Understanding the Transition of Esports: from Subculture to Mainstream

Understanding the Transition of Esports: From Subculture to Mainstream

Kern John-Justin

University of the Arts London

London College of Communication

Games Design – Year 3

January 2019

Acknowledgements

The minutes, hours, and days spent writing and researching for this thesis has become immeasurable, but thank God it is over. However, as I sit here constructing the final part of my thesis I realise it is not entirely over without showing my gratitude for those who helped me write it.

Firstly, I would like to thank my closest friend Danny Baalbaki for the immense support he has provided over our ten years of friendship. His guidance has propelled me into the position I am in today; finally writing the last section of my thesis. Thank you, brother, for all the support; I could not have done it without you.

A thank you to my tutor Chris Lowthorpe for sitting through all my ramblings on Esports and helping me arrange them into an academic paper. Your knowledge and advice have significantly shaped this thesis, and I am incredibly grateful for it.

To all those in the Esports industry, thank you for pushing the boundaries. Thank you to those who went above and beyond that, (OpTic Gaming especially); for creating the content and storylines that supplied me with countless hours of entertainment.

And finally, to my parents who continuously believe in and support me, I cannot say anything more than, thank you.

Abstract

With Esports’ growth in popularity and recognition, there is a burgeoning need for more academic research and study on this new, growing, media industry. Although Esports has only recently become a form of media which garners mainstream attention, it is essential to understand its past and the academic literature that followed it. As such, this thesis will view and evaluate: Esports’ initial attempt at legitimising itself (what could be considered as its past), Esports’ non-traditional approach towards legitimisation (it’s present), and finally its industry prospects as a dominant cultural product (what can be considered its future). Part of this thesis will employ media theories to understand the reasons why people watch Esports and how it resides in broader media contexts.

Keywords: Esports, Twitch, spectatorship, video games, mainstream, subculture, game culture, legitimacy, media theory,

Contents Title Page: Understanding the Transition of Esports: From Subculture to Mainstream ...... 1 Acknowledgements ...... i Abstract ...... ii Keywords: ...... ii Introduction...... 1 Terminology ...... 2 Chapter 0 ...... 4 0.1 The Battle for Legitimacy ...... 4 0.2 The South Korean Model ...... 6 Chapter 1 ...... 8 1.1 Formalising Esports ...... 8 1.2 Early Commercial Spectatorship ...... 8 Chapter 2 ...... 10 2.1 The Rise of Twitch ...... 10 2.2 Learning from Tradition ...... 11 2.3 Esports in the Mainstream ...... 14 2.4 Why We Watch ...... 15 Chapter 3 ...... 19 3.1 Gender Diversity ...... 19 3.2 The Global Governance of Esports ...... 21 3.3 Amateur vs Pro ...... 22 Conclusion ...... 24 Bibliography ...... I Ludography: ...... VII List of Figures: ...... VIII

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Introduction

Electronic sports (Esports) inherently challenges the traditions and preconceptions of traditional sports. With the assistance of live streaming, it has become the sports of the digital era, categorised into a variety of different genres. From first-person shooters (FPS) such as Call of Duty (CoD) to multiplayer online battle arenas (MOBA) such as League of Legends (LoL), Esports offers a diverse range of games played at the highest levels of competition. With the rise of live streaming platforms such as Twitch.TV, Esports has become one of the most successful new media industries. Roughly 215 million unique viewers watched Esports in 2018, and the industry is currently valued at $906 million

(Pannekeet, 2018) proving that Esports is growing at an extreme rate. Moreover, In her summary of live streaming's effect on Esports, T.L Taylor encapsulates the subject of this research; “The rise and amplification of these massive events via live streaming […] highlight how the long trajectory of a subculture [Esports] can often burst through in, unexpected, unanticipated ways” (2018, p.192). As such, this thesis will partially focus on how Esports has moved from a niche sub-genre of game culture; to its new position within the mainstream.

Although this thesis will primarily focus on the transition of Western Esports, specifically in areas such as: the United Kingdom, the United States and Continental Europe, a section shall be dedicated to the development of Esports in South Korea. This segment will be termed ‘The South Korea Model’ and will concentrate on providing a brief history about the formation of Esports in South Korea, and how it has been able to succeed in entering the mainstream. The choice to focus on the Esports of the West is based on two reasons. Firstly, due to the accessibility of research in the UK and secondly, due to the cultural similarities between the UK, US and Europe. One significant difference between Esports in East Asia and the West is the genre that is most popular in each region. Whereas MOBAs are favoured in the East, FPS titles are preferred in the West.

A look at the past is required to understand the attempts that Western Esports has made in order to gain legitimacy. The first chapter will examine Esports’ use of traditional sports and media models, to formalise itself and gain legitimacy.

The second chapter will cover the Esports industry and live streaming, focusing on the break away from traditional methods of gaining legitimacy. Platforms such as Twitch are used to construct a business model of sports and media that is integrated. As many scholars have noted, spectatorship in the realm of Esports has strong ties to theories of remediation, cultural participation, uses and gratification (UGT) and self-determination (SDT) (Hutchins, 2008; Seo, 2013; Sjoblom & Hamari, 2016; Taylor, 2018). In light of this, these media theories will be applied to analyse live streaming as a media form and to gain an understanding of why people watch Esports.

The third chapter will take a sociological standpoint on the current state of Esports. It will look to raise, and perhaps gather answers to, questions on the issues that are present in Esports such as: its proposed lack of inclusion (Taylor, 2012, 2018) and the regulation of the community. This chapter evaluates what Esports has become, and what it may need to consider moving forward. A closing section of the thesis will propose possible measures the Esports industry can take as it advances.

Terminology

Esports is still an ambiguous term that many in the field have tried to define (Wagner, 2006; Seo, 2013; Sjoblom & Hamari, 2016). In order to conclude how the term should be defined it must first be understood that Esports is made up of two different activities:

The first concerns “competitive gaming” and is the act of competing against other players through game systems. Michael G. Wagner, in his definition of Esports, is closest to defining this aspect as an “area of sport activities in which people develop and train mental or physical abilities in the use of information and communication technologies” (2006 pg.3). However, Wagner’s definition is missing the critical aspect of competing against others. As such, it can be adapted as follows: “the act of developing and training mental or physical abilities to compete against others, through video game competition”. The second concerns “spectating”, which in the case of Esports, can be conducted through watching a live stream or by physically attending an event.

Game live streaming is defined by Taylor as;

“An assemblage of actors, technologies, and practices. It is a form that plays with the boundary lines between audience and producer. Content is co-constructed through the network and via the transformative work of play. This network of connections and content, all within a frame, articulates where game live streaming sits” (Taylor, 2018. p.28).

While Taylor’s definition is correct, it can be simplified. As such, video game live streaming can be defined as: “the method of broadcasting a video game via video streaming sites (e.g. Twitch) in real time.”

Streamer – Is an individual that broadcasts content on live streaming platforms such as Twitch and YouTube.

Subscribe - When streamers attain a certain number of followers and viewers they are eligible to become Twitch partners. This allows the streamer to monetise their streamed content either through donations or subscriptions from the audience. These subscriptions typically cost five dollars and allow subscribers exclusive access to chat emoticons and badges that identify them as a subscriber.

Mainstream – will be used extensively throughout this thesis, as such, it is imperative to define it for clarity. Mainstream can be defined as “the idea, attitudes or activities that are shared by most people and regarded as normal or conventional” (Oxford Dictionary, 2019)

Legitimacy – For this thesis, legitimacy shall be defined using Mark Suchman’s definition; “Legitimacy is a generalised perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions" (Suchman, 1995. p.575).

Chapter 0 This chapter will explore the historical contexts of Esports, forming its foundation from video games and Esports battle for legitimacy in the West. Taylor’s explanation of the three distinct waves of Esports will be utilised to understand its individual elements. Finally, it will present the rise of Esports in South Korea, which will provide a demonstration of how governmental and infrastructure support can create a new form of sports and entertainment.

0.1 The Battle for Legitimacy

Video Games

Esports has spent the majority of its existence as a subculture. Whereas traditional subcultures seek to dissociate themselves from mainstream culture (CCCS, 1964), Esports’ entire history has been a battle for legitimacy (Hamari and Sjoblom, 2017). This battle can be seen as a response to its continued stigmatisation as a ‘geek subculture’ fit for those who are often regarded as socially inept. Erving Goffman’s social theory of stigma helps elucidate this transition. Goffman’s theory establishes two key groups in society; the ‘normal’, those who do not bear the stigma, and the ‘stigmatised’, those who are considered abnormal by society (Goffman, 1963). In the case of video games, a geek is defined in the Merriam- Webster Dictionary as “disapproved of, but omits the current computer-affiliated sense” (O’Brien, 2001). The stigmatisation of video games seems to stem from the opinions of mainstream media, eventually becoming the assumption of the ‘normal’. News outlets such as The Guardian and The New York Times (Goldberg, 1998) have frequently positioned themselves against video games, declaring that “violence in interactive games is far more harmful than violence on television or in films” and that “long-term exposure to video game nasties also 'disrupts academic achievement'” (McVeigh, 2000). In this sense, it is clear that playing video games, and by account Esports, was stigmatised (Goffman, 1963) by the mainstream due to its undesirable association with geek culture and its negative connotations from the mainstream media. However, an active effort, both conscious and unconscious, has since been made and can be seen most notably in the undeniable popularity and success of the gaming industry. With approximately 2.2 billion people playing games worldwide (Newzoo, 2017), video games have shifted to mainstream culture and

4 become a part of the norm (Meltzer, 2018). Although video gaming has become a part of mainstream culture, Esports still resides in geek subculture and thus is still subject to stigma. Additionally, Esports also appears to garner stigma from its very name. Evident through the ongoing debate on whether E-’sports’ should be considered a ‘sport’ (Stubbs, 2017). In understanding the stigma opposing Esports, it is possible to see why, in its early stages, it was battling to gain legitimacy.

Esports

The history of Esports is perhaps best summarised by Taylor, who breaks down its development in three waves:

“First Wave: “Game” is the predominant frame in this moment. It is rooted in enthusiast and serious leisure communities. Amateur and pro-am orientations and competitions dominate.

Second Wave: “Sport” becomes the predominant frame. The rise of third-party organisations – sustained infrastructures of competition, formalisation, and professionalism – take over as a dominant rubric for not only players but also many ancillary actors involved in creating an industry.

Third Wave: “Media Entertainment” rises as the predominant frame. Serious attention is given to media production, audience, and entertainment. Infrastructures, both organisational and technical, become attuned to as well as configure themselves around media production and distribution. Tournaments are harnessed as media evens with an emphasis on the visual and narrative. (Taylor, 2018.” p.136)

In using Taylor’s outline, it is possible to see the main components that construct Esports and the periods in which they came. By thinking of Esports in waves, it also helps to establish how the different elements of “game”, “sport” and “media entertainment” effectively flow into one another to become Esports as a whole.

0.2 The South Korean Model

An interesting aspect about Esports is that it is constructed across global lines, much like video game culture, but is still rooted and shaped by its local contexts (Taylor, 2012 p.242). This is most notably seen through Esports’ varied range of success around the globe. Whereas Esports in the West has only recently entered the mainstream, in South Korea it has already been established with institutional infrastructures to support it. Dal Yong Jin highlights that there are structural factors at work, “including favourable government policies, a competitive market structure, a swift development of ICTs [information and communication technologies] and people’s mentalities about accepting new technology and online gaming” (2010, p.35). In the evaluation of the South Korean model, it will be possible to see the support which allowed Esports in South Korea to ascend to mainstream thought.

Governmental and Infrastructure Support

In the aftermath of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, South Korea decided to advance old, and pursue new, technologies to rebuild its economy (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). With this, came the rapid growth of the Korean broadband infrastructure. As Wagner notes, “[the] infrastructure needed to be filled with content, which was mainly provided through digital television and online gaming” (Wagner, 2006. p.2). The result of the content led to a rise in South Korea’s video game culture, with the “South Korean online game market account[ing] for 56% of the entire Asia Pacific market share” (Taylor, 2012. p.19). Furthermore, of StarCraft’s 9.5 million total copies, 4.5 million were sold in South Korea alone (Olsen, 2007). These figures reflect a popular game culture in South Korea where Esports continues to thrive.

The South Korean government’s decision to expand the infrastructure of its broadband has also played an immense role in the growth of South Korea’s online gaming (Wagner, 2006. p.2). South Korea continues to be one of the fastest high-speed internet access nations, with 92.7% of the population connected (Statista, 2017). The growth of broadband infrastructure, in corroboration with South Korea’s established game culture, gave gamers an outlet with the highest possible quality to compete against each other in video games like StarCraft. In turn, this gave rise to ‘PC bangs’, a 24/7 gaming and internet café with a low-cost, giving players physical, locations to play. Florence Chee, in her ethnographic

6 research, asserts that for many young Korean’s “their participation in online games represents one facet of a whole community and way of life” (Chee, 2006). In turn, ‘PC bangs’ became a social space for players to share the same cultural and physical environment, and as such adds to the sense of “community” and “way of life” that Chee refers to. Esports also received direct governmental support through the creation of the Korean Esports Association (2000), endorsed by Korea’s ministry of culture and tourism.

The ministry’s support for Esports is further illustrated in a statement that, “Esports competition for a wholesome playing culture will be further expanded to the national scale” (2004 pg.9). This makes it apparent that the Korean government were committed to developing Esports as a national industry, especially after seeing its success amongst its large population of gamers. As Esports commentator Jonathan Beales summarises, “you had a government that gave a thumbs-up to Esports – it was professionally organised, and it was on television, so it became a mainstream thing” (Mozur, 2014). Taylor, who further deconstructs and analyses the South Korean model, notes that “South Korea went above and beyond the usual initiatives by actually addressing everything from legal frameworks to the creation of more internet cafés” (Taylor, 2012. p.21). Considering the comprehensiveness of the video game culture in South Korea, its model brings to attention how government, culture and developing infrastructure can integrate to create a new form of sports and entertainment.

Chapter 1

1.1 Formalising Esports

Esports combines aspects of sports, game, media and fandom culture in order to inform itself. The early development of Esports has used traditional methods from each of these to create its own identity and culture. As mentioned in Taylor’s summary of Esports’ second wave, formalised and professionalised infrastructures are created to give order to the scene. In the case of Esports, third-party organisations like the Electronic Sports League (ESL) and Major League Gaming (MLG), create formal tournaments and rules for video games such as CoD, Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (CS: GO), LoL, Dota 2 and Overwatch. This can be conceptualised similarly to traditional sports organisations such as the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the National Basketball Association (NBA), and the Nation Football League (NFL) which govern and regulate their respective sport. With the development of these leagues in the early 2000s, Esports began its route towards legitimisation.

1.2 Early Commercial Spectatorship

Almost from its inception, there has been a strong desire to implement spectatorship as a part of Esports, as notably accentuated in Taylor’s third wave (Taylor, 2012, 2018). Spectatorship has strong ties to early video game culture, dating to spectators gathering around an arcade machine to watch others play. For Esports, the idea of achieving a more substantial spectator presence could be established through the use of television. As one Esports broadcaster phrased it, “I think we all wanted and felt that if we had TV, it would validate what we thought was real and we all compared to TV and appealed to TV sports” (Taylor, 2018 p.138). To many in the Esports industry, the transition to broadcast on television would elevate Esports to a position where it would be legitimised and gain the attention of new audiences. Western Esports can be seen attempting to follow in the footsteps of its South Korean counterpart in order to expand. In its pursuit of developing Esports and its legitimacy, the Championship Gaming Series (CGS) was formed in 2007. Backed by DirectTV, British Sky Broadcasting and STAR TV, Esports was being co-opted by traditional media corporations.

However, the CGS did not succeed in merging Esports with television and closed down after two seasons in 2008. From the perspective of the CGS, the problems were mainly due to the financial costs of maintaining the league. As Jenny Snegaroff, a representative of CGS, puts it, “While the concept was ahead of its time… it became increasingly clear as this ambitious project evolved, that profitability was too far in the future for us to sustain operations” (Chalk, 2008). In some ways, incorporating Esports and television was a concept that was ahead of its time in the West. Unlike in South Korea, the culture was not yet established enough, traditional notions of video games being a part of geek culture were still strongly tied.

Some in the Esports community directed the failure towards traditional television models which were not suitable for Esports. “They had this model of what they are used to doing, which is old, old media, old broadcast, and they tried to apply it” (Taylor, 2018 p.140a). Although the goal of the Esports community at the time was to be on TV in an attempt to gain legitimacy, such commercial endeavours were not welcomed by the wider gaming community - with one organiser stating, “What I always wanted was TV quality, and if it ends up on TV, great. But don’t change our games again for TV” (Taylor, 2018 p.140b). The fall of the CGS brought instability to the growth of Esports, resulting in the shift away from television as its primary method of distribution. As such, the industry began to look for alternative methods to grow the spectatorship of Esports.

Chapter 2 Chapter two will view the current contexts of Esports, where live streaming sites have become the predominant outlet of Esports’ broadcasting. The second chapter will begin with a brief history of the popular live streaming site Twitch, establishing how it operates within changing consumer behaviours. It then highlights live streaming’s use of traditional media models, its current position in the mainstream, and why individuals watch in order to evaluate how Esports has become a part of the mainstream.

2.1 The Rise of Twitch

With the rise of new technologies, Esports would soon find a new home in internet live streaming. Its transition from television to live streaming would be the beginning of Esports’ rapid development and growth. Websites like Twitch have not only stimulated the growth of major Esports tournaments but have also given individual players, a platform to extend their brand. The impact that live streaming has had on Esports is most visible in the millions of spectators that watch tournaments throughout a weekend (average run time of an Esports event) (Statista, 2018b). Although there are other game orientated live streaming sites, such as YouTube Gaming (2015) and Smashcast (2017), Twitch continues to be the most dominant, with over 15 million unique daily users (Twitch.TV, 2017).

However, the success of Twitch and other live streaming sites is not situated alone in the realm of Esports. The rise of sites such as Netflix and Amazon Prime has highlighted how non-traditional methods of broadcasting are becoming increasingly dominant. This can be linked to changes in consumer behaviours which, as many scholars agree, began with the proliferation of the Internet. The ability to quickly access information through the Internet has heightened consumers need for immediacy. However, this is elevated to another level with Netflix. Matthew Pittman and Kim Sheehan articulate that “the rapid growth and availability of streaming platforms have influenced this increasingly standard consumer behaviour [immediate watching]” (Pittman & Sheehan, 2015). One way that Esports navigates these changing consumer behaviours is through the abundance of broadcast streams available at all times, as Taylor points out; “fans, located around the world, would be hard pressed to not find something to tune into whenever they want” (2018, p.141).

These examples illustrate how game live streaming is situated in much wider media contexts.

2.2 Learning from Tradition Although Esports has moved away from television, it nonetheless makes use of traditional broadcasting models. This is demonstrated through the exclusive acquisition of Esports’ organisations, players or game titles by streaming platforms. An early example of this was former professional CoD player, Matthew “Nadeshot” Haag’s, move to stream exclusively on MLG.tv (Major League gaming, 2014). Most recently, Facebook has become the exclusive streaming site of ESL One (ESL’s Dota 2 league) and the ESL Pro League (ESL’s CS: GO league) (ESLgaming.com, 2018). What this shows is that Esports’ live streaming operates similarly to traditional media, comparable to television networks purchasing the rights to broadcast specific shows. However, while Esports live streaming resonates with television models, it is important to remember that its rise has been informed by other cultures.

For example, traditional sports have also had an immense impact on Esports’ broadcasting methods. Taylor, in her ethnographic study of Esports, shares this view, expressing that “Esports have long looked to how compelling emotional and even visceral content for viewers is created by traditional sports broadcasting” (Taylor, 2018 p.169). It is evident that Esports has structured broadcasts in a similar fashion to modern sports broadcasting, (see figure 1 and 2). Jesse Sell, an Esports business developer, defines this as “sports emulation” (2015, p.12) outlining how Esports broadcasts use storylines, statistic reels, commentators, highlight plays and narrative frames to amplify tension and excitement. These frames help to establish the increasing professionalisation that is occurring within Esports, drawing it closer to its aspiration of “TV quality” (Taylor, 2018 p.140).

Figure 1 - Call of Duty: World League. 2018. CWL Vegas analyst desk.

Figure 2 - TNT. 2014. Inside the NBA desk

Jay Bolter and Richard Grusin’s established theory of remediation, argues that “new media [is a] refashion [of] prior media forms” (Bolter & Grusin, 1999. p.273). When applying Bolter and Grusin’s theory of remediation to Esports live streaming, it is evident that Esports broadcasting has refashioned many traditional aspects of modern sports broadcasting. Bolter further suggests that “when a new media form borrows formal elements, it necessarily also borrows the cultural significance of those elements” (Bolter & Grusin, 1999 p.86). Joerik van Ditmarsch realises that “this [is] especially the case with big Esports events, which are quite similar to big traditional sports events” (2013, p.15). This can be seen through the commentators, spotlights, interviews, trophies and cash prizes which all demonstrate the spectacle that Esports is trying to create.

Events such as Dota 2’s ‘The International’ (See figure 3) showcase the high production values of these Esports events for both those attending and streaming it live. As well as

12 creating a spectacle for viewers, these events serve the purpose of attracting mainstream attention. This notion is reinforced by ESL, identifying that large events “tend to get the most outside attention, with the impressive setups and prize pools often pointed out in mainstream media” (Tocao, 2014). News publications, such as the BBC and The New York Times, have often published articles about the large prize funds in events like ‘The International’ (Powell, 2017; Wingfield, 2014). The spectacles that Esports create have become another way in which “Esports impact[s] mainstream conversations and culture” (Taylor, 2018 p.26). Additionally, cultural aspects borrowed by Esports can also be seen through the fashion of players. While Esports teams have jerseys, similar to traditional sports, players both in South Korea and the West, are beginning to emphasise popular fashion tastes. Much like in the NBA, where stars are known to dress in high-end designer brands, Esports players such as Jin Mo Yang and Nate Hill also express their fashion in the same way (see figure 4) (Lee, 2018). These examples display a sort of cultural guidance Esports receives from traditional sports and can even be seen as an attempt to battle the stigma that Esports players are nerds with poor fashion taste. While this is not the case for every Esports player, it nonetheless helps to portray an attractive image of Esports to wider audiences.

Figure 3 - Dota 2: The International. 2018. The International arena

Figure 4 – Hypebeast. 2018. Esports player Jin Mo Yang

2.3 Esports in the Mainstream

With the assistance of live streaming, Esports has transitioned and dramatically entered the mainstream industry and cultural consciousness. Its aforementioned professionalisation and commercialisation have elevated Esports’ legitimacy as an industry. Institutions and celebrities have taken notice of this growth and are taking an interest in the possibilities of this new media industry. A plethora of traditional sports teams from different fields of sports are now investing in, or creating their own professional Esports teams (Dexerto, 2016). Examples of this include Manchester City Football Club, who recently partnered up with Epsilon, a British Esports organisation, to compete in the FIFA 19 elite series (MCFC, 2018). Celebrity figures such as Drake have also taken an interest, with Drake recently investing an Esports team himself.

In 2018, Drake and Scooter Braun both became co-owners of the Esports team 100 Thieves (Perez, 2018). Drake’s investment is of crucial importance to the de-stigmatisation of Esports. Drake’s sponsorship of Esports opens it to new audiences, due to his status as a highly popular figure in mainstream culture. As well as this, universities across America and the U.K have begun offering scholarships and courses to study and play Esports (Roehampton University, 2018). This attaches a form of capital institutionalised cultural capital to Esports, a form outlined in Pierre Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory (1977). Bourdieu states that cultural capital can be deployed in different facets, defining that “capital may be institutionalised in the form of educational qualifications” (Bourdieu, 1997.

14 p.47). With this in mind, success and experience within Esports is slowly being recognised as an institutional qualification similar to that of an educational qualification.

These investments and partnerships from mainstream organisations, celebrities and institutions raises the question of whether or not Esports has already entered the mainstream. Some in the Esports community declare this to be true. Jason Lake, CEO of Complexity, has stated that “we [Esports] have had our coming out party [no longer being a niche subculture], we are the future” (Hecz, 2018). While Lake’s comment is partially true, Esports has not reached an equal level of mainstream success around the globe. This is similar to the situation between South Korean Esports and its counterpart in the West. Whereas Esports in South Korea has been a part of the mainstream for over fifteen years, it has only recently emerged as a mainstream form in the West. In contrast however, a nation like South Africa, makes up only a small fraction of the global Esports market (Esports Industry, 2017). Esports consultant Gareth Woods highlights that “despite its meteoric rise in popularity around the world, eSports and its following in South Africa remains extremely niche” (Woods, 2017). Based on this, one can conclude that the rate in which Esports becomes a part of the mainstream is affected by a country’s status as a developed country. Just as the West has only just caught up with South Korea, only time can tell when Esports will be globally mainstream.

2.4 Why We Watch

Although Esports broadcasting has seen immense success, notably in the millions that watch live, the reason as to why individuals watch Esports is still a common question. Taylor also confronts this question, stating that there is no one single reason as to why we watch. She argues that “there are six clear motivations for why people watch game live streams: aspirational, educational, inspirational, entertainment, community, and ambience” (Taylor, 2018. p.29). Taylor goes on to define how these motivations can be applied to Esports; these definitions shall be used as a model for this thesis.

“Aspirational: The aspirational mode is an orientation centred on wanting to be a better gamer… A viewer may aspire to be more skilled, hold greater expertise, or display virtuosity.

Educational: Aspirational forms often become educational motivations. This mode involves an audience member using the broadcast to investigate something about the game – to gain insight into specific techniques for how to play… viewers may glean subtler tips and tricks from watching someone play.

Inspirational: People may find themselves looking up information on their favourite game… and discover pleasure in watching another person playing something they are passionate about.

Entertainment: One of the most powerful motivators for watching live streams is the pleasure of being entertained… It can be through the experiences of discovery alongside the streamer, where you “travel along” with them as they play the game or experience the emotionality of the game through their play. [Broadcasters] will often ask questions, offer advice and not only play the game but “play to” the camera.

Community: For many, live streaming becomes a place in which their fandom for the game is embodied in the caster, and as a member of an audience, is transformed into a collective experience. Viewers may enjoy connecting to other audience members through the live chat [talking] with other viewers of the broadcaster.

Ambience: Streams [are kept] on all day as a kind of comforting background noise and movement. The presence – of the game moving in the background, the broadcaster’s image or voice… taps into a desire to be connected to something outside of one’s immediate surroundings at a deep sensory level.” (Taylor, 2018. p.39)

Taylor’s definition of these six motivations presents the audience as an active presence that chooses to engage in Esports live streaming. It is possible to make the connection that Taylor’s definitions are inspired by theories such as self-determination theory (SDT) (Ryan & Deci, 2000), uses and gratifications (UGT) (Blumler & Katz, 1997) and participatory culture (Jenkins, 1992). Ryan and Deci define SDT as a macro theory of human self-motivation and personality, formulated in three psychological needs – the need for competence (experience mastery), relatedness (experience interactions with others) and autonomy (experience self-

16 government) (2000, p.68). It is possible to start drawing similarities between relatedness and the motivations of entertainment, community and ambience as they all share the common desire to interact with others. In Esports, this psychological need of relatedness is best amplified by those who subscribe to streamers, obtaining the emoticon badge that identifies them as a part of a community (see figure 6 and 7). UGT has perhaps the most explicit link to the six motivations, offering five reasons why audiences consume media. Blumler and Katz classify that audience want: to be educated, entertained, escape reality, enhance social interaction or identify with characters in the media environment (1997). In using UGT to analyse Esports spectators, it is clear to see the available means for them to educate themselves, enhance their social interaction, escape reality and identify with characters in the environment due to the chat box alongside the stream (see figure 5). Marty Strenczewilk, CEO of Esports organisation Splyce, argues that this ability to interact and learn from streamers encourages the aspirational motivation in spectators (Meltzer, 2018). The use of UGT, in corroboration with Strenczewilk’s statement, helps to establish why people watch Esports.

Finally, Henry Jenkins defines participatory culture as cultures where individuals are not only consumers but also contribute to the media they consume (1992). Jenkins expands this thought stating that “anyone who is a consumer could become a producer. There is an informal training process in which experience participants help newbies acquire the skills they need to be involved” (1992). Using Jenkins theory, it can be established that Esports is well positioned in participatory culture. By using Esports live streams as a method of entertainment, individuals can acquire insights into specific techniques through the gameplay and advice of the streamer. This informs the spectator and gives them the ability and knowledge to become producers of the same media. Jenkins theory, in corroboration with Blumler and Katz, establishes that the ability to learn techniques from streamers is one of the factors for watching. As Taylor previously noted, there is no single reason why people watch Esports, but that it can satisfy different psychological needs depending on the contexts (Taylor, 2018).

Figure 5 – Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ chat alongside his gameplay and face-cam

Figure 6 – Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ subscriber badges

Figure 7 – Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ exclusive subscriber chat emotes

Chapter 3 While chapters one and two framed the history and current contexts of Esports, this final chapter looks to its future and considers its current imperfections. Many of the points that shall be discussed have been examined by Taylor who reviews them in great detail (2018, p.171-199). As such, she is a key figure in presenting facts and establishing sociological and ethical perspectives on the issues in Esports. Chapter three will focus on the lack of gender diversity, the global institutions that regulate Esports, and the wage gap between amateur and pro players. However, there will be some disagreements between Taylor and ethnographic findings the thesis shall propose.

3.1 Gender Diversity Perhaps the biggest obstacle Esports currently faces is its lack of inclusion. Many game scholars and news outlets have highlighted this lack of diversity in Esports (Macdonald, 2018; Meltzer, 2018; Taylor, 2018). Many factors can be attributed as to why female participation is limited within Esports. One of Taylor’s main points draws upon the imagined audiences of advertisers in Esports. She argues that “young men age eighteen to twenty-five are framed as the prized demographic for Esports sponsors and advertisers; in turn, events and the broadcasts are primarily constructed for them”. Taylor further establishes that these imagined audiences are constructed to be “captured and offered back to [traditional] advertisers and sponsors” (2018, p.186). This establishes a gender bias in advertising and sponsorship within Esports; as advertisers and sponsors in Esports do not consider women to be a demographic worth advertising to, the rhetoric that women are not interested in Esports is exacerbated.

Taylor’s assertion is grounded both in historical and present contexts. Firstly, it asserts that there are social preconceptions of video games being for boys, and are thus advertised towards them. As Strenczewilk identifies, “we do come from an era where video games are traditionally “for boys” and as such we have a larger percentage of boys that play – but this is changing every day” (Meltzer, 2018). Strenczewilk’s point that it is “changing every day” signifies that although the majority of Esports is primarily men, there is a growing interest from women. George Osborn identifies that “9% of female core gamers who watch Esports do so for more than 15 hours per week, versus 6% of men” (Osborn, 2017). Osborn’s report highlights the growing interest in Esports from women, as supported by Strenczewilk,

19 indicating a trajectory that should positively influence the gender bias of advertisers and Esports sponsors.

Taylor also establishes that there are still many barriers of entry and retention for women in Esports. She states that the “lack of access to competitive networks and informal learning, stigma and harassment, or even the lack of role models … often impede women’s ability to advance in Esports professionally” (2018, p.196). A key impediment for woman’s ability to access the Esports community relates to the harassment female players are subjected to online. Stephanie Harvey, a five-time CS: GO champion, has often stated that “the worst [part of the job] is cyberbullying” (Featherstone, 2017). While Taylor’s argument that the harassment female’s face can prohibit the progress of their professional Esports career, there is evidence to suggest that there are competitive networks and methods of informal learning that females can access.

This is perhaps most noticeable in the creation of all-female leagues and competitions. Organisers such as ESL and FSL (Female Esports League) have created female-only leagues and tournaments for players to compete in (Warr, 2016). These leagues serve as an entrance for females into competitive networks of Esports, helping improve accessibility and professional recognition. Emma Fraser, in an interview with Sky Sports, explains that “All- female leagues and competitions are important and necessary to provide positive experiences for young women” (Ingham, 2017). In addition to the female leagues, universities offering Esports courses and scholarships can also act as a stable ground for females to build their professions in Esports. Josh Williams, the founder of the national university Esports league (NUEL), concurs with this thought stating that “university, to a certain extent, helps to foster that environment that is more welcoming and encouraging to female players” (Featherstone, 2017). The creation of the female leagues and the newly established Esports scholarships and courses are just two examples of how females can learn about and develop their understandings of Esports’ competitive networks.

Although these examples do indicate the possible routes for women to advance in Esports, there is still an underlying issue, of harassment and disregard as a target audience that they face. It is an unfortunate shortcoming of Esports that despite learning from traditional sports, it was not able to avoid making the same mistakes.

3.2 The Global Governance of Esports As highlighted in chapters one and two, the popularity of different Esports titles and their position in the mainstream varies across borders. Although organisations, such as ESL and MLG, have been established to create formal tournaments and leagues to help legitimise and organise Esports, there is still a lack of global governance. Instead, game publishers such as Activision and Riot Games usually provide the governance of the leagues, due to them holding the intellectual property of their video game (Medium, 2017). While it can be argued that having game publishers act as the governing bodies for a league creates a more symbiotic relationship between Esports teams, players and game publishers, each publisher enforces different rules and regulations which can create a disparity between Esports titles. For example, Activision and Riot Games both enforce a dress code which players must abide by (Dexerto, 2017; Riot Games, 2017) whereas Valve, the publisher of CS: GO, does not. This example demonstrates the lack of unified governance in Esports. As some analysers have commented, “to ensure there is a level playing field, and to safeguard fairness for each of the Esports stakeholders and participants… it will need to ensure that it is robustly governed and regulated” (Davies et al. 2017). Without a unifying governing body to regulate Esports on a larger scale, issues such as the abuse of performance enhancing drugs (PED) will continue to be exploited. Kory “Semphis” Friesen openly stated that during an ESL event his team were “all on Adderall” (Wolf, 2017). Although this is considered an open secret in Esports, Friesen’s comment reaffirmed to organisers and spectators that the abuse of PED’s like Adderall is frequently used to gain an advantage over other players. Despite this, only ESL has taken measures to combat the abuse of PEDs (Davies et al. 2017) in their tournaments. It can be argued that since there is not a cross-title governing body, the issue of PEDs cannot be entirely controlled across Esports.

Although there have been attempts at constructing an international governing body, most have been criticised by Esports teams and journalists. One example of this is the World Esports Association (WESA), which was criticised for only attempting to represent one Esports title. As Fabio S. Vila highlights, “the player's council consists only of Counter-Strike players and therefore fails to provide a broad representation of professional eSports players” (Vila, 2016). If establishments such as the WESA want to become a global governing body for Esports they must look to define the rules and

21 regulations for all game titles, in order to present an inclusive and comprehensive representation of Esports.

The creation of the WESA is a step in the right direction, but need more time to develop alongside a variety of Esports teams and game publishers in order to adequately represent the variety within Esports. This is reinforced by Jan Pommer, a director at ESL, who states that “the players, the teams, the publishers, the tournament organisers all have to work on this [governance] jointly” (Porter, 2017). In comparison to individual game publishers governing their game titles, the construction of a global governing body would establish unified governance across different titles to combat issues of doping, player contracts and match-fixing.

3.3 Amateur vs Pro Dota 2 is the richest Esports title, presenting a total of over $100 million in its major international tournaments in the last five years (Esports Earnings, n.d.). Despite this, there is a distinct pay gap between professionals and amateurs due to a lack of support from league and tournament organisers. Ferguson Mitchell claims that “the annual, one-off format of The International, and its merciless qualifier system, has created an imbalanced system that steamrolls teams and players who do not perform to a certain level” (Mitchell, 2014). He further underlines that it is the “underclassman” – those players not yet at the most elite level that make the final event – “are being trampled by an unrewarding and unforgiving format” (Taylor, 2018). In this environment teams are “buil[t] around the event” (Mitchell, 2014), highlighting that only the most elite of players can compete while amateurs are regularly outcast. It is important to note that while this gap is true in most Esports titles, there are signs of it improving. Activision and Blizzard Entertainment have created amateur leagues in CoD and Overwatch. The Call of Duty: World League (CWL) has created a league, specifically for amateur players to compete, with the ability to transition to the professional scene. This is described as a “great way for up-and-coming players and organisations to get support throughout the season but also for Pro League organisations to see and scout the biggest rising stars in the Esports today” (Call of Duty, 2018). While CoD and Overwatch are heading in the right direction; it can be argued that all Esports titles should adopt this approach in order to attract more players who may have protentional to play professionally. Perhaps with the establishment of a global governing body, Esports would be better

22 equipped to support players in creating a path from the amateur to the professional leagues.

Conclusion The purpose of this thesis has been to address the historical, current and prospective contexts of Esports. Taking into consideration a comprehensive set of sociological, political and cultural variables, one can deconstruct the rising popularity of Esports to analyse its past and ascertain its trajectory. Based on this analysis, a number of conclusions can be made. Firstly, a comparison between South Korea and the West highlights the importance of cultural attitudes towards growing Esports and battling its stigma; whereas South Korea have long welcomed Esports into the mainstream, the West has lagged behind. Despite this, Western Esports has found new methods to battle this stigma and attract mainstream attention. The rise of live streaming technologies like Twitch has had an immense impact on the rise of Esports. The lessons learned from traditional media and sports have been imperative in the construction of Twitch which has served to heighten the legitimacy of Esports. Moreover, the increasing interest from mainstream figures, organisations and institutions, has further catapulted it into mainstream consciousness as a dominant cultural form.

However, Esports is not without its flaws and has many issues to tackle as it continues to develop. Such issues include harassment, lack of gender diversity, the lack of a global governing body and the distinct wage gap between amateurs and professionals. It will be interesting to see what advances Esports will make as it continues to develop. Whether or not the industry decides to tackle its flaws, the investments in Esports have secured its future.

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VII

List of Figures: Figure 1: Call of Duty: World League. 2018. CWL Vegas analyst desk [Accessed 17 Jan 2019]

Figure 2: TNT. 2014. Inside the NBA desk [Online] Available at: https://imgcop.com/img/Tnt- Nba-31620769/ [Accessed 18 Jan 2019]

Figure 3: Dota 2: The International. 2018. The International arena [Online] Available at: https://www.foxsportsasia.com/author/nikko/ [Accessed 18 Jan 2019]

Figure 4: Hypebeast. 2018. Esports player Jin Mo Yang [Online] Available at: https://hypebeast.com/2018/11/seoul-dynasty-pro-gaming-overwatch-league-interview [Accessed 19 Jan 2019]

Figure 5: Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ chat alongside his gameplay and face-cam [Online]

Figure 6: Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ subscriber badges [Online]

Figure 7: Twitch. 2019. Screenshot of Nickmercs’ exclusive subscriber chat emotes [Online]

VIII