals are distributed in Western Thrace, mainly in the Army and schools, with the consent of the Turkish state. In addition, the Muslim minority’s attempts to make their problems known to the European public, which are exploited for this reason (De Yong, n.d.). In addition, the minority members are informed mainly through Turkish channels and newspapers, usually distributed from hand to hand, while the Turkish General Embassy in Komotini develops intense political actions in official or unofficial ways (Trikka, n.d.).

Differences in the Greek and Turkish government discourses regarding the identification of the minority as a Muslim (as stated by the Greek government), or a Turkish (as stated by the Turkish government) minority have affected the behaviours of the people in Rodopi. There are several examples of prominent minority members whose behaviours were dictated or influenced by this discourse (Demetriou, 2004).

Demetriou (2004) witnessed such a behaviour when the Turkish member of the committee that organized a celebration resigned, because the minority was splitted up into Turkish, Roma and Pomak parts. Other minority members have negatively commented on the differentiation of the Pomak culture and identity from the Turkish ones, implying that the Pomak and Turkish identity and culture are identical. Therefore, the harmonious co-existence of the two contesting nationalisms, the Greek and the Turkish, have been affected by both policies and prominent figures’ behaviours (Demetriou, 2004).

Chapter 4

Research design

4.1 Research Questions

The purpose of this study is to analyze the Pomaks of Greek Rodopi and how the influence of the local Greek media on their social integration was examined.

RQ. 1: How the articles which have been circulated about the Pomaks of Greek Rodopi can be categorized?

RQ. 2: How the writers of articles can influence the readers?

4.2 Sample

The content analysis was based on fifty-two (52) articles, which have been reported in newspapers and websites that have been circulated in Turkey and Greece from 2014 to 2017 and reported different information about Pomaks.

These articles were either in Greek or Turkish language. The articles reported in Turkish speaking newspapers or websites have been translated by an experienced person who speaks Turkish fluently and helped the researcher to understand consequently the meaning of the text data.

The newspapers and websites which have published different articles for the Pomaks during the last years, examined the following current analysis:

• Komotini 24 • Xronos • Thracian Agora • FoniRodopis • Diavlos 92.4 • E-patrida • Paratiritis • Antifonitis/ Turkish News • InKomotini • Komotini Press • Zagalisa • Eleutheros Kosmos • Gundem • Azinlikca • Birlik Gazetesi • Trakyan’ in Sesi

More specifically, “Komotini24” is a Greek speaking website which belongs to Evros 24 group of publishers. At “evros24.gr”, the reader will find news, entertainment, music, interesting topics as well as all the latest news from Evros, Thrace and all over Greece. All the articles have been written in Greek.

The newspaper "Xronos" was founded on the 4th of September, in 1964 by Alexandros Fananis, and since then, it has been continuously circulating as the first daily newspaper of Rodopi prefecture. As a result of the development of the newspaper, it was the creation of Radio Time 87.5 in 1999, while "Xronos" was the first provincial newspaper all over the Greece that acquired an online site www.xronos.gr. Xronos.gr has grown dramatically and been recognised. The reader can read in electronic and printed formats of different articles in Greek language, and they can listen to “Xronos” via Radio.

“Thracian Agora” is a local weekly newspaper in Komotini. It belongs to the Media Group and was founded on the 1st of January, 1994. A great variety of articles about economics and politics are written in the Greek & Turkish language and refer to the current situation in Thrace.

“FoniRodopis” is a formal website which was found in 2005. In FoniRodopis.gr, the readers can be informed about the daily news from Komotini. A great variety of articles about politics and economics are written in Greek language.

“Radio 92.4 Diavlos” has 26 years of legal operation. Its themes concern sociopolitical and musical information. The radio broadcasts all over Rodopi, the western part of Xanthi, the eastern part of Evros as well as the Islands of Samothraki, Lemnos, Lesvos and Thassos. At the same time, it legally broadcasts live on the web at “www.diavlos924.gr”. “92.4 Rodopi Diavlos” holds the first place in a daily audience. It is based in Komotini and is fully staffed with journalists and music producers, providing information and entertainment in the Greek language.

“E-patrida” is an online newspaper based in Komotini. Many articles about politics, economics, sports, civilization, education, ecology and events are usually published in Greeks at daily basis.

“Paratiritis” is a daily newspaper of Thrace, based in Komotini. It is available in the prefectures of Rodopi, Xanthi and Evros since the company has its own distribution network. It is addressed to the whole population of Thrace. It hosts the news every day in Turkish as well, apart from Greek. It summarizes the Thracian news since it has journalists all over of Thrace.

It's been 12 years that “Tourkika Nea” watches and translates the printed and electronic press of Turkey, Occupied Cyprus and the minority of Thrace, on behalf of “Antifonitis”. “Antifonitis” is published every fifteen days in Komotini and circulates all over the country.

During these times, and with the valuable initial help of Turkish friends - political refugees in Greece, Antifonitis perceived the huge gap in knowledge and information between Greece and Turkey. Thus, the website was created where this material was exploited and gives the reader a direct picture of the neighboring country and also the Muslim minority in Greece, without mediating press agencies, chief editors, journalists, etc. Its goal is to meet the Turkish people, the Turkish state and Turkish politics, beyond ideals and propaganda.

“InKomotini” is an online newspaper. Many articles are published in Greeks at daily basis. A great variety of articles is been published concerning civilization, tourism, religion, education, sports, economy, ecology, entrepreneurship and volunteering.

“Komotini Press” belongs to “Hellas Press Media” company. It is a network based on a journalistic and business vision with a unique ambition to inform the world and bring together the journalistic and business sound which forces each region. Local Portals from all over Greece are created by local businessmen with journalists who follow a specific culture of information without a political line and only interested in a timely listing of events.

“Zagalisa” is a newspaper that was found in 1997. “Zagalisa” is published every two months, but there is an online newspaper as well. It is known as the voice of Pomaks. Many articles have been written about Pomaks’ civilization, history and their rights. The articles are been published in Pomak, Greek, Turkish, English and French.

“Eleutheros Kosmos” is a nationalistic news website and a newspaper that was founded in 1966 and they often publish topics related to the minority. They retain also a radio station.

“Gundem” is an online website that was founded in 1990, based in Komotini. All the articles are been published in both Turkish and Greek. However, the structure of this site is in Turkish. The main target of this site is Pomaks to get informed.

“Azilinka” is a website based in Komotini. The readers can be informed about the daily news. A great variety of articles are written in Greek and Turkish. The main target of this site is Pomaks to get informed.

“Birlik Gazetesi” is an online website which was founded in 2006, based in Komotini. A great variety of articles are written in both Greek and Turkish. Pomaks can be informed through this website on daily basis.

Last, but not least, “Trakyan’ in Sesi” is a newspaper which was founded in 1981, based in Xanthi , but its popular among the mebers of the minority in Rodopi as well. A great variety of articles are written in both Greek and Turkish.

Except for the above mentioned media, in Rodopi are being published the daily, turkish speaking newspaper “Cumhuyriet” and the weekly, turkish speaking newspaper “Periskopio”. The first one is especially popular and has many readers among the minority . When it comes to electronic media, the Minority watches mainly Turkish TV programs, which are satelite broadcasted. It is an undeniable characteristic of all minority households, having satellite antennas that loom over their yards, regardless of their economic situation. The younger members of the minority seem to prefer the mainstream and also the local web sites. There are quite a few blogs dealing with every day life issues of both the minority and the majority. Also a large percentage of the inhabitants of Rodopi are beeing informed and entertained by some approximately 20 legal local radios (3 of which are turkish speaking), according to the National Council for Radio and Television (NCRTV) and an even smaller percentage by local TV channels (Delta TV, Rodopi TV). The media analyzed in this paper are among the most popular local media in Rodopi. Their ranking in the world and in the Greek web, according to the reliable web site “ALEXA”, is shown in the Appendix "C" and also additional info in relation to the media of Rodopi can be found on the website of www.perifereianews.gr.

4.3 Method

In order to explore the relationship between media framing and its effects on the depiction of events in the news, a content analysis was performed on articles with a theme the Pomaks of Greek Rodopi. The influence of the local Greek media on their social integration was examined. Fifty-two articles from both mass and alternative media were chosen. The article selection was performed from 2014 to 2017.

“Mass media are defined by its wide-reaching circulation that generally results in what media consumers are likely to find” (Cissel, 2012). These type of media can influence the majority of the audience.

On the other hand, alternative media are referred to the media that present alternative information to that of the mass media. According to scholar John Downing, alternative media often aim to challenge existing powers and to influence different communities of the audience.

After identifying the different types of media sources, the researcher searched the key-

31 words “Pomaks”, “Rodopi”, and a combination of these two words. From this list, the researcher kept the articles that were close to the theme and scope of the study. All the articles that examined the influence of the local Greek media on Pomaks’ social integration were selected. The media sources that were chosen to the current analysis were presented analytically in the above section.

Content analysis was conducted in order to chart the main thematic emphases of the articles that comprise the sample. This kind of analysis is a widely used qualitative research technique. Information of different materials can be explored by a researcher with the content analysis in a systematic way (Stemler, 2001). Actually, a quantitative research method was applied to compress textual information into few and manageable content categories. Categories contain words having similar meanings (Weber, 1990). The categories should not be overlapped and be unique, but simultaneously they should cover all the information reported in the articles. The researcher is preferable to create the contents in order to manage all this information and be able to retrieve the appropriate findings from the articles by reducing the majority of data. With regards to Riff et al (2014), prior research is proposed to be applied by the researcher in order to gain insight from previous studies of what should be analyzed and how these findings can be reported.

Rather than being a single method, applications of content analysis propose three distinct methodologies: conventional, directed, or summative. All three approaches are used to interpret meaning from the content of text data. Coding schemes, origins of codes, and threats to trustworthiness are the basic keys for a researcher to identify the differences among these methods. As it is already mentioned, coding categories are derived directly from the text data. With a directed approach, the analysis starts with a theory or relevant research findings as guidance for initial codes (Hsiu-Fang Hsieh and Sarah E. Shannon, 2005). “Content analysis involves counting and comparisons, usually of keywords or contents, followed by the interpretation of the underlying context.”, as Hsiu-Fang Hsieh and Sarah E. Shannon (2005) point out.

To sum up, content analysis is a method of research defined as “the systematic assignment of communication content to categorize according to rules, and the analysis of relationships involving those categories using statistical methods (Riff, Lacy and Fico, 2005, p. 3). Under the consideration of framing theory, researchers are able to conduct content analysis by measuring clusters of messages also known as frames to see how these are then incorporated

32 into their audiences’ schemata (Entman, 1993). By performing content analysis researchers can evaluate news media and its use of framing (Cissel, 2012).

Thereafter, after reading the articles which consist of the sample under study, the contents which were created are reported below:

1) Ethnicity, national consciousness and language.

2) Origin from Greece or Turkey?

3) Health Campaigns and Intense negativity from the media.

4) Politics.

Articles were also categorized by length: small, medium and long and by tone: positive, negative, neutral.

Chapter 5

Findings

In this chapter, we analyse the articles circulated in Greece and concern the Pomaks and their history. Some of them are written in greek and some other in Turkish language. The ones in Turkish have been translated to Greek by a native Turkish speaker and then translated to English. The contents which will be analyzed are those presented in the previous chapter.

5.1 Ethnicity, national consciousness and language

In Table 1, the researcher has gathered all the information about the articles that refer to the ethnicity, national consciousness and language of Greek Pomaks in Rodopi.

Table 5.1 The length and tone of articles which refer to the ethnicity, national consciousness and language of Greek Pomaks in Rodopi

LENGTH Short Medium Long

1, 4 3, 5 2

TONE Positive Neutral Negative

3, 5 2 1, 4

In 10-02-2016, an article was published in Komotini 24 (1), referring to the citizens, in Thrace and the Greek-Turkish relations. The writer stated that around 40.000 Pomaks live in Thrace, who struggle to preserve their culture and language. In the last years, many people define them as “Muslim Greeks”, but they think of themselves as “Greek Muslims”. The topic has been picked up by other media, as well.

For example, in 19-02-2016, the newspaper Gundem published an article on the Pomaks who live in Rodopi (2).

Source: Gundem, 19-02-2016

This article reports that some researchers were investigating Pomaks’ ethnic and national identity. According to the reporter, the researchers visited villages, mainly in the Municipality of Arriana, in order to make a research, called "The Pomaks of Rodopi", using a questionnaire. Neither the researchers nor their institutional identity are mentioned in the article or in the questionnaire. The latter, prepared in Turkish and Greek, contains 23 questions, aimed at collecting information about the Pomaks in the province of Rodopi and the problems they are facing.

Source: Questionnaire in Greek language, Gundem, 19-02-2016

Some of the questions were: "What are the origins of the Pomaks?", "What is the native language of the Pomaks?", "What language should be taught in minority schools?", "Would you like to create a private association that would make the history of the Pomaks known and at the same time it would help Pomaks to find work?".

It seems that based on the last question referred above, maybe there are some problems with employment. Can Pomaks find work easily or not?

In addition to learning how people view the "Pomak" culture, more questions were constructed. Pomaks are a minority in Western Thrace and according to the article’s writer, it is noteworthy that the activities and attempts to disturb the minority who have touched the nerve

35 endings of the minority, who want to live in peace and tranquility in the region have recently increased. The writer is wondering:

“Azınlığın daha çok geçmişte muhatap olduğu bir takım yöntemlerin yine karşımıza çıkıyor olmasının sebebi acaba nedir?”1

Many comments were derived from this research, as it seems. It should be mentioned that in 19-02-2016, in Trakyan’ in Sesi, an article was written and the writer commented on this research conducted by saying that it is the first time where Pomaks are called as "The Pomaks of Rodopi", and the writer supposed that this change has been based on the political changes that happened in Greece, in 2015-2016 (3).

Another article was published in 22-05-2016, in Trakyan’ in Sesi, where the title defined strictly and without doubts the opinion of Pomaks concerning their language. In the article, it was stated that if Pomaks do not speak Turkish, they are not Turkish (4).

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 22-05-2016

In 18-10-2016, in Trakyan’ in Sesi website, there was an article about the Pomaks’ national consciousness (5). Pomaks from different countries such as Greece, Bulgaria and Turkey were asked to suggest ways of maintaining their unity. It was stated that more than two

1 Translation: What is the reason why some of the minority’s concerns of the past are coming out again? 36 and a half million Pomaks live in Turkey in 25 different regions of Turkey. Pomaks have their own language, cuisine, music, folklore and history. In order to save the Pomak language, Pomaks started creating a standard linguistic unit, courses of Pomak language, a Turkish- Pomak dictionary and the Pomak alphabet book. It seems that they work hard to retain their ethnic identity.

5.2 Origin from Greece or Turkey?

Another important issue concerning the Pomaks is their origin. Do they come from Greece or Turkey? Many articles have appeared in newspapers and websites in the past that examine the Pomaks’ opinion about their origins. Where do they belong to? What is their home country?

In Table 2, the researcher has gathered all the information about the articles that refer to the origin of Greek Pomaks in Rodopi.

Table 5.2 The length and tone of articles which refer to the origin of Greek Pomaks in Rodopi

LENGTH Short Medium Long

6 - 7, 8

TONE Positive Neutral Negative

- 7 6, 8

Indicatively, in 21-04-2014, in Trakyan’ in Sesi, a report was presented and described the Pomaks’ questions about their origin (6). Actually, it seems that they are not sure if their ethnicity is Greek, Roma or Turkish. But in fact, what is their origin? Especially, in this article, the following was written in Greek:

“One says "Greek Pomak"

the other 'Roma Pomma'.

I say Pomakoturkos.

We wonder if there are Turkish Pomaks?”

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 21-04-2014

Moreover, in 16-05-2016, in Azinlikca, İbram Onsunoğlu wrote an article with the name

“Batıtrakyalının “POMAK MIYIZ TÜRK MÜYÜZ” ikilemi” (7).

In different words, the writer was wondering:

“I am a Thracian, the dilemma is "We are Pomaks or Turks?".

Source: Azinlikca, 16-05-2016

Interviewing many people who live in this area, the reporter received different answers to this question. It seems that these people do not know where they come from. Other Pomaks believe that they are Turkish or Gypsies, and other Pomaks believe that they need to give the correct answer depending on who asked them. Different answers were given to the question “Are we Pomaks or Turks?” such as “No, we are gypsies.” Or “Look, son, your grandfather was Turkish and your grandmother Pomak. That is why we are Pomak Turks or Turkish Pomaks”. It is interesting that the majority of answers given and presented in this article were that Pomaks are Turks and people seemed glad about this. They expressed their feelings by using words such as the following ones: "Thank God we are Turks"!

In 04-10-2016, in XRONOS.gr, there is a reference to the quality of life in the Pomak villages (8). More specifically, the cultural association of Pomaks living in Xanthi presented the history of Greek Pomaks at the Organization for Security and Co-operation (OSCE) in a European conference held in Warsaw, where the president of the association, Emine

Bouroutzis, referred to the linguistic rights of the Pomaks of Thrace and the efforts of Turkish nationalists to homogenize the Muslim minority of Thrace, presenting it as an ethnic Turkish minority. The main concern of Pomaks is to preserve their history, language and tradition. The Pomaks of Thrace are struggling to protect their mother tongue. However, it seems that, unfortunately, in Thrace, there is discrimination within the Muslim minority. In Thrace, there are Greek Pomak, Roma Pomak and Turkish Pomak, as Emine Bouroutzis said. She stated that Greek Pomaks want their children to go to the same schools like the rest of the Greeks, but, at the same time, they want to study their mother tongue. The difficult circumstances in Thrace provoke problems which are created by Turkish nationalists. They intimidate Pomaks and force them to say that they are Turkish and not Pomaks.

Source: Xronos.gr, 04-10-2016

5.3 Health campaigns and media negativity

In Table 5.3, the researcher has gathered all the information about the relationship between the health campaigns that took place in the Pomak villages and the media sources.

Table 5.3 The length and tone of articles which refer to the relationship between the health campaigns that took place in Pomakochoria and the media sources

LENGTH Short Medium Long

11, 12 9 10

TONE Positive Neutral Negative

9 - 9, 10, 11, 12

During a health campaign targeted at the Pomaks that took place in 2016, there was intense negativity from the mass media. The story started once the members of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, along with Masoutis Market and Colgate, organized a health campaign in the village of Centaurus, in Xanthi. The health campaign targeted children, aged 6-12 years, and concerned mouth hygiene combined with a dental check-up. The campaign mentioned the phrase:

“The action starts from the largest Pomak village in Greece, Centaurus, in the prefecture of Xanthi, which dentists will visit it on Thursday, May 12, 2016.”

It is known for decades that only the reference to the words “Pomakos”, “Pomakochori” (Pomak village) and other cognate words caused intense irritation to the reflexes of known fascist Turkish within Greek Thrace, as it was presented to Zagalisa (9) and Eleftheros Kosmos (12/5/2016) (10).

On the other hand, two newspapers, Birlik and Gundem, criticized the health campaign (11,12). Turkish newspapers were wondering if Pomak means Turks or not and they did not understand why this health campaign was organized by Masoutis. Turks and their agents were annoyed because the villages are mentioned just as the conditions that the Turks have signed as the Pomak villages. They were indirectly blackmailing by saying that they did not expect this from a Supermarket preferred by the Turkish minority, and they were hoping that the company would correct the deliberate mistake (Eleutheros kosmos, 12/5/2016).

Source: Birlik, 09-05-2016

Source: Gundem, 09-05-2016

5.4. Politics

Political developments and electoral results in Greece and Turkey have an important impact on the situation of the Pomaks. In Table 5.4, the researcher has gathered all the information about the politics in Pomakochoria.

Table 5.4 The length and tone of articles which refer to the political situation in Pomakochoria

LENGTH Short Medium Long

14, 16, 17, 18 13, 15, 20 19

TONE Positive Neutral Negative

16, 17, 19, 20 13, 14, 18 15

In 2014, an article appeared in Trakyan’ in Sesi website, concerning the two candidates - Reedan Ahmet and Saeedatin Sakir – who were competing for the second round of the municipal elections, in the Arrian municipality (13). The reporter mentioned the love and respect that the local people had for Reedan Ahmet, by contrast to the popular displeasure with Saeedatin, who was linked to frauds and lies. The actual reason of this polemic was that, in the previous elections, Saeedatin had written a joke on his Facebook page, in which he implied that the Pomaks are not Turks. The result of this smear campaign was that Reedan Ahmet was elected as mayor.

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 24-06-2014

At the same time, another event was carried out in Thrace, which provokes the comments of writers in Trakyan’ in Sesi website (14). The representative of SYRIZA Iezet Hussein Zeibek and the representative Ahmet Chadjiosman in Rodopi had a dinner to discuss about the political situation. During the dinner, a woman sang some songs in the Pomak language. The reporter highlighted the fact that these two Members of the Parliament did not say anything about this event carried out during their dinner. He wondered if they understood that they were in Pomakochoria, and in that region, the residents speak Turkish.

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 10-07-2014

In 2015, a verbal controversy was carried out between the Pomaks and the MP SYRIZA Aijan Karayushuff, as it was reported in Xronos.gr (15). The reason of that is that the MP SYRIZA Aijan Karayushuff expressed his opposition to the use of the word “Pomaks”, ignoring that there were 40,000 Pomaks in Thrace. The result of this is that the Pomaks expressed their negative feelings and they argued with him through their statements in a media. Pomaks stated that the MP SYRIZA Aijan Karayushuff’s behaviour is like the Greeks who tried to destroy the Pomak culture (e-patrida).

On the other hand, in the same year, N. Kotzias, Minister for Foreign Affairs, sent a message to the Turkish Consulate in Thrace (Komotini24) and he mentioned that the Greek Pomaks and Roma Muslims have nothing to do with the self-identified "Turks", the Ottomans, the "turkans" of Greek origin Thracians who want to claim to be Turks rather than Greeks (16).

Furthermore, on the basis of the research carried out in 2016, “The Pomaks of Rodopi”, an article was published in 19-02-2016, in Trakyan’ in Sesi (17). The writer said that due to the Greek elections, three political members were elected and they were Pomaks. In particular, MP Hussein Zeibek is from the village of Kechros. The writer supposed that this is the reason

44 of first time conducting a research in this area under the name "The Pomaks of Rodopi". The political positions of SYRIZA brought positive changes to the area of Pomaks.

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 19-02-2016

But these changes should be a message to all the politicians, and they need to think more about the situation in Thrace. The political rivalries between the government and the Turkish consulate are evident. The Greek government should be careful with the Turkish minorities and invest in Thrace’s future (Komotini 24, 2015) (18).

Politics can affect significantly the beliefs of citizens in an area. An indicative example is an article published in 06-04-2016, in Trakyan’ in Sesi (see Appendix) (19). It was mentioned that Mehmet Imam, who is a citizen in Xanthi and he lives in Athens and was once a candidate of PASOK (socialist party), founded a club called UNESCO of The Muslims of Greece and also created a union named as XTHES, as this was published in an article on his Facebook page. More specifically, he said that Western Thrace is South Pomakistan. The writer of this article was wondering what the opinion of the government on this statement could be.

In 2017, during his recent visit to Greece (8-9/ 12/2017), the Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, recognized publicly the existence of the Pomaks and Roma in Thrace, in the most categorical way (20). It is a historical development with huge implications for the relations of the Muslim populations of Thrace. In recognizing the ethnic reality that Turkish nationalism denied them for decades, Erdogan has shown a remarkable realism and prudence, as the Pomaks commented in this article (cited in Thracian Agora).

Chapter 6

Discussion With respect to the first result of the analysis of the published articles, the main issue of the Pomak ethnicity and self-identification was revealed, drawing emphasis on their origin and language. According to the results, the Pomaks try to maintain their national identity on a daily basis. Their efforts are clearly manifested by their actions to preserve their language, history and tradition in order to differentiate themselves from the other two populations of the minority. In the 1990s, the Pomaks started searching for their national and cultural identity and struggling for their integrity. There was a time when young Pomaks could not understand the compromises made by the elders or why they should be taught the Turkish language, when Greek was necessary for being the official language of the state, and Arabic was necessary for reading the Koran (Karachotza, 2014; Hamdi, 2004). Their collective identity was forced upon them by the dominant powers in Thrace. Greece has been the state power, whereas, Turkey has been “the self-appointed patron of the Muslims in the Greek area of Thrace”. Turkey’s pressure with the aim to transform a religious minority into an ethnic homogeneous Turkish minority resulted in bilateral agreements. All members of the minority were forced to adopt the Turkish language, without taking their identity and descent into consideration (Hamdi, 2004). The analysis indicates that language has been used as an ethnic determinant for years. The Turkish language, which was imposed on them by the Greek state, regardless of their objections, had created implications about a Turkish ethnicity. In contrast, it has been stated that, if Pomaks’ native or main language is not Turkish, it can be inferred that they do not belong to the Turkish ethnicity. There are several articles in which the Pomaks are referred to as the “Pomaks of Rodopi”. This seems to be an indication of progress in the Pomak effort to be recognized by

46 others, due to political changes in the Greek state and society during the last years. According to Kokkas (2008b), in the past, references to the Pomak villages, identity, tradition and language were avoided. Questions about the media’s role have been raised, as there had been no reference to the Pomak traditions and culture and no broadcasts in the Pomak language. More importantly, the Pomaks realized that their language remained unwritten (Hamdi, 2004). From that point, efforts for recording their language and traditions, creating a dictionary, publishing the first educational material written in the Pomak language, publishing a newspaper and broadcasting on the radio began. Again, both Greece and Turkey were suspicious, as the Turks feared that their ideal of a unified minority would collapse and Greece feared that the situation would cause tensions. However, since then, the Pomak effort has continued successfully (Hamdi, 2004). During the past two decades, there have been systematic efforts to record the Pomak language in an attempt to define their identity. The Pomak language is regarded by Pomaks to be the basic means of claiming their identity. However, Previous Pomaks’ attempts to base their identity on the distinctiveness of their language have not been very successful in discarding the Turkish association (Kandler, 2007). Another issue raised from the questions regarding their identity was education, and consequently, employment and professional development. As the rates of unemployment within the minority population are greater than those of the total population of Rodopi (Leved, 2016), the Pomaks can realize that finding and maintaining a job is linked to the socio-economic status of the Pomaks, and the education delivered to them. Nowadays, there are numerous Muslim children whose parents prefer them to study in Greek schools at the major towns of Thrace, rather than in minority schools at their own villages, because the Greek state refuses to accept the Pomak suggestions about the provided educational system. It should be remembered, however, that the majority of the Pomaks are undereducated (Askouni, 2006). The instances of exclusion of the Pomak language from educational materials, or of reference to the Pomak villages in tourist guides, reported by Hamdi (2004), reflect the current situation. The Pomaks witness the withdrawal of printed material and re-printing it, so as to exclude the only two Pomak words integrated into it, re-printing of tourist guides without reference to the Pomak villages or enlisting traditional features to the Turkish tradition. However, it is implied that all these are matters of political will. The Greek state is expected to help and extend Pomak individuals’ initiatives. More importantly, the Greek state is asked to legalize the Pomak language in the media, as suggested by Hamdi (2004). The analysis confirmed that the Pomaks nowadays struggle to preserve their traditions and language. They define themselves as Greek Muslims, rather than Muslim Greeks, while the 47 majority of the Pomaks are proud of being of Turkish descendant, in line with previous findings, according to which the majority of the Pomaks (55%) feel more like Turks (Kottakis, 2000). Such clear statements about their origin imply that the Pomaks are currently starting to be more confident about their identity. It can be concluded that, although the Pomaks live in different parts of the Balkans and Turkey, they maintain their uniqueness by preserving their history, language and tradition. With respect to the second result of the analysis, the Pomaks living in Thrace define themselves as mainly Pomaks or Thracians and express their uncertainty about their original descent. The opposition regarding their origin is evident in official Greek and Turkish rhetoric and terminology. According to the Greek official papers, the Muslim minority consists of Roma, Pomaks and people of Turkish origin, while in the Turkish official papers, the minority is wholly Turkish (Demetriou, 2004). While in the past, the Pomaks had multiple identities, they now try hard to preserve the cultural and linguistic features that differentiate them from the Roma and the Turks. In contrast, some Pomaks relate themselves to the other populations of the minority, Turks or Roma, which might be reasonable by considering the intermarriages between people of different populations within the minority that have been evidenced during the last decades (Demetriou, 2004). Others, however, adapt their answers to their interlocutors. It has been revealed that the discrimination experienced by the Pomaks within the minority, prevents them from disclosing what they believe their origin is. According to Kokkas (2008a; 2008b), the Pomaks have always been particularly flexible in handling the issue of their collective identity. It has been reported that the Pomaks’ ethnic identification can be distinguished in both private and public identifications (Domna Michail, as cited by Kokkas, 2008a; Kokkas 2008b). The private identification refers to the individuals’ perceptions of the self, which is linked to the group they belong to, whereas the public identification is formed according to the individuals’ interactions with others. Therefore, the Pomak public identity is multiple, depending on the person they communicate with and presenting themselves as Greek or Turk Pomaks with respect to the individuals they interact with (Kokkas, 2008a). Therefore, in the case of the Pomaks, their identity is characterized by fluidity, as “there have been procedures of fusion, incorporation, division and multiplication of their identities” (Danova, 2001, as cited in Kokkas, 2008a, p. 10). From the 16th to the 18th century a unified ethnic group was divided into two sub-groups, the ones remaining Christians and the ones who 48 turned to Islam. At the same time, the process of cultural fusion started, as various groups constituted a new larger group. These processes of division and fusion resulted in the multiplication of identities, rather than adopting a single identity. In addition, the Pomaks’ inability to determine clear boundaries that distinguish them from other groups, may be regarded to have contributed to the adoption of uncertain or multiple identities (Kokkas, 2008a; Kokkas, 2008b). According to Kokkas (2008b), the Pomaks “refuse to enter the process of their final self-determination”, which is evident when they answer reactively or remain silent when they are asked about it. It has been supported that the Pomaks’ silence, which reflects their refusal to the polarization that the dominant forms of nationalism had created, is what led to the abolition of the Pomak identity (Markou, 2006, as cited in Kokkas, 2008b). It has also been suggested that Turkey’s efforts to homogenize the minority, by attributing the Turkish origin to all populations of the minority, and Greece’s compromises have contributed to this fluidity of the Pomaks’ origin. It has been highlighted that the Turkish-speaking media not only promote the idea of the Turkish origin of the Pomaks, but they also use illicit means to force the Pomaks to define themselves as Turks. Within this context and amidst the antagonistic Greek and Turkish rhetoric, according to which the Pomaks are subordinate to both the Greeks and the Turks. Again, the issue of education was raised. References to the quality and type of education have been made by the Pomaks who define themselves as Greek. They express their desire for their children to attend Greek schools, rather than the minority schools, in which the Turkish language is taught, although, according to their view, it is not needed. The level of competence in the Greek language is a source of pride for the Pomak students in the Greek institutions, while their way of living reflects their struggle to become modern (Demetriou, 2004). Again, the issue of language as an ethnic determining factor, emerges in the discussion, as the Pomaks stress its importance in defining their origin and ethnicity. Regarding the third issue raised by the analysis, the Turkish-speaking media seem to have a negative attitude towards any public or private attempts to improve the living conditions for the Pomaks. It is a rather indicative instance when the Turkish-speaking media commented negatively on a health campaign that was a Greek initiative. This reaction was probably caused due to the references by Pomaks, and Pomak villages made by the people involved in that project. 49

Fears for the Greeks’ political use of the health project and manipulation of the Pomak young population were also expressed in the media. As a response, explicit threats against one of the organisers of the campaign, Masoutis, the largest network of stores in Northern Greece, were expressed by the Turkish-speaking media. In addition, they expressed the disappointment of the Turkish minority, as they are among the company’s consumers, and demanded that the company uses the politically correct language by avoiding references to the Pomaks. This incident is similar to Turkish media practices of the past. The Turkish-speaking newspapers expressed fanatical speech and hurled insults and threats at the Pomaks who denied Turkism and were willing to co-operate with the Orthodox Christians, “the most atrocious enemies in the history” (newspaper Millet, as cited by Kokkas, 2008b). Such practices are interpreted in the literature as Turkey’s attempt to manipulate religion in order to prevent the Pomaks from self-definition (Kokkas, 2008b). Kokkas (2008b) has drawn an attention to the manner the Muslim religion is used in Thrace. He explains that religion has turned to a means of Turkey’s promoting nationalist goals, which is evident in the instances of violence or threat against the Pomaks who claim for a distinct identity. In addition, he argues that the distortion or decline of oral tradition and new interpretations of history reflect Turkish chauvinism, while the erection of numerous mosques, which act as landmarks by unknown forces, indicates the political use of the Islamic religion. In the context of health, it should be noted that the Pomaks had been cautious towards Greek attempts to improve their health standards. This attitude was linked to a study conducted by a physical anthropologist of the University of Thrace, which was reported as the most extreme case of presenting Pomaks as Greece’s indigenous people. Based on the local newspapers, the scientist did not hesitate to collect blood samples under the guise of vaccination, in order to prove that Pomaks are the descendants of a certain group of fighters in the army of Alexander the Great. Consequently, this experiment caused a great uproar and the minority population became even more suspicious to outsiders. This attitude resulted in their refusal to attend any medical examinations for the fear of similar incidents, whenever Greek doctors visited the villages (Demetriou, 2004). With respect to the final issue raised by the analysis of the data, politics, it is revealed that the Turkish-speaking media influence the public opinion significantly. The Pomaks, mainly living in the mountains until their mass movement to the town in the 1990s due to the cancellation of the restricted area policy (Demetriou, 2004), were not always aware of past events and had not developed a political way of thinking.

However, the modern Pomaks seem to be more aware of their situation, according to an interview by Sebaidin Karachotza (2014), the Pomak journalist who has been active in promoting the Pomak language and culture. In the interview, it is highlighted that the Pomaks know that Turkey systematically works on achieving the goal of creating a united Turkish minority, while at the same time the Greece seems unwilling to have a Pomak minority with Greek consciousness, and remains indifferent to the Pomak issues mainly for the fear of destabilization in the area. An indicative example of the manner the minority public is been manipulated is by the election of candidates who support Turkey’s policies, while, on the other hand, the reputation of those who refer to the Pomaks is harmed by libelous writings. Another incident of the intervention of the Turkish-speaking media in the formation of public opinion, when a Pomak song was sang to two Members of the Greek Parliament, revealed Turkey’s persistence in the existence of a homogeneous Turkish minority and the exclusion of diverse traditions and languages. This also reveals a political dimension to the culture of the Pomaks. Songs and festivals are significant elements of the Pomak culture. The rites of the festivals are regarded by Pomaks to reflect the forms of symbolic behaviours and express a range of cultural standards, rather than being mere religious practices. The fact that, in festivals, the Pomaks have the opportunity to communicate with the other members of the minority in their mother tongue, is significant for them. Moreover, due to the association of the festivals with the aversion of the evil and with good health along with the opportunity to bequeath the holy rituals from generation to generation, festivals have a special value for the Pomaks (Kokkas, 2008b). In light of such cultural practices, the Turkish-speaking media have developed a discourse that expresses Islamic fanaticism, declaring the defense of the rights of the Turkish minority. At the same time, the minority’s religious leaders have frequent contacts with the Turkish government and explicitly take anti-Pomak action. In the context of such practices, the establishment of the Cultural Association of the Pomaks of Xanthi Prefecture was followed by intense outbursts of anti-Pomakism, in the name of Turkism and Islam. The local Turkish- speaking newspapers published a series of offensive articles against the Association. As an answer, the Association defined themselves as Pomak Muslims (Kokkas, 2008b). This self- definition was also Pomaks’ response to Greece’s emphasis on the ethnic heterogeneity of the minority and Turkey’s persistence in unity, according to Turkish resources (Chousein, 2005). In fact, the World Congresses of the Turks in Western Thrace, organized by Western-Thrace

Muslims, make numerous propositions regarding the economy, self-determination, education, legislation and culture with the aim to homogenize the minority (Kokkas, 2008b). However, it can be inferred that the Pomaks seem to realise and respond to explicit political intentions and actions against them. A minority member of the Greek Parliament was counterattacked in the media by the Pomaks, when he expressed his objections to referencing to the Pomaks, or using words related to the Pomak tradition. It is noteworthy that among the Pomaks’ responses, the specific person was accused of being like the Greeks, whose goal had been to eliminate their culture. In contradiction to such statements, in 2015, there was a change in the attitude of the Greek state, when the Minister of Foreign Affairs differentiated the self-defined Turks from the other members of the minority. It should be mentioned that the three Pomaks were elected, which implies a positive change of the official state’s attitude and an emphasis on the recognition of the three minority groups, in opposition to the idea of a homogenized minority, as promoted by the Turkish Consulate. The Pomaks experienced one more positive change in the Turkey’s attitude towards them, when its President publicly admitted that the minority is not entirely Turkish and recognized the existence of the Pomaks and Roma in Thrace, during his visit to Greece in 2017. This was expressively stated in the Greek-speaking media, although the President compensated for this statement when he did not fail to refer to the bonds that unite the Pomaks and the Turks.

Chapter 7

Conclusions

The analysis of the results revealed that several trends become salient in the media. The minority’s discourse is rarely homogeneous, as the inputs come from different sources, although some messages are more salient than others in both the Greek-speaking and Turkish- speaking media.

A major change in the Pomak life course was experienced when the Pomaks started searching for their identity in the 1990s, after the cancellation of the restricted area policy (Demetriou, 2004). Since then, they have worked hard to preserve their history, their tradition and, most importantly, their language, as a means of defining their identity.

The Pomaks started feeling proud of their language and addressing major issues, such as social neglect and exclusion. However, this has not been an easy task. According to Kokkas (2008b), the deletion of the Pomak identity has been carefully designed so that the components of the Pomak collective identity cease functioning as internal boundaries in the Muslim minority. As opposed to the Turkish ideal of unity and solidarity under the Turkey’s tutelage, Greece has been blamed by Turkey for keeping the minority group divided and fragmented, with the aim to control them more effectively (Chousein, 2005).

With respect to the Pomak ethnicity and origin, some political science approaches build their arguments on the presupposition of ethnic origins and strategies of political manipulation, overlooking the fact that “the concept of ethnicity is the by-product of state-making” (Demetriou, 2004), and implying that Pomakness is an obstacle to the cultural homogeneity. It is suggested that by removing such presuppositions, constraints and choices regarding ethnic identification would be more clearly outlined (Demetriou, 2004).

It should also be noted that, in the case of the Pomaks, Islamic faith has been used as an ethnic determinant in an attempt to compensate for the absence of an official state for their ethnic group. However, religion is of secondary importance to the Pomaks, as they consider their linguistic otherness more important in determining their ethnic identity (Kokkas, 2008a).

Kandler (2007) wonders whether there should be any discussions about the integration of indigenous populations with different cultural, linguistic and religious characteristics that have grown together in a region, which they perceive it to be their home. In addition, he holds that these different characteristics contribute to the preservation of differences. Within the

European environment, in which linguistic variety is celebrated and practiced, the Pomaks hope that in the near future, the language of their ancestors will be taught to their children in schools (Hamdi, 2004).

While the Pomaks are struggling to both modernize and improve their living conditions and also remain Pomaks, Demetriou (2004) has witnessed both the Greek assertion that the Turkish governments keep the minority backward and the Turkish assertion that Greece desires the assimilation of the minority. According to Kandler (2007), integration cannot be achieved in the near future. Instead, the goal in Thrace should be the end of classification and polarization, so that different populations can continue to grow together.

As Karachotza (2014) stresses, the Pomaks expect the Greek state to clearly state the existence of the Greek Pomaks in Thrace and ensure equality in education and better educational opportunities for the Pomak children. By these two steps, the Pomak will be educated enough to remain unscathed by the Turkish influence and proud enough to celebrate their identity.

A new class of Pomaks may articulate an identity discourse different from the one articulated by Turkish political elites (Demetriou, 2004). In this way, the Pomak identity will start being shaped in its own terms, rather than in terms of similarities or bonds with the Greeks or the Turks (Hamdi, 2004).

Recent research (Anagnostou and Triandafyllidou 2007) shows that overall ethnic identification matters less today in Thrace than it used to 20 years ago. However, past divisions and discrimination, although much attenuated now, often persist. They may persist less in the form of institutional discrimination but they do in the form of attitudes and implicit favouring of majority members at the expense of minority ones. Turkish and Greek nationalism remains salient among minority and majority leaders and social-political actors, yet, it has become significantly moderated over the past 15 years. Exclusive conceptions of national-ethnic identity and solidarity are not as pervasive but are subject to alternative and diverse understandings, as well as more subject to intra-communal challenge among both minority and majority.

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APPENDICES

Α. Map with Pomak villages of Rodopi.

No VILLAGE (ΧΩΡΙΟ) No VILLAGE (ΧΩΡΙΟ)

1 Melitena (Mελιταινα) 21 Kampos (Κάμπος)

2 Krystali (Κρυστάλλη) 22 Ano Kehros (Ανω Κέχρος)

3 Kerasia A’ (Κερασιά Α’ ) 23 Monastiri (Μοναστήρι)

3 Kerasia B’ (Κερασιά Β’) 24 Kehros (Κέχρος)

4 Mikri Ada (Μικρή Άδα) 25 Mikros Kehros (Μικρός Κέχρος)

5 Nymfea (Νυμφαία) 26 Esohi (Εσοχή)

6 Ano Mytikas (Άνω Μύτικας) 27 Tsoukka (Τσούκκα)

7 Kato Mytikas (Κάτω Μύτικας) 28 Ragada (Ραγάδα)

8 Megali Ada (Μεγάλη Αδα) 29 Kalyvia (Καλύβια)

9 Sarakini (Σαρακηνή) 30 Kato Virsini (Κάτω Βυρσίνη)

10 Kardamos (Κάρδαμος) 31 Ano Drosyni (Άνω Δροσίνη)

11 Kimi (Κύμη) 32 Drymi (Δρύμη)

12 Organi (Οργάνη) 33 Kato Drosini (Κάτω Δροσίνη)

13 Smigada (Σμιγάδα) 34 Kato Megali Ada (Κάτω Μεγάλη Αδα)

14 Ano Virsini (Άνω Βυρσίνη 35 Ardia (Αρδεια)

15 Mitriski (Μυρτίσκη) 36 Paterma (Πάτερμα)

16 Chloe (Χλόη) 37 Folia (Φωλιά)

17 Ano Kampi (Άνω Καμπή) 38 Symvola (Σύμβολα)

18 Kato Kampi (Κάτω Καμπή) 38 Poa (Πόα)

19 Kerasia Kehrou (Κερασιά Κέχρου) 38 Linos (Ληνός)

20 Charadra (Χαράδρα) 38 Astrea (Αστραία)

39 Kavos (Κάβος)

40 Trikorfo (Τρίκορφο)

40 Geneti (Γενετή)

Note: The villages in bold are not inhabitated or they have less than 10 residents.

Map.1. Pomak villages of Rodopi.Source:Rodopi Prefecture

B. Reference Used in the analysis of the articles

The Mehmet Imam’s article is following for the reader’s reference:

Mehmet İmam'ın makalesi şöyle:

Utanç ve ispat arasında Pomak Asimilasyonu!!!

“Dünya yaşamak için tehlikeli bir yer; kötülük yapanlar yüzünden değil, durup seyreden ve onlara ses çıkarmayanlar yüzünden” diyor Einstein.

Tehlikeyi göze alalı çok etti. Kötülüğün her gün kamu isyerlerinde bu kadar fasistse görünmesi bundan ötürüdür. Bundan kırk yıl önce yokluk görünümlü bir sahte varlık maskesiyle beliren bünye, önce görüntü kazandı bugün gelinen noktada ise kendi gerçekliğini kuran bir özne. Özde bir kimlik, kalıcı bir varlık ve özgür yaşamda ısrar eden kolektif özne gerçekliği...

1974’te Yunan Cumhuriyetin son kaçkını ve faşist yeşil sermayesinin mide bulandırıcı yapılanmasının temsiliyeti, SiRiZA’nin bugün Guney Pomakistan’da giriştiği asimilasyon siyasetiyle, imamlari tayin ettikten sonra, yeni uygulamasi Pomak Halki ve Turkleri anadilden uzaklastirmasina geldi. Birlesik solun marifetlerine bakarsak, her şeyden önce “Özgür Pomak” nefreti ile ilgili. Kendi yaşam arayışını dillendiren Pomak ve Turkluk nefretidir bu olanlar...

Anlamakta çok zorlandığım şeyler var. Aslında çok basit şeyler ama zor işte!!!

ilk once utanç neden hep bizim payımıza düşüyor?

Neden hep ezilen, surgun edilenler, gittiklerimiz yerlerde ismimizi dahi kabul edilmeyen, bir mezar dahi bulamayan, bedenini teşhis bile edemeyen, kimsesizler mezarliklara gomulen, yasını bile tutamayan bizler, tüm bu insanlıkdışılığın ortasında utancın, utanmanın da yükünü sırtlıyoruz? Bu utanç kimin? Suç kimin? Kefaret kimin? Utancımızı paylaşacak kimse yok mu? Oteki taraftan insane haklarindan, demokrasilerden,…. bahsediyorlar ve bir islam ulkesinde burda olup bitenler, haclilar o zaman tas ustunde tas birakmiyorlar.

İkincisi, ne anlatıyor tüm bu fotolar ve nonoslar? Boyunlara asılı fotolar!

Acı bedeni kaplayınca dil felç geçirir. Oysa acını dile getiresin diye verilmiştir o dil. Dil susunca, söyleyecek tek bir kelime kalmayınca, diğer duyular imdada koşar. Amaç bir

şeyler söylemektir. Tüm amaç o sessizliği bozmaktır. Mezarlar, yaşayanlar, bizler, susanlar ve düşman arasında tek konuşan bakışlar, annelerin elinde taşıdığı bir çerçeveye sığmış bakışlar var. Dinlediniz mi hiç onları? Son bakışta dile gelen yaşam fısıltılarıdır onlar...

Ahmet Hoca’nın kardesini dinlediniz mi? Göz kapaklarına inmiş bir halk gerçekliği, yüz kaslarına sığınmış bir bodrum katının alevi ile bakıyordu önündeki kameraya. “Kardeşim Ahmet kokardı. Kokusunu almışlar” dedi. Soykırım ancak bu kadar iyi ifade edilebilirdi.

Vatandaslarini zorla sumuren devlet ancak böyle ifade edilebilir. Kadınların, gençlerin, çocukların kokusu alınmak isteniyor. Kokularıyla bize veda edenlerin bıraktıkları son şeydir o fotolar...

Üçüncüsü ve en önemlisi, sorumlusu, çıkmazı, anlamsızı ise şu;

“Evrensel şefkatsizlik içinde insanca hücreler kurmaya çalışırken”, suçlunun günahları için kurban edilirken, tanık olmanın tüm zorluğunu en zor şekilde yaşarken ve kültürel-fiziki soykırım cenderesinden her dakika geçiyorken, kendi ölümünü de ispatlama zorunluluğu yaşamak, yada canli oldugunu ispatlamak ...

Evet, Pomaklik söz konusu ise anahtar kelime budur. Ortak bir onay ile hemfikir olunan üzücü bir hakikat bu. Bu yaşamda, bu ülkede ve tüm zamanın duraklarında hep yasadigimizi ve öldüğümüzü ispatlamak zorundayız.

Pomaklarin son sekli katliamı ile bir kez daha gün yüzüne çıkan budur. Cocuklarimiza iz brakmamak icin yakıldığımızi, ve klisenin de onayi ile “oluleri yakmak” kanunu bizler icin gectigini, kül olmuş bedenimizle de kanıtlayamıyoruz bu topraklarda.

Bu en şiddetli politik-ahlaki çürümedir... Devletin güç devşirdiği, toplumun hiçleştiği konu bu... Felç geçirmiş, kelimelerini içine gömmüş benliğimizden , dilimizden ifade edilmeyi talep ediyor! Bizimkisi yüzyıllık lallık, yalnızlık değil. Anlatamıyoruz bunu...

Kuzey Pomakistan’da zamanla katledilen Pomak Halkimiz ve soykirimi yapan ulkeler hala tanimiyor, Guney Pomakistan’da bugun en modern sekliyle asimilasyonumuz uygulaniyor, kovulup - kosturuldugumuzu, bir ekmek ugruna Avrupa’ya cikan vatandaslarimiz sonunda cocuklarimiz Anavatana donmedigini, hatta degisik kultur farkiyla buyudugu icin, ana-babaya itaat kalmadigini, insan olan tüm yerlerimizi bu sistem yok etti. Leviathan’ın pislik dolu bağırsağından öte bir anlam ifade etmeyen bu fasist-sovenist katliamcı zihniyet Pomakistan’da dün olduğu gibi bugün de kaybediyor, kaybedecektir.

Bedenleri ile yaşama köprü olan tüm Pomakistan Şehitlerimizi saygıyla anıyorum ve Allah Rahmet Eylesin.

Atina, 06-04-2016 Mehmet Imam

Kaynak:

Source: Trakyan’ in Sesi, 06-04-2016

C. Local media links and rankings

Table C. Names, links and rankins of Rodopi’s media, used in the analysis of the articles. Source of ranking data: www.alexa.com

WEB SITE WEB SITE WEB SITE LINK ALEXA ALEXA SITES PAST WEBSITES’

NAME IN NAME IN RANK RANK LINKI RANKING GRAPH ENGLISH GREEK OR WORLD IN NG IN TURKISH WIDE GREECE AS OF

10/5/18 TWITTER

FACEBBOK FOLLOWERS FOLLOWERS

KOMOTINI 24 ΚΟΜΟΤΙΝΙ24 http://www.komotini24.gr/ 1.434.860 18.434 13 7.752 863

XRONOS ΧΡΟΝΟΣ http://www.xronos.gr/ 196.544 1.974 725 24.862 2.389

THRACIAN ΘΡΑΚΙΚΗ https://www.thrakikiagora.gr/ 622.464 6.382 59 2.035 - AGORA ΑΓΟΡΑ

ΦΩΝΗ ΤΗΣ No data available FONIRODOPIS http://fonirodopis.gr/press/70896/ 1.398.348 11.877 158 13.235 2.316 ΡΟΔΟΠΗΣ

DIAVLOS 92.4 ΔΙΑΥΛΟΣ 92.4 http://diavlos924.gr/ 6.344.769 - 28 1.423 -

E-PATRIDA E-ΠΑΤΡΙΔΑ http://www.ipatrida.gr/ 5.367.534 - 24 - 134

PARATIRITIS ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΤΗΣ http://www.paratiritis-news.gr/ 617.444 6.195 284 21.631 3.038

ANTIFONITIS/ ΑΝΤΙΦΩΝΗΤΗΣ/ http://antifonitis.gr/online/ 3.333.717 - 304 - - TURKISH NEWS ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΑ ΝΕΑ

No data available INKOMOTINI INKOMOTINI https://inkomotini.news/ 438.302 5909 6 12.299 2.259

KOMOTINI ΚΟΜΟΤΗΝΗ http://www.komotinipress.gr/ 2.129.937 30.214 53 .920 543 PRESS PRESS

ZAGALISA ΖΑΓΑΛΙΣΑ http://www.zagalisa.gr/ 2.201.006 28.706 244 1.570 65

ELEUTHEROS ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΟΣ http://www.elkosmos.gr/ 455.356 7.032 713 13.694 2.077 KOSMOS ΚΟΣΜΟΣ

GUNDEM GUNDEM http://www.gundemgazetesi.com/ 784.712 8.861 52 6.410 2.526

AZINLIKCA AZINLIKCA http://www.azinlikca.net/ 460.407 10.076 92 21.365 4.565

BIRLIK GAZETESI BIRLIK GAZETESI http://www.birlikgazetesi.net/ 969.531 11.780 28 2.569 445

TRAKYAN’ IN TRAKYAN’ IN SESI http://www.trakyaninsesi.com/ 926.605 18.439 124 8.913 967 SESI