Creating Another Imagined “Great Satan” Will Not Absolve Iran Mr. Zarif by Dr
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
Martin Amis on the Beginning of the End for Iran's Ayatollahs | World News | the Guardian
Martin Amis on the beginning of the end for Iran's ayatollahs | World news | The Guardian Martin Amis: The end of Iran's ayatollahs? In 1979, the return to Iran of an exiled cleric marked the start of the Islamic Republic. The death in June of Neda Soltan may herald the long-overdue fall of this moribund regime Martin Amis The Guardian, Friday 17 July 2009 larger | smaller An Iranian protester during an opposition rally in Tehran on 9 July 2009 Photograph: -/AFP/Getty Images The following correction was printed in the Guardian's Corrections and clarifications column, Monday 20 July 2009 An essay exploring whether Iran's Islamic republic is in its death throes – referred to President Jimmy Carter's "failed Entebbe raid of April 1980" to rescue US hostages in Iran. The failed 1980 mission was Operation Eagle Claw. The rescue of airline passengers at Entebbe, Uganda, was carried out with almost complete success by the Israeli military in July 1976. The writer Jason Elliot called his recent and resonant Iranian travelogue Mirrors of the Unseen; and I am aware of the usual dangers associated with writing about the future. But what we seem to be witnessing in Iran is the first spasm of the death agony of the Islamic Republic. In this process, which will be very long and very ugly, Mir Hossein Mousavi is likely to play a lesser role than Neda Agha Soltan, whose transformation (from youth, hope, and beauty, in a matter of seconds, to muddy death) unforgettably crystallised the core Iranian idea – the Shia tragedy and passion – of martyrdom in the face of barbaric injustice. -
'Shia Democracy': Myth Or Reality? by Sreeram Chaulia the Other Islam
‘Shia Democracy’: Myth or Reality? By Sreeram Chaulia The Other Islam Discussions about the democracy-deficit in the Muslim world tend to conflate Sunnis and Shias as culturally homogeneous groups. Nuances about diversity within Islam only come up related to the regional variation in practices and political institutions (e.g. Middle Eastern Islam, North African Islam, South Asian Islam, Central Asian Islam and Southeast Asian Islam).1 Some scholars make the distinction between Arab and non-Arab countries with regard to their political culture and regime type.2 The unspoken assumption in studies proving the proclivity of Muslim countries toward authoritarianism is that sectarian schisms within Islam do not matter much when it comes to attitude and receptivity to democracy. Whether there are well-delineated differences between Shias and Sunnis in the way they conceive of – and construct – political authority has not been given much serious research. This is a surprising omission in contrast to the extent to which political scientists have debated the impact of the Catholic-Protestant schism 1 The classic exposition of cross-national differences in Islam and its impact on society and politics is V.S.Naipaul’s book comparing Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan and Malaysia. Cf. 1999. Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples, New York: Random House. 2 Alfred Stepan and Graeme Robertson argue that the 31 Muslim majority but non-Arab countries are over-achievers for GDP per capita levels in terms of holding competitive elections, while the 16 Arab countries are under-achievers. Cf. 2003. ‘An “Arab” More Than “Muslim” Electoral Gap’, Journal of Democracy, Volume 14, Number 3. -
Iraq Ten Years On’ Conference and at the Suleimani Forum at the American University of Suleimaniya, Both in March 2013
Iraq on the International Stage Iraq on the International Stage Foreign Policy and National Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri Identity in Transition Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri July 2013 Chatham House, 10 St James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0)20 7957 5700 E: [email protected] F: +44 (0)20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration Number: 208223 Iraq on the International Stage Foreign Policy and National Identity in Transition Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri July 2013 © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2013 Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs) is an independent body which promotes the rigorous study of international questions and does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 ISBN 978 1 86203 292 7 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Cover image: © Getty Images/AFP Designed and typeset by Soapbox Communications Limited www.soapbox.co.uk Printed -
BLACK WAVE: Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the Forty-Year Rivalry That Unraveled Culture, Religion, and Collective Memory in the Middle East
ALSO BY KIM GHATTAS The Secretary: A Journey with Hillary Clinton from Beirut to the Heart of American Power Begin Reading Table of Contents About the Author Copyright Page Thank you for buying this Henry Holt and Company ebook. To receive special offers, bonus content, and info on new releases and other great reads, sign up for our newsletters. Or visit us online at us.macmillan.com/newslettersignup For email updates on the author, click here. The author and publisher have provided this e-book to you for your personal use only. You may not make this e-book publicly available in any way. Copyright infringement is against the law. If you believe the copy of this e-book you are reading infringes on the author’s copyright, please notify the publisher at: us.macmillanusa.com/piracy. In memory of my father, who told me so many stories about before. Where they make a wasteland, they call it peace. —Agricola, Tacitus (Roman senator, d. AD 120) NOTE ON NAMES AND SPELLINGS I have used the most common spellings for well-known names and terms in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu. In other cases, I have used my own transliterations. Translations of Arabic newspaper headlines and text as well as of some of the poetry are my own. Wherever similar concepts exist across the three cultures I cover, I have indicated their equivalent in Arabic. For the concept of the Guardianship of the Jurist introduced by Khomeini, which is mentioned repeatedly, I have used the Arabic transliteration wilayat al-faqih (rather than the Persian velayat-e faqih) throughout the book to avoid confusion. -
Iran-Iraq War(1980-1988) ○ Both US and USSR Support Saddam Hussein
Week 5: Proxy Wars Non-Ideological Interventions “My enemy’s enemy is my friend” ● Ogaden War (1977-1978) US supports Maoists in Somalia ● Iran-Iraq War(1980-1988) ○ Both US and USSR support Saddam Hussein. Ogaden: Sino-Soviet Split ● Chinese mainland becomes communist in 1949 under Mao Zedong. ● Diverge from Soviet model ○ Still dependent on industrial aid ● Denunciation and split in 1959. Border War in 1969 ● Chinese demand return of border territories. ● China initiates conflict. ● Soviets respond, imply larger war. Chinese Rapprochement with US ● China sees USSR as primary security threat. ● Tacit alliance with US after 1972. Ethiopian Revolution ● Ruled by Emperor Haile Selassie until 1974. ● Selassie overthrown by Army officers (Derg). Internal Fighting in Derg ● Marxists prevail by 1977. ● Seek Soviet aid and support. ● Soviets support Somalia prior to 1977. Why were the Soviets reluctant to support the Derg? What changed their minds? Why were the Soviets reluctant to support the Derg? ● Division in the Derg. ● Support in rival Somalia What changed their minds? ● Mengistu’s rise to power. ● Somali distance. Somalia under Siad Barre ● Took power in coup in 1969. ● Maoist leaning. ● Soviet-backed until 1977. Somalia supports WSLF ● Barre seeks Greater Somalia ● Supports Western Somali Liberation Front in Ogaden in revolt. ● Somali troops join fighting Soviets back Mengistu; US and China support Somalia ● Soviet aid flows to new government in Ethiopia. ● Somalia invades with US and Chinese support The Ogaden War Supported by: Course of the War ● Initial success for Somalia ● Soviet, Cuban and South Yemeni troops intervene. ● Somali troops expelled Post-Ogaden War Ethiopia Somalia ● 15-year civil war ● Barre overthrown after ● Mengistu overthrown in civil war. -
Sayyid Ali Husayn Sistani: Revitalising the Najaf Marja’Iyya in Post-2003 Iraq
CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International for Affairs Centre CIDOB • Barcelona documents E-ISSN: 2339-9570 : B 11.000-2014 D.L. època nova CIDOB 09 DECEMBER 2020 SAYYID ALI HUSAYN SISTANI: REVITALISING THE NAJAF MARJA’IYYA IN POST-2003 IRAQ Antonella Caruso, Founder and Director, LAMEDINA Institute for International Dialogue [email protected] Religious scholars are neither angels nor infallible tive methodology for solving issues arising from conflicting Shiite religious scholar, al-Qatif, Saudi Arabia hadith,1 his studies on comparative fiqh and his reference to (Saffar, 2018: 118, 286) modern sciences and cultures. His distinguished circle of mentors and disciples has contributed to further enhancing Sistani as a supreme religious authority his scholarly prestige.2 Sistani, above all, is a Shia supreme religious authority, a Beside his knowledge in matters of Islamic law (sharia) and marja’ al-taqlid. The title, which means “point of reference for jurisprudence, Sistani’s authority is paramount for the mil- emulation”, developed during the 18th and 19th centuries and lions of Shiites in Iraq and throughout the world. For them, indicates the highest Shiite religious authority, above even he is the utmost point of reference, the source of emulation in Ayatollah. As the most their quest for the correct im- knowledgeable among Abstract: This article is an in-depth portrait of Sayyid Ali Husayn plementation of God’s com- them, Shiite religious Sistani as a supreme religious authority (marja’ al-taqlid) in Shia Is- mand. His popularity can in lam. It identifies his religious priorities in dealing with the post-2003 scholars have ever since Iraqi state and examines his political interventions in the light of his fact be measured by the vast deferred to the marja’ al- traditional religious responsibilities as marja’. -
The 9/11 Commission Report
THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States official government edition For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-0001 ISBN 0-16-072304-3 CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
Iranian Proxy Development in Yemen and the Future of the Houthi Movement
Could the Houthis Be the Next Hizballah? Iranian Proxy Development in Yemen and the Future of the Houthi Movement Trevor Johnston, Matthew Lane, Abigail Casey, Heather J. Williams, Ashley L. Rhoades, James Sladden, Nathan Vest, Jordan R. Reimer, Ryan Haberman C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2551 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0251-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover photo: Reuters/Naif Rahma; Flag: dikobraziy/GettyImages. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents the results of a project analyzing the prospects that Iran will further invest in the Houthis and develop them as an enduring proxy group in Yemen. -
An Institutional Analysis of the Quds Force in Lebanon
AN INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE QUDS FORCE IN LEBANON Major J.P. Terfry JCSP 39 PCEMI 39 Master of Defence Studies Maîtrise en études de la défense Disclaimer Avertissement Opinions expressed remain those of the author and do Les opinons exprimées n’engagent que leurs auteurs et not represent Department of National Defence or ne reflètent aucunement des politiques du Ministère de Canadian Forces policy. This paper may not be used la Défense nationale ou des Forces canadiennes. Ce without written permission. papier ne peut être reproduit sans autorisation écrite. © Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, as represented by the Minister © Sa Majesté la Reine du Chef du Canada, représentée par le ministre de la of National Defence, 2013 Défense nationale, 2013. CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE – COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 39 – PCEMI 39 2012 – 2013 MASTER OF DEFENCE STUDIES – MAÎTRISE EN ÉTUDES DE LA DÉFENSE AN INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE QUDS FORCE IN LEBANON By Major J.P. Terfry Par le major J.P. Terfry “This paper was written by a student “La présente étude a été rédigée par attending the Canadian Forces College un stagiaire du Collège des Forces in fulfilment of one of the requirements canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des of the Course of Studies. The paper is exigences du cours. L'étude est un a scholastic document, and thus document qui se rapporte au cours et contains facts and opinions, which the contient donc des faits et des opinions author alone considered appropriate que seul l'auteur considère appropriés and correct for the subject. -
2 the Foundation of the New Terrorism
Final1-4.4pp 7/17/04 9:12 AM Page 47 2 THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 2.1 A DECLARATION OF WAR In February 1998, the 40-year-old Saudi exile Usama Bin Ladin and a fugitive Egyptian physician,Ayman al Zawahiri, arranged from their Afghan headquar- ters for an Arabic newspaper in London to publish what they termed a fatwa issued in the name of a “World Islamic Front.”A fatwa is normally an inter- pretation of Islamic law by a respected Islamic authority,but neither Bin Ladin, Zawahiri, nor the three others who signed this statement were scholars of Islamic law.Claiming that America had declared war against God and his mes- senger, they called for the murder of any American, anywhere on earth, as the “individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it.”1 Three months later, when interviewed in Afghanistan by ABC-TV, Bin Ladin enlarged on these themes.2 He claimed it was more important for Mus- lims to kill Americans than to kill other infidels.“It is far better for anyone to kill a single American soldier than to squander his efforts on other activities,” he said.Asked whether he approved of terrorism and of attacks on civilians, he replied:“We believe that the worst thieves in the world today and the worst terrorists are the Americans. Nothing could stop you except perhaps retalia- tion in kind.We do not have to differentiate between military or civilian. As far as we are concerned, they are all targets.” Note: Islamic names often do not follow the Western practice of the consistent use of surnames. -
Sunset on the 'High Noon' of US-Iranian Confrontation?
6/02/14 1! JOHN BRUNI, SAGE International * GEOPOLITICAL ESTIMATE * Sunset'on'the'‘High'Noon’'of'US2Iranian'Confrontation?' Dr. John Bruni, Director, SAGE International © Adelaide South Australia INTRODUCTION' hroughout recent history the Iranian theocracy’s relationship with the West has been one of confrontation, punctuated by a series of half-hearted attempts at T ‘normalisation’. Half-hearted in that there appears to have been a number of calculations made by Iran’s senior leadership, suggesting that moving too close to the West might imperil the survival of the theocratic state. To the conservatives of the Iranian elite the likelihood of such a scenario is unacceptable. It would signal the end of Iran’s ‘greatness’, independence and strength. The diplomacy of ‘oil’ has been used on many successive occasions to play one power off against another in order to side-step sanctions. This has given rise to the perception that Russia and China are interested in preserving Tehran’s political status quo for their own economic and strategic benefits. But although pragmatism permeates the leadership in Moscow and Beijing, their hard-headed business attitude does not necessarily extend to defending Iran at all costs. So, with the larger international markets closed to them Iranian leaders have to be content with the limited capital and protection that comes from Russian and Chinese patronage. Iran has created for itself an autarkic economy. For a country that is internationally isolated, this was a rational, though costly step to take. Of course no country can be truly autarkic. The Obama administration’s decision to attack the Iranian economy at its most vulnerable point, its currency (January 2012),1 has forced Iran’s hand on whether or not to open up the country’s most cherished symbol of national power – its nuclear program – to international scrutiny.