Squibs and Discussion

LIMITS ON ALLOMORPHY:ACASE Reporting on a study of 79 languages (see appendix B), I argue that STUDY IN NOMINAL SUPPLETION (morpho)syntactic structure plays a crucial role in two observed asym- Beata Moskal metries: (a) in nouns, number-driven root suppletion is common while University of Connecticut case-driven root suppletion is virtually unattested, and (b) in contrast to lexical nouns, pronouns commonly supplete for both number and case. I propose that the structural difference between lexical nouns and pronouns, combined with locality effects as proposed in Distributed Morphology (DM; Halle and Marantz 1993), accounts for the two asymmetries. This raises the question whether these asymmetries can be captured in frameworks that deny that hierarchical syntactic struc- ture plays a role in the morphology, such as word-and-paradigm ap- proaches (e.g., Anderson 1992, Stump 2001).

1 Introduction Suppletion refers to the situation where a single lexical item is associ- ated with two phonologically unrelated forms, and the choice of form depends on the morphosyntactic context (see Corbett 2007 on specific criteria for canonical suppletion).1 Although rare in absolute terms, it is regularly observed across languages (Hippisley et al. 2004). For illustration, compare the (nonsuppletive) adjective-comparative-super- lative paradigm smart-smarter-smartest, in which the root remains the same throughout, with the familiar example of good-better-best. In the latter case, the root in the adjective surfaces as good, but in the context of the comparative (and superlative) we see be(tt). With respect to nouns, languages can display suppletion for number (#). In Ket (Werner

Many thanks to Jonathan Bobaljik, Andrea Calabrese, and Peter Smith for invaluable discussion of the ideas presented here. I would also like to thank audiences at BLS 39, GLOW 36, PhonoLAM, SIRG (McGill/UQAM), and the Allomorphy: Logic and Limitations workshop, and the anonymous LI re- viewers for all their comments. 1 The important question of exactly what counts as a suppletive root can- not be resolved here. Rather, the criterion for noun suppletion here is singular- plural pairs identified as suppletive in prior literature, where these are strongly suppletive—that is, not plausibly related by (possibly idiosyncratic) phonologi- cal (readjustment) rules.

Linguistic Inquiry, Volume 46, Number 2, Spring 2015 363–376 ᭧ 2015 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology doi: 10.1162/ling_a_00185 363

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1997), canonical nouns display a nasal suffix in the plural (1), but suppletive nouns display root suppletion in the same context (2).2

(1) SINGULAR PLURAL am ama-√ ‘mother’ do≈ndo≈na-√ ‘knife’ kyl kyle-n ‘crow’

(2) SINGULAR PLURAL oks’ a≈q ‘tree’ dil’ kR≈t ‘child’ k[≈td[≈-√ ‘man’ Curiously, though, as remarked briefly by Bybee (1985:93) and con- firmed in the study of 79 languages described here, root suppletion of nouns in the context of case (K) seems to be largely unattested (appar- ent counterexamples are discussed in section 4.1). In stark contrast, pronouns regularly display suppletion for num- ber (see also Corbett 2005), as well as case. Consider, for instance, number-driven suppletion in 2nd person pronouns (3) and case-driven suppletion in 1st person pronouns (4) in Latvian (Mathaissen 1997).

(3) SINGULAR PLURAL NOM tu ju¯s DAT/ACC tev/tevi jums/ju¯s (4) SINGULAR PLURAL NOM es me¯s DAT/ACC man/mani mums/mu¯s Indeed, it is widely assumed that pronouns have less structure than lexical nouns (Postal 1969, Longobardi 1994, De´chaine and Wiltschko 2002). Crucially, I assume that lexical nouns (5) contain, at a minimum, a root and a category-defining node n. In essence, the n node will have the effect that the root and K are not sufficiently local.3 In contrast, pronouns (6) are, at their core, functional (D) (‘‘D’’ is used merely as a label) and thus lack the category-defining node that intervenes between the root and K in (5).4

2 See appendix A for a (nonexhaustive) list of languages with number- driven noun suppletion. 3 As pointed out by two anonymous reviewers, nouns and pronouns also differ in terms of frequency as well as their diachronic history. However, while diachrony and frequency effects relate to typological generalizations, locality effects as proposed here are assumed to be universal (see Corbett 2007) and as such allow no exceptions; see Kiparsky 2008 for discussion. Also recall that one of the asymmetries identified here involves nouns alone: while noun suppletion is well-attested, it is only in the context of number, not of case. 4 Two notes are in order here. First, in (5)–(6) I use standard adjunction structures, with X0 [X0 Y0]. All tree diagrams here and below will represent internally complex X0s, however those are derived (see Bobaljik 2012). The labeling of the nonterminal (branching) nodes of the structures will not play a role in the analysis.

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(5) K

#K

n#

root n (6) K

#K

D# In section 2, I first introduce the relevant background in which the analysis is couched, and briefly discuss the relevant notion of structural locality in morphology. In section 3, I discuss the structure of nominals in more detail and how it interacts with locality restrictions to prohibit case-driven root suppletion in lexical nouns. In section 4, I discuss some predictions that follow from the particular formalization of structural locality proposed here, showing further support for the role of locality in suppletion; and in section 5, I offer final remarks.

2 Locality DM crucially incorporates hierarchical structure into the morphology; essentially, it assumes the input to morphology to be syntactic struc- ture. Features (or feature bundles) are distributed over nodes, which in turn are subject to Vocabulary Insertion (VI). Furthermore, VI pro- ceeds cyclically from the lowest element in the structure outward. Suppletion is modeled as contextual allomorphy; that is, although a particular feature bundle has a corresponding exponent as a context- free default, an exponent specified for a more specific context takes precedence (per the Elsewhere Principle; Kiparsky 1973). Consider

Second, De Belder and Van Craenenbroeck (2011) suggest that pronomi- nal exponents can also be inserted in root position, rather than always occurring as true pronouns, in order to account for forms such as ge-ik ‘egocentricity’ (Dutch) and duzen ‘to address with the familiar 2nd person singular form’ (German). Indeed, following this line of thought, these particular forms should fail to supplete for case, which is correct (*ge-mij,*dirzen).

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again the good-better-best paradigm; its regular (context-free) expo- nent is good, but in the context of the comparative (and superlative) it corresponds to be(tt).

(7) √GOOD ⇔ be(tt) / comparative √GOOD ⇔ good Now, consider the representation of lexical nouns (see (5)). A key assumption here, standard in DM (Marantz 1997), is that they contain, at a minimum, a root that is unspecified for features tradition- ally associated with nouns (person, number, case, etc.) and a category- defining node n: [root n]. In addition, I use K as an umbrella for what is realized as case (see, e.g., Caha 2009, Radkevich 2010, Pesetsky 2013, for more articulated representations). Similarly, I collapse the ␾-features, and for expository reasons I equate ␾ with its internal constituents, in particular with number (#). Furthermore, in accordance with Greenberg’s (1963) universal 39, K is assumed to be located higher than #. (8) Universal 39 (Greenberg 1963:95) Where morphemes of both number and case are present and both follow or both precede the noun base, the expression of number always comes between the noun base and the expression of case. This gives the abstract representation for a canonical lexical noun in (5). As alluded to above, the crucial characteristic that distinguishes lexical nouns from pronouns is that the former contain a root and a category-defining n. Specifically, the presence of n results in K’s being insufficiently local to the root to govern its suppletion (see in particular Embick 2010 and Bobaljik 2012 for locality restrictions in DM). Minimally, the cyclicity hypothesis is assumed, which entails that accessibility to structure is domain-dependent. That is, certain nodes in the structure function as domain delimiters and morphological processes are confined to operate within domains. In syntax, cyclic domains are implemented as phases (Chomsky 2000, 2001), where the head of a phase triggers Spell-Out of its sister, rendering elements in the sister opaque to interactions with elements in higher domains. The analogous notion within morphology is that there are locality domains within a complex X0. A domain-delimiting head induces the morphological ana- logue of Spell-Out, VI, of its sister. In a complex X0 [[A ␣] B], if ␣ is a cyclic head, it spells out its sister: A. Assuming that Spell-Out freezes a string, B and A cannot interact across ␣ (Embick 2010, Bobaljik 2012; see Scheer 2010 for an overview). In morphology, domain delimiters are category heads (Embick 2010). On the assumption that a category head is a cyclic head that spells out its sister, n causes Spell-Out of the root, which here amounts to VI of the root.5 Now, if Spell-Out and accessibility for governing

5 I assume that both roots and functional vocabulary are inserted late (see Corbett 2007, Bonet and Harbour 2010, and Harley to appear for discussion).

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suppletion lined up perfectly, no allomorphy would ever cross a cate- gory-defining node, since the root would always be closed off. How- ever, this theory would be too restrictive, incorrectly limiting sup- pletion to be exclusively sensitive to category-defining nodes, whereas in fact there is plenty of evidence that the root must have access to at least a small amount of structure above the domain-defining head (Embick 2010). Following Embick (2010), I assume that a morphological depen- dency may span no more than one cyclic node. In effect, this amounts to the following: in a structure [[A ␣] B] where ␣ is cyclic, although only A is subject to Spell-Out, both (cyclic) ␣ and B are accessible to condition contextual allomorphy at A (provided that ␣ is phonologi- cally null, since Embick adds linear adjacency as a requirement on contextual allomorphy). There are at least two ways this condition might be derived. On the one hand, it might simply be stipulated, a kind of morphological subjacency (see Moskal to appear), along the lines of Embick’s (2010) C1LIN (see also section 5). On the other hand, it might be derived from a dynamic approach to domains. Specif- ically, Bobaljik and Wurmbrand (2013) argue that nodes are desig- nated inherently only as potential phase initiators; whether a node is an actual phase initiator or not depends on whether it is the highest node of an extended projection (Grimshaw 2005; see also Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2005, Den Dikken 2007, Bo'kovic´ 2014, Wurmbrand 2014). That is, not until the next node is accessed is it known whether the potential phase initiator is the top projection and, as such, an actual phase initiator. Since access to one node above the category-defining node is required to determine its status, that node itself is a potential context for root allomorphy, and therefore, the accessibility domain is made up of the VI node and one node above.

3 Nominals Returning to the structure of lexical nouns (5), recall that VI proceeds cyclically from the root outward (Bobaljik 2000, Embick 2010). Cyclic n triggers Spell-Out (here, VI) of its complement, the root. For practi- cal application, consider the VI rules for the suppletive forms for ‘child’ in Ket (2), illustrative of the general schema for number sup- pletion.6 ≈ (9) √CHILD ⇔ kR t/ PL √CHILD ⇔ dil’ ≈ The more specific VI rule is selected, √CHILD ⇔ kR t/ PL, and the # value is available to condition root suppletion since at the point where the root undergoes VI, # is sufficiently local to govern root suppletion. That is, when the plural is merged, n (a potential domain)

6 Here I put aside the question of when the plural morpheme is the regular plural exponent or a zero, an issue that arises in English past tense (run–ran vs. tell–tol-d) and comparatives (bett-er vs. worse) as well.

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is confirmed as a domain, and VI applies at the root, with n and # being accessible. (10) K

#K

n PL

√CHILD n Crucially, the root cannot access information about case, however, since at the point where the root is subject to VI, K is located too far away to govern root suppletion. It is important to note that it is cyclic locality that prevents the root from accessing case information. That is, nothing prevents the formulation of a hypothetical VI entry making reference to K, as in (11); rather, a VI rule as in (11) is an illegitimate item, since K is inaccessible for reasons of locality.

(11) √CHILD ⇔ gu: / K At this point, a note on portmanteaux is in order (e.g., Halle and Marantz 1993, Radkevich 2010). In languages in which # and K are fused into a single morpheme (a portmanteau), we might predict that K should be able to influence root suppletion since the node hosting .K complex seems sufficiently localם# the (12) K

n#ϩK

root n However, this is not attested; suppletion in the context of a portmanteau K morpheme is governed by (plural) number and not by case, asם# exemplified in (13), from Serbo-Croatian.7

(13) SINGULAR PLURAL NOM ?ovek ljud-i ‘man’ ACC ?ovek-a ljud-e Crucially, though, I assume that (12) is not the underlying structure; rather, it is derived from (5). Therefore, although portmanteaux look

7 Prima facie, Slovenian offers a counterexample: in the dual, ?lo´vek ‘per- son’ suppletes for genitive and locative; however, genitive dual and locative dual are syncretic with genitive plural and locative plural, respectively (Corbett 2009). Thus, we observe plural-driven rather than case-driven suppletion.

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like they have the structure in (12), at the relevant point of the deriva- tion, they still have the structure in (5). Specifically, if their portman- teau structure is only relevant when (at least one of) their constituents undergo VI, the portmanteau nature of [#-K] would only be relevant when (at least) # undergoes VI. In this way, portmanteau creation counterfeeds case-driven root suppletion since the former applies too late. Crucially, at the point where the root is subject to VI, it is irrele- vant whether the node that is structurally adjacent, #, will later become part of a portmanteau or not; either way, the locality restrictions hold and case-driven suppletion is banned.8 In sum, while number-driven root suppletion is possible, case- driven suppletion is excluded by cyclic locality. Thus, we derive the lack of case-driven root suppletion in lexical nouns. With regard to pronouns (6), recall that I assume they lack n. Importantly, the absence of n has the result that in pronouns both # and K are potential contexts for suppletion. Concretely, the VI entries for Latvian (singular) 1st person (4) are as follows: (14) [2] ⇔ man / K [2] ⇔ es Crucially, VI entries for pronouns that make reference to K are legiti- mate items since K is accessible. That is, given the lack of a category- defining node, no domain is created low in the structure: in pronouns, suppletion in the context of number as well as case is possible.

4 More or Less Structure 4.1 Numberless Nouns An interesting prediction from the proposal made here is that in nouns that lack a # node, case-driven root suppletion should become possi- ble.9 In Archi (Nakh-Daghestanian), the form for ‘father’ displays suppletion for ergative case (Archi Dictionary).

(15) SINGULAR PLURAL ABS a´bt:u — ‘father’ ERG u´mmu — Intriguingly, though, this form is a singulare tantum and as such does not have a corresponding plural. I propose that Archi’s ‘father’ is defective in that it lacks a # projection and its inherent singular value

8 Here, I remain neutral about whether portmanteaux are formed by a structure-changing operation (e.g., fusion, rebracketing; see Radkevich 2010) or by ‘‘spanning’’ (i.e., VI at multiple nodes simultaneously; see Svenonius 2011, Merchant 2015). 9 It is the presence or absence of # rather than the overt realization of number morphology that determines K’s accessibility for governing root sup- pletion (see Moskal 2013 for discussion).

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is located on n (see Kramer 2012 and Smith 2014 for proposals that inherent number may be on n). Given that # is missing in Archi’s ‘father’, the (ergative) K node is accessible as a context for root sup- pletion since K becomes the node above category-defining n. The VI rules for (15) are given in (17). (16) K

n[ERG]

√FATHER n

(17) √FATHER ⇔ u´mmu / K √FATHER ⇔ a´bt:u Crucially, the VI entries in (17) are interpretable since K is accessible for this item. In addition to Archi’s ‘father’, the form for ‘child’ in Archi and ‘water’ and ‘son’ in Lezgian (Nakh-Daghestanian) also supplete for case.10 In Moskal to appear, I argue that these three nouns lack a # node in the relevant context, thus allowing for (limited) case-driven root suppletion. For instance, consider Lezgian ‘water’ (Haspelmath 1993, pers. comm.).

(18) SINGULAR PLURAL ABS jad jat-ar ‘water’ OBL c-i jat-ar-i First, note that the plural morpheme (-ar) blocks the suppletive root from surfacing (jat-ar-i ‘water-PL-OBL’ rather than *c-ar-i). In- deed, we expect the regular root to surface in the oblique plural, since the plural morpheme intervenes between the root and K, blocking root suppletion (see also section 4.2): [[[√WATER n] PL] OBL]. Second, the suffix on the singular oblique form is a single vowel -i, which I analyze in Moskal to appear as a ‘‘pure’’ oblique suffix. Other nouns have an additional affix between the root and the oblique marker, in the singular, which I take to be an exponent of singular number: fı´l-d-i ‘elephant-SG-OBL’. Therefore, I suggest that in the item

10 The only other apparent counterexample comes from Gaelic. (i) SINGULAR PLURAL NOM bean mnatha ‘wife’ GEN mna` ban DAT mnaoi mnathan Though I leave a detailed study for future research, these forms might involve readjustment: syncope of the first syllable and /b/ N /m/ before nasals. Many thanks to David Adger for bringing this case to my attention.

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for ‘water’, the singular is pruned in the context of oblique case, resulting 11 in a structure analogous to that of Archi’s ‘father’: [[√WATER n] OBL].

4.2 Blocking A second prediction that follows from the locality restrictions identi- fied here is that when a node X intervenes between n and #, case- driven root suppletion should be blocked, since only n and X would be accessible to potentially govern suppletion. (19) #

X#

n X

root n In Slavic languages, the diminutive is closer to the root than #: [[[root n] DIM] #]. Strikingly, as the following Serbo-Croatian case shows, this configuration indeed prevents case-driven root suppletion.

(20) SINGULAR PLURAL ?ovek ljud-i ‘man’ ?ove?-ic´ *ljud-ic´ -i ‘man-DIM’ Rather than having a suppletive form ljudic´i, Serbo-Croatian forms the diminutive plural with a periphrastic construction, mali ljudi ‘small peo- ple’ (?ove?ic´i is marginally accepted). Similarly, in Polish the suppleting singular-plural pair for ‘man’, czØowiek – ludzie, fails to supplete in the diminutive: *ludziki (if anything, czØowiecz-k-i is accepted). Note that Polish does have a form ludz-ik-i, but this refers to figurines and has a corresponding singular ludz-ik ‘figurine-DIM’. In Russian, the form ?elove?ki is attested in the Russian National Corpus, whereas ljud?iki is not. In sum, when an element intervenes between n and #, number- driven root suppletion is blocked, exactly as predicted by the formula- tion of locality assumed here.12

11 I assume that there is a preference to keep nodes intact. Indeed, work on (adjectival) suppletion (Bobaljik 2012) seems to show that the lack of an exponent does not change structural relations; that is, if pruning of (null) Cmpr were freely available, then Sprl would be expected to trigger root suppletion, which is unattested. Thus, pruning seems to be a highly marked configuration; presumably, missing features are derivationally costly, but I leave an investiga- tion into the nature of pruning to future research. 12 As an anonymous reviewer points out, the current proposal makes pre- dictions about more fine-grained morphological subanalysis; I leave this to future research.

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It is worth noting that Arregi and Nevins (to appear) account for the lack of suppletion in one form of a disuppletive pair, such as worse/badder, by drawing on a parallel notion of blocking where an additional functional head intervenes in the structure. For example, suppletion is blocked in the comparative form of evaluative bad— namely, badder—owing to the presence of an evaluative element, adding further support to locality as defined here.

5 Final Remarks In this squib, I addressed the peculiar asymmetry between lexical nouns and pronouns with regard to case-driven suppletion. I showed that a minimal approach to locality, which crucially draws on syntactic hierarchical structure as the input to morphology, suffices to explain why case-driven suppletion fails to be observed in canonical lexical nouns, while it is common in pronouns. Specifically, given a dynamic approach to locality, the presence of a category-defining node n in- duces a domain low in the structure, preventing K from being suffi- ciently local to govern root suppletion. Furthermore, nodes that are accessible for governing root suppletion are the category-defining (po- tentially domain-inducing) node as well as the node above it. One last issue that warrants attention is how the current proposal compares with Embick’s (2010) approach to locality. Drawing on (a version of) the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC), Embick pro- poses that a phasal head ␤ induces Spell-Out not of its own comple- ment but of the complement of phasal head ␣ lower in the structure than ␤ (where ␤ itself is not accessible as an allomorphy restrictor). Applied to nouns, the ban on case-driven root suppletion would require that, in addition to n, some other cyclic node would need to be present in the structure, crucially located above n. Indeed, on an approach where K was cyclic (e.g., by virtue of being the highest node), K would induce Spell-Out of the root but would not be accessible. However, numberless nouns provide the crucial argument against cyclic K: the lack of (noncyclic) # should have no effect on locality and K should still be inaccessible, contrary to fact. Alternatively, as an anonymous reviewer suggests, D would be a plausible candidate; however, besides the fact that cyclic D faces the same problem as cyclic K, it is contro- versial whether D is universally present (e.g., Bo'kovic´ 2008). In con- trast to Embick’s approach, the approach taken here naturally accom- modates the possibility of numberless nouns suppleting for case, and relies on fewer stipulations about which nodes are domain delimiters, (currently) only committing to category-defining nodes. In sum, this study bears on the formalization of locality domains as employed in DM. The hypothesis advocated here relies on (morpho-) syntactic structure playing a crucial role in the discrepant behavior, which raises the question whether these observations can be captured in frameworks that give no role to hierarchical structure in the mor- phology.

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Appendix A: Languages That Display Root Suppletion in the Context of Number !Xo´o˜ (Khoisan), Afrikaans (Indo-European), Arapesh (Torricelli), Archi (North-East Caucasian), Dinka (Nilo-Saharan), Eastern Pomo (Pomoan), Gaelic (Indo-European), Hebrew (Afro-Asiatic), Hopi (Uto-Aztecan), Hua (Trans-New Guinea), Ket (Yeniseian), Khakas (Altaic), Komi (Uralic), Lango (Nilo-Saharan), Lavukaleve (Central Solomons), Lezgian (North-East Caucasian), Russian (Indo-Euro- pean), Tariana (Arawak), Tiwi (isolate), Turkana (Nilo-Saharan), Yimas (Sepik-Ramu), Zulu (Niger-Congo)

Appendix B: Languages Included in the Study !Xo´o˜ (Khoisan), Afrikaans (Indo-European), Akwesasne Mohawk (Ir- oquoian), Arapesh (Torricelli), Archi (North-East Caucasian), Basque (isolate), Bilua (Central Solomons), Boumaa Fijian (Austronesian), Burushaski (isolate), Cahuilla (Uto-Aztecan), Carib (Cariban), Cavi- nen˜a (Tacanan), Crow (Siouan), Dagaare (Niger-Congo), Dinka (Nilo- Saharan), Dolakha Newar (Sino-Tibetan), Dumi (Sino-Tibetan), Dzongkha (Sino-Tibetan), Eastern Pomo (Pomoan), Evenki (Altaic), Finnish (Uralic), Gaelic (Indo-European), Georgian (Kartvelian), He- brew (Afro-Asiatic), Hopi (Uto-Aztecan), Hua (Trans-New Guinea), Hungarian (Uralic), I’saka (Skou), Itelmen (Chukotko-Kamchatkan), Itzaj Maya (Mayan), Jacaltec (Mayan), Japanese (Japonic), Jarawara (Arauan), Jingulu (Australian), Kannada (Dravidian), Kashmiri (Indo- European), Kayardild (Australian), Ket (Yeniseian), Khakas (Altaic), Kham (Sino-Tibetan), Kiowa (Kiowa-Tanoan), Klon (Trans-New Guinea), Koasati (Muskogean), Komi (Uralic), Koromfe (Niger- Congo), Kwaza (isolate), Ladakhi (Sino-Tibetan), Lango (Nilo-Sa- haran), Latvian (Indo-European), Lavukaleve (Central Solomons), Lezgian (North-East Caucasian), Malayalam (Dravidian), Manam (Austronesian), Mangarayi (Australian), Maori (Austronesian), Ma- puche (Mapudungu), Mayali (Australian), Maybrat (Maybrat), Mina (Indo-European), Modern Khwe (Khoisan), Mosete´n (Mosetenan), Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan), Nishnaabemwin (Algonquian), Paraguayan Guaranı´ (Tupian), Puyuma (Austronesian), Rabha (Sino-Tibetan), Russian (Indo-European), Semelai (Mon-Khmer), Sinaugoro (Austro- nesian), Tamil (Dravidian), Tariana (Arawak), Thai (Tai-Kadai), Tiwi (isolate), Turkana (Nilo-Saharan), Turkish (Altaic), Vietnamese (Austro-Asiatic), Yanyuwa (Australian), Yimas (Sepik-Ramu), Zulu (Niger-Congo)

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LAPSED DERIVATIONS:TERNARY 1 Introduction STRESS IN HARMONIC SERIALISM Ternary stress presents a unique challenge to constraint-based metrical Francesc Torres-Tamarit stress theories. The main question is how to model ternarity without Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ternary-specific representations, such as ternary feet.1 Along this line Peter Jurgec of reasoning, Elenbaas and Kager (1999) interpret ternarity as an un- University of Toronto derparsing effect in which long lapses are avoided while the number of feet is kept to a minimum. The standard constraint that prohibits long lapses is *LAPSE (l). This constraint is also known as *EXTENDEDLAPSE (Gordon 2002) or *LONGLAPSE (Kager 2007).

(1) *LAPSE (Elenbaas and Kager 1999) Every weak beat must be adjacent to a strong beat or the word edge.

The authors would like to thank Ben Hermans, Rene´ Kager, Violeta Martı´- nez-Paricio, Marc van Oostendorp, Cla`udia Pons-Moll, Curt Rice, Keren Rice, and the anonymous reviewers. 1 See Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Levin 1988 for ternary feet; Dresher and Lahiri 1991, Crowhurst 1992, Hewitt 1992, Rice 1992, 2007, 2011, Martı´nez- Paricio 2013 for binary solutions; and Kager 1994, Houghton 2008 for con- straints on adjacent feet.

Linguistic Inquiry, Volume 46, Number 2, Spring 2015 376–387 ᭧ 2015 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology doi: 10.1162/ling_a_00186

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