Ultranationalism and the Art of the Stateless State
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Cultural Imperialism in the Philippines
with the National Democratic Movement of —Reader #1 the Philippines Towards a People´s Culture Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #1: [email protected] Towards a Towards a People’s Culture www.newworldsummit.eu Editor: New World Academy Jonas Staal Research, Development, People’s Culture in dialogue with Jose Maria Sison and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Jan de Bruin Şeyma Bayram (NWS), Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova Coordinator & Proofreader: (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Gwen Parry Paul Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur (NWS), Arjan van Meeuwen Design: (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), in collaboration with Gwen Parry (BAK), Merel Andrea Spikker Somhorst (BAK), Jonas Staal (NWS), and Ivo Verburg (BAK) Lithography and Printing: Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam Cover and Chapter Images: Unless otherwise noted, all imag- ISBN: 978-90-77288-18-4 es in the reader are part of a 2013 photo series of the preliminary New World Academy Reader #1 Every effort has been made to designs, construction, use, and obtain copyright permission for burning of effigies, the “protest images. We apologize for any puppetry” used by members of inadvertent omissions and pledge the National Democratic Move- to correct them in future editions. ment in the Philippines to depict The texts in this reader are and critique governing forces. published according to individual Photos: Jonas Staal agreements with the authors, no part of this publication may be NWA has been made financially reproduced in any manner possible by Fentener van without written permission of Vlissingen Fonds, Utrecht; the publishers. -
Pathways out of Violence Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela
Roskilde University Pathways out of violence Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela Published in: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Publication date: 2018 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Bourne, A. (2018). Pathways out of violence: Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, 17(3), 45-66. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 3, 2018, 45-66. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/201 8/Bourne.pdf Pathways out of Violence: Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Angela Bourne Roskilde University Abstract In this article, I examine political processes leading to the legalization of the Batasuna- successor parties, Bildu and Sortu. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
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HispanismeS Revue de la Société des Hispanistes Français 16 | 2020 Langues en contact avec l’espagnol et défis sociétaux Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco Un breve análisis del tiempo presente Radicalisation nationaliste en Catalogne et pacification au Pays basque. Une brève analyse de l'époque actuelle Nationalist radicalisation in Catalonia and pacification in the Basque Country. A brief analysis of the present time Mathieu Petithomme Edición electrónica URL: https://journals.openedition.org/hispanismes/757 DOI: 10.4000/hispanismes.757 ISSN: 2270-0765 Editor Société des Hispanistes Français Referencia electrónica Mathieu Petithomme, «Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco», HispanismeS [En línea], 16 | 2020, Publicado el 01 diciembre 2020, consultado el 31 agosto 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/hispanismes/757 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/hispanismes.757 Este documento fue generado automáticamente el 31 agosto 2021. Les contenus de cette revue sont mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco 1 Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco Un breve análisis del tiempo presente Radicalisation nationaliste en Catalogne et pacification au Pays basque. Une brève analyse de l'époque actuelle Nationalist radicalisation in Catalonia and pacification in the Basque Country. A brief analysis of the present time Mathieu Petithomme Introducción Desde hace más de una década, en el contexto posterior a la crisis económica del 2008, un marco de referencia casi monolítico se ha impuesto en los medios de comunicación y en el espacio público, según el cual estaríamos asistiendo en Europa al auge de los «nacionalismos» y de los «separatismos». -
İspanya'da 2011 Seçimleri Ve Bask Solunun Yükselişinin Nedenleri
Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) Cilt/ Volume:7, Sayı/Number:1 Yıl/Year:2012 İspanya’da 2011 Seçimleri ve Bask Solunun Yükselişinin Nedenleri 2011 Spain Elections and The Reasons of The Rising of Basque Left Ömer Behram Özdemir1 Özet 2011 yılı İspanya’da yerel ve genel seçimlerin yapıldığı yıl olmasının haricinde hükümet değişikliğinin yaşandığı yıl olarak da tarihe geçecektir. Lakin bu seçimler yılının gelecekte İspanya siyasi tarihinde önemli bir yere sahip olacak olmasının sebebi ise Abertzale (Yurtsever) solun tekrar Bask siyasi yaşamında bir aktör haline gelmesi ve genel ve yerel seçimlerde oldukça parlak sonuçlar almasıdır. Bask bölgesinde hükümet koalisyonunu oluşturan merkez partilerin oy kaybı yaşadığı, gelenekçi sağ Bask milliyetçisi PNV’nin ise duraklamaya girdiği 2011 seçimlerinde Abertzale solun çekirdeğinde yer aldığı Bildu ve Amaiur koalisyonlarının yerel ve genel seçimlerde yaşadıkları oy patlaması ve elde ettikleri başarı ETA’nın zayıflatıldığı ve ateşkes ilan ettiği bir dönemde Bask sorununun siyaset mecrasında çözülmekten başka bir çözüm yoluna sahip olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu makalede 2011 seçimlerine kadar yaşanan süreç ve 2011 seçim süreci ele alınarak Bask solunun yükselişinin siyasi ve sosyal sebepleri tartışılacaktır. Anahtar kelimeler: İspanya, Bask, Abertzale, Seçimler, ETA. 1 Arş. Gör., Sakarya Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü. 89 Ömer Behram Özdemir Abstract In 2011 Spain had a year of elections which changed the government but also changed the Basque politics. Under the Bildu and Amaiur coalitions Abertzale left gained a huge success at both general and local elections. While centralist parties PP and PSE were loosing votes and autonomist-traditionalist PNV was making no headway, with the results which Bildu and Amaiur coalitions got Abertzale left had shown that in this era which ETA is weakened politics is the only solution for the Basque problem. -
Post-Propaganda
JONAS STAAL POST-PROPAGANDA THE NETHErlands FOUndatION for VISUal Arts, DESIgn and ARCHITECTURE FOREWord I. INSTITUTIonal CrITIQUE II. CRITICS III. Art InstITUTION IV. PolITICS V. Propaganda VI. Post-Propaganda VII. PrograMME ACKnoWLEdgEMEnts ABOUT THIS PUBLICATION FOREWord writer’s path. In the linguistic universe of Jonas Staal, the concepts of autonomy, necessity, freedom, claiming While artists continue to appeal for their freedom and producing, politics and art are inextricably linked, and autonomy, the imperativeness of what they do perhaps to the point of No way out – as Bret Easton Ellis is becoming increasingly clear. Artists must depict wrote just as unrelentingly. the zeitgeist, become engaged, descend from their ivory towers, go international, nurture a social Lex ter Braak conscience, make comprehensible work, engage Director of Fonds BKVB in debate, be conscious of their actions – at least according to everyone with an opinion about art (critics, politicians, curators, policy makers, clients). The turbulent times of art manifestos in which the artist, flaming and blaming, determined the desired direction of art himself, are long gone. He leaves the arguments to critics, observers, policy makers and curators. The place and interpretation of art, of his own art, in public opinion eludes him. Considering this, the Fonds BKVB (The Netherlands Foundation for Visual Arts, Design and Architecture) is delighted to have visual artist Jonas Staal contribute to the Fonds BKVB series of essays and examine the position of artist, observer, policy maker and politician. His passionate and critical analysis refuses to deploy Baron von Münchhausen’s obvious disappearing act. He does not escape from his own world by pulling himself out by his hair, but instead considers himself a part of the world he is assessing. -
Lost. in Between. Together
Lost. In Be tween. Together. Refugees. of Struggle Collective —Reader #2 with We Are Here Collective Struggle of Refugees. Lost. In Between. Together. Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #2: [email protected] Collective Collective Struggle of Refugees. www.newworldsummit.eu Lost. In Between. Together New World Academy Editor: Research, Development, Struggle of Jonas Staal and Realization Team: in dialogue with We Are Here Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Bouadi (NWS), Jan de Bruin Associate Editor: (NWS), Vincent W.J. van Gerven Refugees. Şeyma Bayram Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Coordinator & Proof Reader: Paul Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Gwen Parry Maur (NWS), Arjan van Meeuw- Lost. In Between. en (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel Design: (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam Gwen Parry (BAK), Merel Som- with Andrea Spikker horst (BAK), Jonas Staal (NWS), Together. and Ivo Verburg (BAK) Lithography and Printing: Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam Cover and Chapter Images: pp. 11, 12, 20, 25, 40 depict the ISBN: 978-90-77288-19-1 We Are Here tent camp on the Notweg in Amsterdam during New World Academy Reader #2 Every effort has been made to September to November 2012. obtain copyright permission for Photos: Erik Veld. All other im- images. We apologize for any ages depict life in and around the inadvertent omissions and pledge Vluchtkerk between November to correct them in future editions. 2012 and March 2013, including The texts in this reader are the preparations for the move published according to individual to the Vluchtkantoor. Photos: agreements with the authors, no Manette Ingenegeren. -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation. -
Sub-State Nationalist Strategies in Multilevel Polities*
JCMS 2018 Volume 56. Number 3. pp. 717–729 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12710 Breaking-up within Europe: Sub-state Nationalist Strategies in Multilevel Polities* DANIEL CETRÀ1 and ROBERT LIÑEIRA2 1University of Aberdeen and Centre on Constitutional Change 2University of Edinburgh Abstract This article examines sub-state nationalist strategies in relation to European integration in the Basque Country, Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. First, we discuss the impact of European and economic integration on sovereignty and the cost of independence for small nations. Second, we compare the support for the European project in our four territories. We stress that European integration is a divisive issue in British politics but fundamentally consensual in the other cases. Third, we examine the European strategies of sub-state nationalist parties. We distinguish between two broad strategies, one maximizing regional influence in the EU and the other promoting inde- pendence within the EU. Regarding the latter, we focus on the cases of Scotland and Catalonia, where sub-state nationalist parties currently seek independence. Keywords: sub-state mobilization; Basque Country; Catalonia; Flanders; Scotland Introduction European integration is not only transforming domestic politics and policies, but it also has the potential to transform European polities.1 However, the direction of change is unclear given that European integration seems to create incentives to both polity integration and polity segmentation. While early functionalist theories maintained that economic integration would lead to political integration (Haas, 1958; Mitrany, 1966), more recently it has been argued that economic integration facilitates small countries’ independence by providing them with access to large markets (Alesina and Spolaore, 2005; Colomer, 2007). -
Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective
Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective REGULATING POLITICAL PARTIES European Democracies in Comparative Perspective Edited by Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Leiden University Press Cover design: Suzan Beijer Layout: CO2 Premedia ISBN 978 90 8728 218 9 e-ISBN 978 94 0060 195 6 (e-pdf) e-ISBN 978 94 0060 196 3 (e-pub) NUR 754 © Ingrid van Biezen / Hans-Martien ten Napel /Leiden University Press, 2014 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Th is book is distributed in North America by the University of Chicago Press (www.press.uchicago.edu). Table of contents Introduction 7 Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Chapter 1: Democracy and the Legal Regulation of Political Parties 17 Richard S. Katz Chapter 2: Dilemmas of Regulating Political Finance, with Special Reference to the Dutch Case 45 Ruud Koole Chapter 3: Lessons from the Past: Party Regulation in the Netherlands 71 Remco Nehmelman Chapter 4: Th e Constitutionalization of Political Parties in Post-war Europe 93 Ingrid van Biezen Chapter 5: Party Laws in Comparative Perspective 119 Fernando Casal Bértoa, Daniela R. Piccio & Ekaterina R. Rashkova Chapter 6: Explaining Legislative Confl ict over the Adoption of Political Financing Law in the European Union 149 Wojciech Gagatek Chapter 7: Th e SGP Case: Did it Really (Re)Launch the Debate on Party Regulation in the Netherlands 181 Hans-Martien ten Napel & Jaco van den Brink Chapter 8: Will it All End in Tears? What Really Happens when Democracies Use Law to Ban Political Parties 195 Tim Bale table of contents Chapter 9: Ethnic Party Regulation in Eastern Europe 225 Ekaterina R. -
ELDH Statement
ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy & World Human Rights EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen & Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie & les Droits de l'Homme EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i diritti dell'Uomo nel Mondo Duesseldorf / London, June 2011 ELDH: Appeal for the unbanning of SORTU In its statement issued on 24th February this year, ELDH stated that it “regards the foundation of the political party SORTU as opening up a real chance for transition to a peaceful and democratic solution of the conflicts in the Basque Country. This new party SORTU has on the occasion of its obligatory registration with the Spanish Interior Ministry presented its statute in which - without ambiguity – it clearly rejects the use of violence for the fulfilment of its political aims. In this context it refers explicitly to the violence committed by the ETA organization. It also clearly expresses its intention not to allow any continuation of those parties illegalized and banned by the Spanish Supreme Court.” Only a few weeks later SORTU was banned by the Spanish Supreme court. Although the founders of SORTU appealed to the Spanish Constitutional Court, it was not possible to get a decision in time before the local and regional elections. Therefore in order to give Basque politicians the possibility to participate in the elections in Spain on 22rd May 2011, Bildu, a coalition of pro-independence parties was founded. -
El Proyecto Político De EH BILDU1
Anuario de Movimientos Sociales 2014 El proyecto político de EH BILDU1 Floren Aoiz, militante de Sortu y director de la Fundación Iratzar. Tiempo de reacciones y alternativas frente a la desatada ofensiva del neoliberalismo Idolatrada hasta el delirio en las últimas décadas en medio de la euforia neoliberal desatada tras la caída del Muro de Berlín, la democracia liberal se enfrenta ahora a una crisis multidimensional. Se evidencia la brecha entre la retórica democrática y la realidad del reparto cada vez más desigual del poder económico. En un clima de precariedad, empobrecimiento, crecientes desigualdades sociales y deterioro de las funciones sociales del estado se expulsa de la "democracia de propietarios" a millones de personas, desencantadas con la frustración de las expectativas generadas. Democracia, en plena agresión neoliberal, pasa a ser, incluso en el denominado primer mundo, deudocracia. El mito del adelgazamiento del estado evidencia su falsedad con la creciente militarización y el avance de la securocracia, con nuevas leyes represivas, muros y vallas, prohibiciones y presiones de todo tipo para evitar protestas y cambios sociales. La subordinación de los poderes públicos a los intereses privados y las formas arrogantes y autoritarias generalizadas en las élites políticas han ido generando un desencanto que ha evolucionado hacia la indignación, dando lugar a una gran energía social potencialmente transformadora. La corrupción aparece en este contexto como la expresión más insultante de la podredumbre del modelo. La sociedad se descubre ajena a las grandes líneas de la política, la economía..., ante las que nada puede decir ni hacer. Le llamaban democracia pero en realidad, dado el mecanismo de toma de las decisiones fundamentales, bien podría definirse como dedocracia.