HISTORICAL REVIEW"

\PRIL 1962 G. C. Bingham's "County Election'

The State Historical Society of Missouri COLUMBIA, MISSOURI THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of this State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R. S. of Mo., 1949, Chapter 183.

OFFICERS 1959 1962 E. L. DALE, Carthage, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President WILLIAM L. BKADSHAW, Columbia, Second Vice President GEORGE W. SOMERVILLE, Chillicothe, Third Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Fourth Vice President WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg, Fifth Vice President JOHN A. WINKLER, Hannibal, Sixth Vice President R. B. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary, and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City L. M. WHITE, Mexico Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1962 F. C. BARNHILL, Marshall ROBERT NAGEL JONES, St. Louis FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg W. C. HEWITT, Shelbyville ROY D. WILLIAMS, Boonville

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1963 RALPH P. BIEBER, St. Louis LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville BARTLETT BODER, St. Joseph W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence L. E. MEADOR, Springfield JACK STAPLETON, Stanberry JOSEPH H. MOORE, Charleston HENRY C. THOMPSON, Bonne Terre

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1964 WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton FRANK LUTHER MOTT, Columbia ALFRED O. FUERBRINGER, St. Louis GEORGE H. SCRUTON, Sedalia GEORGE FULLER GREEN, Kansas City JAMES TODD, Moberly ROBERT S. GREEN, Mexico T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The thirty Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the University of Missouri constitute the Executive Committee. FINANCE COMMITTEE Five members of the Executive Committee appointed by the President of the Society at each annual meeting of the Executive Committee constitute the Finance Committee. L. M. WHITE, Mexico, Chairman ELMER ELLIS, Columbia GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City W. C. HEWITT, Shelbyville T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield Missouri Historical Review

RICHARD S. BROWNLEE JAMES E. MOSS Editor Assistant Editor

Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI

COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

VOL. LVI APRIL 1962 No. 3

The Missouri Historical Review is published quarterly at 119 S. Elson Street, Kirksville, Mis­ souri. Send communications and change of address to The State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. Second class postage is paid at Kirksville, Missouri. The Review is sent free to all members of The State Historical Society of Missouri. Membership dues in the Society are $1.00 a year or $20 for a life membership. The Society assumes no respon­ sibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. CONTENTS Page

GOVERNOR DANIEL DUNKLIN'S JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY IN MISSOURI,

1832-1836. By James Roger Sharp 217

YINNIE REAM: PORTRAIT OF A SCULPTOR. By Maude E. Griffin 230

ORGANIZED LABOR IN MISSOURI POLITICS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR. By Walter R. Houf 244 BEGINNING OF THE PARK AND BOULEVARD MOVEMENT IN FRONTIER

KANSAS CITY, 1872-1882. By William II. Wilson 255

How TO REBURY A REVOLUTIONARY SOLDIER. By William R. Gentry, Jr.. . .274

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Members Active in Increasing the Society's Membership 280 New Members in the Historical Society 283 Missouri News 289 Local Historical Societies 292 Anniversaries 297 Honors and Tributes 298 Notes 298 Obituaries 301 Historical Publications 303

MISSOURI HISTORY NOT FOUND IN TEXTBOOKS 310

THE PIUS XII MEMORIAL LIBRARY Verso Back Cover

JOSEPH O. SHELBY Back Cover

THE COVER: George Caleb Bingham, speaking to a University of Missouri audience on the ideal and the utility of art, proclaimed that "Art is indeed the chief agent in securing national immortality." In his painting entitled "County Election" Bingham certainly has captured, if not immortalized, a chief char­ acteristic of American political life during the era of Jacksonian Democracy which is related to the article beginning on page 217 of this issue of the Review. Bingham executed two paintings of "County Election" during 1851 and 1852, one of which is now owned by the City Art Museum of St. Louis and the other by the Boat­ man's National Bank of St. Louis. John Sartain made a steel engraving after the painting in 1854 from which the cover illustration was taken. A copy from the engraving now hangs in the Art Gallery of the State Historical Society of Missouri. GOV. DANIEL DUNKLIN'S JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY IN MISSOURI, 1832-1836

BY JAMES ROGER SHARP*

Strauss Portrait Daniel Dunklin

A generation ago, a distinguished historian, Arthur Schlesinger, Sr., questioned the sincerity of American state rightists in an essay, "The State Rights Fetish." He attacked advocates of the historical doctrine of state rights for their inconsistency, asserting that they have employed the doctrine only as a tool to promote economic or other local interests. Furthermore, Schlesinger contended, state rights agitation has been only sporadic, with the party in power generally urging broad construction of the constitu­ tion and increased federal power, and the minority party usually claiming that the best interests of the country would be served if the constitution was strictly construed and a tight rein held on federal power.1 A Missouri Jacksonian, Daniel Dunklin, however, does not fall so neatly into Schlesinger's analysis. As governor of Missouri from 1832 to 1836, Dunklin displayed a firm but moderate position as a ''state right man" and through his actions helped shape the develop­ ment of Jacksonian democracy in Missouri around a doctrinal core of state rights. Dunklin's fear of the encroachment of federal power upon the rights of the individual states and his strict constructionist point of view molded his reactions to major national and state issues of the day: the Second Bank of the United States, the South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, the protective tariff, federal internal

*James Roger Sharp, A.M., is a teaching assistant at the University of California at Berkeley where he is a candidate for the Ph.D. degree in American History. xArthur Meier Schlesinger, Sr., New Viewpoints in American History (New York, 1932), 220-244. 217 218 Missouri Historical Review improvements, and the creation of a state bank in Missouri. Another phase of Dunklin's Jacksonian democracy in Missouri was his initiation of various social programs such as the establishment of the Missouri state public school system and the reform of the penal system. During Dunklin's term of office, political parties in today's sense did not exist in Missouri. There were, however, two loosely organized political groups or parties: the Jacksonian Democrats and the National-Republicians, sometimes known as the Whigs, Clay Men, Adams Men, Federalists, or often just the "opposition."2 To further complicate the Missouri political scene, within the Missouri Jackson party there was a small group of renegades who usually backed Andrew Jackson for president but embraced the alien political philosophy of Henry Clay and the National- Republicans. More than likely these men used Jackson's popular name in order to increase their chances of election. John C. Miller, Jacksonian governor of Missouri, 1828-1832, warned Dunklin of these "opportunists" who were using Jackson's name to further their own political careers and Clay's American System. Miller dubbed these opportunists "counterfeit" Jackson men.3 However, most of the Missouri Jacksonians, including Dunklin, Miller, and Missouri's colorful United States Senator Thomas Hart Benton, supported Jackson's political program in addition to endorsing him for President. The National-Republicans or Whigs had little support in Missouri and often backed the "counterfeit" Jackson men in elections.4 Although the "counterfeit" Jacksonians professed to support Jackson for President and the National-Republicans backed Clay, cooperation between the two groups came easily since both favored the American System with its philosophy of an expanded federal government. As the National-Republicans or Whigs became better organized and stronger both nationally and in Missouri, these "counterfeit" Jackson men evolved into the Whig ranks. Although these factions divided Missouri during the years Dunklin was governor, party lines cannot be drawn strictly because the frontier state was divided by personalities and issues.5 Perhaps

2Leota Newhard, "The Beginnings of the Whig Partv in Missouri, 1824-1840," Missouri His­ torical Review, XXV (1930-31), 262. 3John C. Miller to Daniel Dunklin, September 16, 1832. Daniel Dunklin Collection, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. 4Marvin R. Cain, "Edward Bates: The Rise of a Western Politician, 1814-1842" (Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1957), 80. 5Frederic Arthur Culmer, A New History of Missouri (Mexico, Missouri, 1938), 240. Gov. Daniel Dunklin's Jacksonian Democracy 219 the major national issue that split Missourians was the question of rechartering the Second Bank of the United States. The con­ troversy over the bank had been simmering for several years. The bank had received a twenty-year charter in 1816, but early in 1832, Nicholas Biddle, its president, thought the time was ripe to ask Congress for a recharter bill. Jackson had become increasingly hostile toward the bank during his first presidential term. Biddle, Clay and Daniel Webster hoped that if the bank question was pressed during the election year, it would force Jackson to acqui­ esce,6 but on July 10, 1832, Jackson vetoed the bank bill. In Mis­ souri, the significance of the veto was that for the first time, "the Democrats [Jackson men] and Whigs had ... a concrete issue on which they could divide."7 Dunklin followed the lead of Jackson in opposing the bank. In a letter to a friend written in the spring of 1832 he made it clear that he agreed with that "school of politics" associated with Andrew Jackson. Dunklin maintained that he opposed the "whole Banking System, upon the grounds of inexpediency. . . ."8 A short time later he even questioned the constitutionality of the bank.9 In his inaugural address to the state legislature three months after his election, Dunklin stated his strong state rights position toward the bank. He attacked the bank on the grounds that it "seriously affects the rights of the States, and is well calculated to arouse them to a sense of the insignificancy to which they are dwindling by the encroachments of the General Government. ..." The governor especially feared the right of the federal government to establish branches of the bank in the individual states against their will, and he thought that exempting the branches of the federal bank from state taxation "was impairing the exercise of one of the least questionable of . . . [the states'] sovereign rights."10 Other Jackson men in the state agreed with Dunklin on the bank issue. Thomas Hart Benton, the most influential Jackson man in the state, wrote to Dunklin in 1834 that the bank was so "detestable that it has to be withdrawn from the field."11 Robert Wells, an unsuccessful candidate for representative to Congress in 1831 and 1832, renounced the increasing power of the bank. In addition, he

fiGlyndon G. Van Deusen, The Jacksonian Era, 1828-18J+8 (New York, 1959), 64-65. 7Cain, "Edward Bates: The Rise of a Western Politician," 87. ^Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, May 26, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. ^Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, June 1, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 10Buel Leopard and Floyd C. Shoemaker, eds., The Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of the State of Missouri (Columbia, Missouri, 1922), I, 227. "Thomas Hart Benton to Daniel Dunklin, September 1, 1834, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 220 Missouri Historical Review disapproved the bank's exception from individual responsibility and its foreign investors.12 The bank issue brought out the inconsistencies in the platforms of the "counterfeit" Jackson men. For instance, Dr. John Bull, who opposed Dunklin in the 1832 gubernatorial race, favored both the re-election of Jackson and the rechartering of the bank. He thought banks were necessary and that the United States Bank was the most desirable because of the instability of state banks.13 Another "counterfeit" Jackson man, William Ashley, United States congressman from Missouri during Dunklin's administration, considered the bank "indispensable ... to the financial and monied operations of the general government" and believed that "its advantages reach every citizen in the community, however obscure his condition or limited his means."11 Although Dunklin's state rights position was evident in his antagonism toward the bank, two other issues, the Cherokee Cases and the South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, strengthened and intensified his apprehension of federal interference. In the cases of the Cherokee Nation versus the State of Georgia and Worcester versus Georgia, the United States Supreme Court upheld the sovereignty of the Cherokee Nation within the boundaries of Georgia. The court ruled that Georgia had no jurisdiction over the Cherokees, but Jackson refused to back up the decision, and eventually Georgia was able to force the Cherokees from the state. Dunklin considered these cases significant because they represented an invasion of state rights by the federal judiciary. He was afraid the Supreme Court would gradually usurp the rights of the various states. Dismayed by the tendency for all questions of "disputed sovereignty" to be settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, he contended that "If the Judiciary branch of the Federal Government 'point the moral'. ... It would be no gratification to me, as a 'state right man' to be permitted to exercise sovereignty." Obviously upset by some of the inconsistencies of the "counterfeit" Jackson men's policies, he charged that "No man can be a [Jackson­ ian] ... in the old and true sense of the word, and be in favor of the Supreme Federal court deciding the extent of State rights."15 In a special message to the Missouri General Assembly in 1832, Dunklin again expressed his suspicion of federal interference. Resolutions had been sent by several states to Missouri for the legislators to

nSt. Louis Beacon, October 20, 1831. 13Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, June 15, 1833. uSt. Louis Beacon, October 6, 1831. 15Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, June 1, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. Gov. Daniel Dunklin s Jacksonian Democracy 221 debate. Dunklin voiced his opposition to a Massachusetts resolu­ tion that asserted that no state may disregard a mandate served upon it by a federal court.16 During the furor resulting from the Cherokee decisions, a South Carolina convention met on November 19, 1832, and approved the Ordinance of Nullification, which declared the federal tariff act of 1832 null and void. The crisis commenced in 1828 when the "Tariff of Abominations" was passed, and was intensified in 1832 when another controversial tariff was approved. John C. Calhoun out­ lined South Carolina's position in his "Expositions" in 1828 and in his speech on the Force Bill in 1833. It was his idea that the union was basically a confederation of sovereign states, with each state retaining the ultimate authority to declare any federal act null and void and to require its citizens to abide by such a declaration. Thus a state could not be coerced or controlled by the federal government.17 Jackson acted decisively against the Ordinance of Nullification, denouncing the nullifiers and asking Congress to approve a bill enabling him to deal with the problem. However, the spirit of compromise prevailed. On March 2, 1832, the same day that Jackson's Force Bill was passed, a compromise tariff was approved, thus bringing to an end, for a time at least, the conflict between the extreme state rights advocates and the federal government. Opinion in Missouri at this time was largely in favor of Jack­ son's strong stand against South Carolina. Dr. John Bull, a "counterfeit" Jackson man, thought nullification was a "most false, dangerous and revolutionary doctrine" and said, "I highly approve of the late proclamation of the President of the United States generally which speaks my sentiments."18 Reporting on a public meeting held in St. Louis on January 1, 1833, the Missouri Intelligencer stated that "they are mistaken who expect that we [Missourians] can be brought to approve of Nullification in any form."19 Dunklin's position on Nullification was shaped by two important influences, his devoted admiration of Andrew Jackson and his fear of the encroachment of federal power upon the rights of the states. Thus, during the Nullification Crisis, Dunklin attempted to steer a middle course between the extreme state sovereignty viewpoint of Calhoun and South Carolina and the strong federal stand against

16Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 280-81. 17Van Deusen, The Jacksonian Era, 1828-1848, 71. 18Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, June 15, 1833. nibid., January 5, 1 33. 222 Missouri Historical Review nullification taken by President Jackson. Dunklin never condoned South Carolina's extreme action in nullifying a federal law, how­ ever, he did feel that it was necessary for the states to have some recourse against hasty, unwise, and perhaps unconstitutional acts of the federal government. Even before the Nullification Crisis came to a head, Dunklin had expressed his dislike of Calhoun when he wrote, "I consider Mr. Calhoun not only the most harmful to Genl. Jackson's Adminis­ tration but the most dangerous politician in the Nation."20 Later in a letter to his cousin from South Carolina, Dunklin asserted, "Mr. Calhoun has disgraced himself in the eyes of the People of the United States in the course he has pursued towards the govern­ ment and the present administration." In the same letter the governor criticized the South Carolinians for their inconsistency in believing that Congress, on the one hand, has the power to charter a bank, and on the other hand, does not have the right to levy a tariff to protect industry.21 In a message to the General Assembly, January 12, 1835, Dunklin stated that South Carolina was wrong in assuming that the 1832 tariff act was unconstitutional and condemned the South Carolina convention for its hasty action in passing the Ordinance of Nullification. Alleging that Congress had the unquestionable right "to levy impost duties" even though the power might be abused, Dunklin concluded that "if every abuse of power by Congress should be encountered by nullifying edicts of a State, our federal system would not be worth preservation."22 Dunklin's middle position became more evident when he attempted to define the term nullification. He declared that if nullification meant "the right of a state at pleasure to make void and to arrest the progress of a law of Congress within her limits . . . then nullification is an evil in our political system, little less in magnitude than consolidation. ..." Conversely he avowed that he would favor nullification if it meant disregarding "a process or mandate of the Courts of the United States," because he felt that this was the only "mode of checking the spirit of encroachment... of the Federal Government."23 Thus, Dunklin distinguished between nullifying a federal law, which he disapproved, and disregarding or nullifying a federal court order, which he believed might be necessary to protect the rights of the states.

2"Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, May 26, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 21Daniel Dunklin to Charles Sullivan, August 11, 1834, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 22Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 287. ^Ibid., 286. Gov. Daniel Dunklin s Jacksonian Democracy 223

Dunklin regarded the Jeffersonian Virginia Resolution of 1798 as the standard method of "resisting the strides of usurpation by the Federal Government."24 Embodied in this resolution, passed in protest to the Federalist Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, was the idea that the United States established a compact of states and that the federal government did not have the right to exercise any powers that were not specifically delegated to it by the Constitution. If the federal government did assume such powers, it then became the job of the states and not the federal government to decide the constitutionality of these acts. After the resolution was passed, Virginia submitted it to her sister states for consideration. Dunklin felt that the strength of the Virginia Resolution was that Virginia did not nullify or obstruct the enforcement of the hated Alien and Sedition Acts, but appealed to her sister states for rational delibera­ tion about the matter. Dunklin's interpretation of the Virginia Resolution was almost in complete agreement with the interpreta­ tion of its author, James Madison.25 On the other hand, Dunklin felt that South Carolina's action was too drastic, since the state first nullified a federal tariff law that was clearly constitutional and then asked her sister states to condone the action. He conceded that the 1832 tariff might have been uunwise and unjust," but he emphasized that the decision of whether or not an act is wise should be left to a majority of those concerned and not to a single state.26 The controversial tariff, part of Henry Clay's American System, received much criticism in Missouri. The St. Louis Beacon com­ plained of the higher prices caused by the exclusion of foreign goods from the market and condemned the New England manufacturers for exploiting the agrarian West to their own material advantage. "This is the fruit, the bitter and deadly fruit," it asserted, "which the American System bears in the West!"27 Dunklin was opposed to the 1832 protective tariff because he considered it partial to the manufacturing states and unjust to the agricultural states.28 Although admitting the constitutionality of the tariff,29 he assailed it as a "tax upon the many for the benefit of the few."30 However, he distinguished between a protective tariff and a revenue tariff and even admitted that a revenue tariff might be desirable as long as it did not exceed the tax needs of the nation.31

™Ibid., 287. 25Edward McNall Burns, James Madison, Philosopher of the Constitution (New Brunswick, 1938), 120-21. 26Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 286-87. 27St. Louis Beacon, October 6, 1831. 28Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 286. 29Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, May 26, 1836, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 30Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 286. 31Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, May 26, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. 224 Missouri Historical Review

Other Jackson men in the state followed a somewhat similar line of reasoning. Robert Wells, Jacksonian candidate for Congress, declared that he was against any tariff except a revenue tariff or a tariff on goods essential to the national defense.32 The Missouri National-Republicans and "counterfeit" Jackson men favored the 1832 protective tariff. Dr. Bull, for instance, maintained that the tariff was necessary in order to protect infant industries.33 Also, William Ashley advocated any tariff on goods necessary to the na­ tional defense as well as any tariff "protecting home industry in the manufacture of articles essential to the wants of the people. . . ."31 In addition to the protective tariff, Missourians were faced with the more controversial issue of federal internal improvements. The cleavage over internal improvements began when President Jackson vetoed the Maysville Road Bill on May 27, 1830, alleging that it was unconstitutional for the federal government to give aid to intrastate projects. The main reason for the veto appears to be a political one however. Jackson, like many other westerners, generally favored internal improvements, but the Maysville Road Bill presented an opportunity to "slap at Henry Clay, who energeti­ cally pushed the Maysville Road, and at the American System."35 Andrew Jackson's ambiguous stand on internal improvements is also characteristic of the position or lack of position taken by the Missouri Jacksonians. In their opposition to the federal internal improvement program espoused by the American System, members of the Missouri Jackson party generally "asserted the primacy of the state" in that field. Most of them were not so critical of federal improvements when Missouri's interests were directly involved.36 Dunklin's ideas on internal improvements generally paralleled those of the other Jacksonians in Missouri. Two months before he was elected governor of Missouri, he claimed that he was more restrictive in the field of internal improvements than he understood Andrew Jackson to be.37 Actually, he was a great deal more restric­ tive than Jackson. He was highly suspicious of the federal govern­ ment and of any project it might institute within a state. In a message to the General Assembly on December 15, 1832, he argued that if the national government had the right to construct internal improvements within a single state, it would then become its duty to establish a similar system of improvements in every state in the

™St. Louis Beacon, October 13, 1831. 33Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, June 15, 1S33. 34S/. Louis Beacon, October 6, 1831. 3*Van Deusen, The Jacksonian Era, 1828-1848, 51-52. 36James Neal Primm, Economic Policy in the Development of a Western State, Missouri, 1820- 1868 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1954), 75-76. 37Daniel Dunklin to Unknown, June 1, 1832, Daniel Dunklin Collection. Gov. Daniel Dunklin's Jacksonian Democracy 225

union. He went on to question the consequences of such an exten­ sive federal program. Envisioning the necessity of levying special taxes to finance the construction and repair of the various improve­ ments, he also foresaw the enactment of a code of laws to govern the system, and the appointment of federal officers to enforce the laws. When the program had been completely carried out, he said, it would not require any "stretch of fancy to imagine some federal officer presenting himself at . . . some toll gate, exacting . . . money, from each individual ... as may be prescribed by the central power."38 As with other Jackson men, Dunklin's criticism of federal internal improvements moderated when the projects under con­ sideration would directly benefit the state of Missouri. He favored the improvement of natural waterways, which would, of course, include the improvement of the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. He also declared himself against the construction of artificial ways, except the extension of the Cumberland Road to the western border of Missouri, which would also directly benefit the state. In a mes­ sage to the General Assembly on November 18, 1834, he upheld the constitutionality of the proposed road extension. Fearing that the extension of the road would not be approved because of the frontier nature of Missouri, he asserted if this were the case, he would consider that Missouri was being treated "as a stranger in the Federal family." Missouri, he stated, had a legitimate claim for the extension of the road because of hostile Indian tribes situated on the western boundary of the state, and he concluded that it was the duty of the federal government to construct such a system for the safety and welfare of the people.39 In harmony with Dunklin's stand on internal improvements, Robert Wells, a Jackson man, said in 1831 that he was against any internal improvements which would require increased taxation, with the exception of the completion of the Cumberland Road and the improvements of rivers and harbors.40 The factions opposing the Jackson men generally favored internal improvements sponsored by the federal government. Dr. Bull commented that he favored federal internal improvements because of the possible stimulation of Missouri industry.41 William Ashley announced that he was in favor of "Internal Improvements by the General Government in the construction of public high-ways, etc., . . . provided the same be confined strictly to objects of a 38Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 279-80. wibid., 256-57. 405/. Louis Beacon, October 13, 1831. "Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, June 15, 1833. 226 Missouri Historical Review national character."42 Edward Bates, a National-Republican, favored internal improvements throughout his career.43 Dunklin's Jacksonian philosophy had yet another facet. This was his advocacy of certain reform measures in Missouri, such as the establishment of a state public school system and the construc­ tion of Missouri's first penitentiary. Prior to his public career, he helped with the construction of Potosi Academy in Potosi, Missouri, to which he donated more than 500 volumes.44 In his inaugural address, Dunklin stressed the importance of education in safeguard­ ing "our republican institutions" and in resisting the "approach of aristocracy."45 As soon as he became governor, he began to formu­ late plans for a public school system in Missouri. On February 8, 1833, in a letter to Senator Thomas Hart Benton, Dunklin supposed that the state legislators would be indifferent to his plan to establish a public school system, but that he could win them over.46 It was largely due to his insistance that the legislature, in 1833, passed a bill giving the governor the power to appoint a committee to plan for the creation of a primary school system. Soon after that, Dunklin appointed a three-man committee to carry out the provi­ sions of the bill,47 and it was for this action that he received the name, "Father of the Common School System" in Missouri.48 Not satisfied with this progress, he began agitating for a Missouri institution of higher learning, and on November 18, 1834, in his first biennial address, he recommended that a state university be founded. In the same message, he stressed the importance of promoting "a general diffusion of knowledge" because "it is of the first importance" for the people, as the basis of the government, to "qualify themselves to discharge the duties they have assumed in prescribing the rules of the government and controlling its administration."49 In 1835, the legislature adopted a measure which contained the important features of the report submitted by the committee that Dunklin had appointed in 1833. The measure passed by the legis­ lature provided for the establishment of a state system of tax supported schools and a board of education. This 1835 measure was never implemented, but remained as an important step leading up to the Geyer Act of 1839, which founded the first public school

42.S7. Louis Beacon, October 6, 1831. 43Cain, "Edward Bates: The Rise of a Western Politician," 60. 44Fred Fitzgerald, "Daniel Dunklin," Missouri Historical Review, XXI (1926-27), 396. 45Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 226. 46Fitzgerald, "Daniel Dunklin," Missouri Historical Review, XXI, 399. 47Claude A. Phillips, A History of Education in Missouri (Jefferson City, Missouri, 1911), 8. 48Floyd Calvin Shoemaker, Missouri and Missourians, Land of Contrasts and People of Achieve­ ments (Chicago, 1943), II, 938. 49Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 236. Gov. Daniel Dunklin's Jacksonian Democracy 227 system in Missouri.50 Dunklin related the great importance he placed on education in a letter to Henry Geyer, author of the Geyer Act, "Why sir, we might as well have an educated people without a government as to have a government without education."51 During Dunklin's administration the first state penitentiary was built. The construction of the penitentiary was authorized by an act of the General Assembly on January 18, 1833, but the contractor who was to build it failed to fill the contract. In a mes­ sage to the legislature on November 18, 1834, Dunklin proposed his plan for the penitentiary.52 The new penitentiary was modeled after the Pennsylvania system as Dunklin had recommended. Dunklin believed that this system, which called for complete solitary confinement and solitary labor for each inmate, would prevent the individual convicts from being exposed to the vices of the others. During the solitary confinement, Dunklin thought, the convict would be forced to reflect upon his past misdeeds and would, perhaps, repent. When the penitentiary system was established, Dunklin hoped that "stripes" (whipping) as a means of punishment could be abolished. He claimed that corporal punishment caused the "culprit to lose all sense of dignity," and that it lessened the chance for prisoner reform. Dunklin was justified in advocating lighter punishments, for Missouri was still operating under the territorial criminal code of 1807 which provided for such harsh punishments as 200 "stripes" and a fine of $500 for horse theft.53 Another important state issue that confronted Dunklin, the question of the establishment of a state bank in Missouri, cut across party lines and split the Missouri Jacksonians. Although there were many shades of opinion on the bank question, two very loose and general groups can be distinguished—the "hard money" men and the "soft money" men. The "soft money" men were not in complete agreement about the method of incorporating a bank, but they did, in general, favor the establishment of a state bank with note-issuing rights. On the other hand, Dunklin, Benton and certain other Missourians were called "hard money" men because they were bitterly antagonistic toward paper currency, advocating gold and silver as the only media of exchange. They argued that since the average Missourian would not know the depreciated value of paper 50Shoemaker, Missouri and Missourians, I, 421. 51Fitzgerald, "Daniel Dunklin," Missouri Historical Review, XXI, 402. 52Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, I, 239-42. 53Marie Elizabeth George, "Social Reforms in Missouri, 1820-1860" (Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1941), 52-55. 228 Missouri Historical Review money, it would be relatively easy for unscrupulous merchants to pass off the depreciated notes at face value.54 Agitation for a state bank came to a head in September, 1833, when the federal funds were withdrawn from the Second Bank of the United States and deposited in certain state banks, which were dubbed "pet" banks by the opposition. The "soft money" men urged Dunklin to call a special session of the legislature for the purpose of chartering a state bank, a bank to serve as a bank of issue and also as a depository for federal funds. Dunklin refused to call the General Assembly into special session, explaining that the Missouri constitution provided for special sessions only in "extra­ ordinary" circumstances, and he did not consider the bank question "extraordinary." Dunklin also objected to the bank on the grounds that banks of issue tended to hoard specie, and that many communi­ ties throughout the nation had suffered great losses due to failures of small banks.55 Opposition to Dunklin's firm position against the state bank sprang up in Missouri from all sides. One pro-Jackson newspaper even went so far as to accuse Dunklin of being a tool of the Second Bank of the United States, on the grounds that he had refused to sanction the creation of a state bank to relieve the financial situation in Missouri. The newspaper gloomily forcasted the ruin of indus­ trious citizens and the depression of real estate values. Another Missouri newspaper supported Dunklin's decision not to call a special session of the legislature but criticized him for assuming that the people of Missouri did not want a bank. Countering Dunklin's claim, the newspaper pointed out that in the previous two congres­ sional elections, two men who favored the establishment of a state bank had been elected.56 Opposition to Dunklin's bank stand mounted, and by 1836, it was reported by the Missouri Argus that every pro-Jackson paper in the state, except one, was in favor of a state bank. In spite of the criticism, Dunklin persisted in his opposition to the bank, remaining true to his "hard money" views. It was not until after Dunklin's administration, on February 2, 1837, that the state bank was chartered.57 Thus, Daniel Dunklin's expression of Jacksonian democracy was focused around several themes—the most prominent of which was that of state rights. This recurring and dominating theme 6*Primm, Economic Policy in the Development of a Western Stale, 20-21; Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, February 1, 1834. "Columbia Missouri Intelligencer, February 8, 1834. Mlbid., February 1, 1834 and February 8, 1834. 67Primm, Economic Policy in the Development of a Western Stale, 22, 26. Gov. Daniel Dunklin's Jacksonian Democracy 229 weaves through Dunklin's opinions on some of the important questions of the day, such as the Second Bank of the United States, Cherokee Cases, the South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, the protective tariff, and federal internal improvements, giving these issues a semblance of unity, as they all embodied federal threats to state rights. Dunklin felt that the liberty of the people would best be pre­ served by a powerful state government, ever mindful of any attempted usurpation of state power by the federal government. This, coupled with his humanitarianism and faith in the people, exemplified by his interest in establishing a public school system and his support of the construction of Missouri's first state peni­ tentiary, provides a key to understanding Jacksonian democracy in Missouri.

OLD HOME REMEDIES From Granny Gores Ozark Folk Medicine, by Sherman Lee Pompey ^£ Black pepper on a cut will stop bleeding, and so will cobwebs. That is if there are no blood stoppers around. I'd prefer one of them blood stoppers if I could find one handy. He was generally a man who came on call, went out facin the sun, and repeated Ezekial 16:6: "And when I passed by thee, and saw thee polluted in thine own blood, I said unto thee when thou wast in thy blood, Live; yea, I said unto thee when thou wast in thy blood, Live" Course this was not sup­ posed to be passed from man to man, and woman to woman, but that's all right, I'm all right, I'mjes a tellin it to this here writer feller. Some fancy doctor from the city says that it was all psy­ chological, and that the presence of the blood stopper caused the feller to settle down, his heart quit pumpin blood as fast an had a chance to coagulate. Anyway, knowed a feller with a cut arm that was stopped that way. Portrait by George C. Bingham

Six years after his death, a life-sized marble statue of Abraham Lincoln by the pretty young sculptor, Vinnie Ream, was unveiled and dedicated in the rotunda of the Capitol in Washington, D. C. So remarkable was the sculptured likeness of the martyred Presi­ dent, that it was said that people who knew him gasped when they first saw it, for it seemed as if they were seeing Ole Abe all over again. The statue showed him "tall and gaunt and somewhat destitute of grace," but there was no doubt that it was the likeness of "a man who had commanded great respect and attention." The sculptured face was more attractive than it was in life, but as one man present at the dedication said, "No one could make his rugged, homely face as sad as it actually was."1 A delegation of Lincoln's friends and neighbors from Illinois, who had come to Washington for the ceremony, could find nothing to criticize in the statue, for they said it was a true picture of Lincoln as he appeared in the courtrooms in the West and in the White House. A dedication speaker noted that the sculptor had given him his big, comfortable shoes. The Lincoln they knew had never punished his feet by wearing footgear that was too small for him. Vinnie had refused to put a toga on him as sculptors from time immemorial had done when they executed statues of famous men. Instead, she had clothed him in a familiar frock-coated suit, none too well fitted and somewhat wrinkled. Over his back she had ^Washington Evening Star, January 7, 1871; Vinnie Ream Hoxie, Vinnie Ream (Washington, 1908), 27. VINNIE REAM

PORTRAIT OF A SCULPTOR

By Maude E. Griffin*

placed a long, circular cape which seemed to have slipped off his left shoulder and was caught with the left hand. Fittingly, she had put the Emancipation Proclamation in his right hand. Many of the dedication guests knew Vinnie Ream personally or had read about the circumstances which had led to her selection as the sculptor of the statue just unveiled. They knew that for hve months just previous to Lincoln's death, when she was only seven­ teen years old, Vinnie had the privilege of visiting the White House regularly to sculpt Lincoln's noble head. Her finished bust of the President showed such an unusual resemblance to her subject that when Congress decided to erect a full-sized statue of him after his death, she was chosen to create it. During the unveiling ceremony Vinnie modestly remained well to the rear of her statue, weeping a little at the warm and spontane­ ous applause which was heard when the silken American flag, made purposely by the silk makers of Lyon, had been pulled away to reveal it. Forgotten was her harassment which she had endured shortly after she had been given the Congressional commission to create it. Like Abraham Lincoln, Vinnie was a poor child of the frontier. She was born in an Indian village near Madison, Wisconsin, on September 24, 1847, while her father, Robert L. Ream, was engaged in surveying public lands for townsites. When he was transferred to

*Miss Maude E. Griffin, a free-lance writer, lives in Los Angeles, California. 231 232 Missouri Historical Review other states—Kansas, Missouri and Jowa —his family moved with him and often had to make themselves as comfortable as possible in log cabins. It was an exciting and happy childhood for Vinnie. She often played with Indian children and sometimes, to her delight, she was allowed to hold an Indian papoose in her arms. At the age of fourteen, she was sent to Christian College in Columbia, Missouri, to learn "to be a lady." It is said that while she was at college a newspaper fell into her hands that contained an article reporting that Congress was concerned over the lack of native art in this country and anxious to remedy the situation. It was about time, the article stated, that our artists and sculptors should do something besides imitate art from abroad. Even the Capitol had been decorated and adorned by artists and sculptors brought here from Europe. In order to stimulate more native art, Con­ gress planned to create a na­ tional statuary hall in the old meeting place of the House of Representatives which had been left vacant when the House moved to the new wing of the Capitol. The proposed new statuary hall was to have two purposes. It would serve as a showcase for works of American sculptors and it would be a national shrine in which every state in the Lhiion could display jne or two statues of its dis­ tinguished deceased sons and daughters. The news article made such a deep impression on the young girl, already a clever artist, that she was imbued with the desire to be a sculptor. She proceeded to read every article on sculp­ ture that she could find and discussed the possibility of a sculptor's career with her teach- Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 233 ers and her family. But she found them far from enthusiastic, for, at that time, such a profession was considered rough and unfeminine. Tiny Vinnie Ream, not more than five feet tall, could hardly be described as unwomanly. Her brown hair hung down over her shoulders in curls and her rosy-cheeked face was lighted by intelli­ gent, friendly brown eyes. In addition to these feminine attributes she could sing and play the harpsichord, the harp, banjo and guitar. She also had composed some of the songs she sang and several of them had been published. Consequently, the talented and vivacious Vinnie enjoyed great popularity whether at college, at hoedowns and parties on the frontier, or, later in Washington. Many states have claimed Vinnie Ream, "but her connection with Missouri is definite and outstanding."2 It was in Missouri that she received her early education and made friendships which enabled her to undertake her greatest achievement—the statue of Abraham Lincoln. While attending Christian College she composed the words and music for the college song which for years was sung at the school. She also composed a number of poems although they were never published. In addition, she painted a picture of Martha Washing­ ton which she presented to the Martha Washington Society, of which she was a member. This portrait was hung in the administra­ tion building of the college, and the story of the presentation is preserved in the oldest book at the college, the first secretary's record of the school. Christian College, now one of the oldest women's junior colleges in the West, was sorry to lose her when her father decided to take his family, consisting of his wife, Vinnie and an older daughter, back to Washington to settle down permanently. Robert Ream had loved the frontier, but his health had been ruined while riding in wind and wild weather, mapping out lands in new and unsettled states. Vinnie was not quite fifteen years old when the family arrived in Washington, the first year of the Civil War. After the usual serenity of Columbia, Missouri, Washington was a mad-house as the North stretched its muscles and prepared to keep the South in the Union. Cavalrymen clattered past on the streets and regiments of soldiers could be heard all day long marching to the depot or to encampments near the city. A great many wounded and dying men were being brought into the city daily and the less seriously wounded could be seen making their way as best they could to the ^Columbia Missourian, February 11, 1928. 234 Missouri Historical Review

many army hospitals that were springing up in the city. Quar­ termasters' trains, artillery and vehicles of all kinds crowded the thoroughfares on the way to the battlefields to the south. It was a jittery time for the city, for it was feared that the Confederates would attempt to seize it. To add to their worry about the possibility of such a disaster, the Reams found the family income altogether too small to cope with the high cost of war­ time living in Washington. Because of ill health, Mr. Ream Vinnie Ream could earn but little as a part- time map maker in the war department. His eldest daughter's wages in the land office helped some, but even when Mrs. Ream took in a boarder, Senator Edmund G. Ross of Kansas, their total income remained inade­ quate. Finally, in desperation, Vinnie was given permission to look for work. When she learned that girls were being hired by the post office to replace men clerks who had gone off to war, the courageous Vinnie applied for a job at $50 a month. After that, things became a little easier financially for the family. As Vinnie had never seen a statue until she arrived in Wash­ ington, the city was a treasure house with its statuary in the Capitol and in the public squares. She viewed them all with an appreciative eye, but was particularly intrigued by the comparatively new equestrian statue by Clark Mills in LaFayette Square. What amazed her most about it was the tremendous engineering feat by which the sculptor had enabled Jackson's horse to rear on its hind legs. She learned from newspaper articles that Mills had run away from his home in New York state as a youth to settle in South Carolina. There he had learned the trade of ornamental plasterer, and eventually had blossomed out as a sculptor of plaster busts of prominent South Carolinians. Among them was John C. Calhoun, twice Vice President of the United States. Impressed by the boy's talent, Calhoun and the others had made up a purse to send him abroad to study. On his return, Congress had commissioned him to do the Jackson statue. Later he was hired to do the statue of George Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 235

Washington which stands in Washington Circle. As a result he became known as the foremost sculptor in America and was of such importance that Vinnie never hoped to meet him, although she knew he had a studio in Washington. Nevertheless, Mills was to play a prominent part in her life. A meeting between Mills and the aspiring young sculptor came about through the efforts of Congressman James S. Rollins of Missouri, called the "Father of the University of Missouri." Besides his interest in higher education for the men and women of Missouri, Rollins was a friend of the state's artists, which included his close personal friend George Caleb Bingham. During a visit to Christian College, Rollins was introduced to Vinnie as one of the college's star pupils in art, and a girl who had set her heart upon being a sculptor. After he had studied her drawings he became convinced that she had a real talent for art, and he encouraged her in her ambition to be a sculptor. Several statesmen of the Civil War period, notably Senator Lyman Trumbull, have been mentioned as family friends who introduced Vinnie to Clark Mills, and as those who started her on the road to fame with her statue of Lincoln. But it is more likely that the family friend was none other than Major James S. Rollins. Rollins, who was elected to Congress about the time the Ream family was settling itself in a house on Capitol Hill in Washington, came to call shortly after he arrived in Washington to take his seat in the House of Representatives. When told that Vinnie was still eager to be a sculptor, he obtained permission to take her to visit the studio of Clark Mills, who welcomed visitors.3 At the time of their arrival the sculptor was preparing some clay in anticipation of a sitter, and he continued with his task after making them welcome. Told by Rollins that Vinnie wanted above all things to be a sculptor, Mills suddenly paused in his task and taking a bucket of the clay, he handed it to her and told her jokingly to "see what she could make."4 Vinnie was taken by surprise, but she accepted the challenge smilingly and went to work. Under her clever fingers there emerged a rough but excellent bust of a Wisconsin Indian, feathers and all. It was quite an achievement. Delighted to find such a promising talent, Mills invited her to work in his studio as a pupil-helper, but permission to accept his offer was withheld until she was sixteen years old. When that time came, the budding sculptor began 3C B. Rollins, ed., "Letters of George Caleb Bingham to James S. Rollins," Missouri Historical Review, XXXIII (October, 1938), 73-74. ilbid. 236 Missouri Historical Review

studying part-time with Mills but kept on with her work at the post office. As she grew in skill her teacher allowed her to accept commissions to do portrait busts of famous Washingtonians. Soon she was able to earn enough money to resign her job as clerk in order to devote all of her time to sculpture.5 Abraham Lincoln was the "man of the hour" in war-time Wash­ ington, and like other residents of the city Vinnie was often excited when she saw his carriage passing through the streets accompanied by twenty to thirty dashing cavalrymen garbed in colorful uniforms. The more she saw the President the more she became obsessed with the desire to catch his likeness in clay, but when she attempted to do so back at her studio she failed. Finally she went to her good friend Congressman Rollins to inquire if he could possibly get permission for her to go to the White House for sittings while the President relaxed or worked at his desk. She promised Rollins that, she would be "as quiet as a mouse" and not disturb the President. The congressman had great faith in Vinnie's talent and consented to ask Mr. Lincoln for permission.6 Impressed with the young artist and Rollins' appeal, the President agreed to sit for Vinnie.7 Sending her tub of clay and her sculptor's tools on ahead, Vinnie presented herself at the White House and for the next five months spent a half-hour each day working on her clay model of the President in his office. Sometimes Tad Lincoln or Mrs. Lincoln came in for a visit, but true to her promise Vinnie went on with her work and was "as quiet as a mouse." She was at the White House a few hours before Lincoln was shot by John Wilkes Booth at the Ford Theater on the night of April 14, 1865. Her clay model of Lincoln had been nearly completed when she left for home early in the afternoon. After supper her parents went out for the evening and they were just entering the house when someone hurrying past called out that Lincoln had been shot and was dying. The President's death the next day overwhelmed Vinnie and for days she was prostrated. Describing her visits to the White Llouse and relating her impressions of Lincoln, Vinnie said:

•r>Mrs. Clyde H. Porter, "When Lincoln Posed For A 17-Year-Old Missouri Girl To Do His Statue," Kansas City Star, February 12, 1039. f'C. B. Rollins, ed., "Letters of George Caleb Bingham," 73-74. 7Milton Lomask, Andrew Johnson: President On Trial (New York, 1900), 32C>, maintains that Orville H. Browning, Senator from Illinois, arranged for Vinnie to have access to the White House in order to sculpt a head of Lincoln. Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 237

I was a mere slip of a child, weighing less than ninety pounds and the contrast between the rawboned man and me was indeed great. I sat in my corner and begged Mr. Lincoln not to allow me to disturb him. He seemed to find a sort of companionship in being with me, although we talked but little. His favorite son, Willie, had just died and this had been the greatest personal loss in his life. I made him think of Willie and he often said so and as often wept. I remember him especially in two attitudes. The first was with his great form slouched down into a chair at his desk, his head bowed upon his chest, deeply thoughtful. I think he was with his generals on the battlefields, appraising the horrible sacrifices brought upon his people and the nation. The second was at the window, watching for Willie, for he had always watched the boy playing every afternoon at that window. Sometimes great tears rolled down his cheeks. . . . I think that history is particularly correct in writing about Abraham Lincoln to describe him as a man of unfath­ omable sorrow. That was the lasting impression I always had of him. It was this I put into my statue, for when he sat for me he let himself go and fell into the mood that was ever with him, but against which he struggled. He never told a funny story and he rarely smiled. He had been painted and modeled before, but when he learned that I was poor, he granted me the sittings for no other purpose than that I was a poor girl. Had I been the greatest sculptor in the world, I am sure that he would have refused at that time.8 When Vinnie was awarded the commission to do the life-sized statue of Lincoln by Congress after his death, it was not only an honor for her but for women in general, as it was the first time Congress had accorded such recognition to a woman. Her contract promised her $5,000 when she had completed the statue in plaster, and $5,000 when she had carved it into marble.9 Her studio in the Capitol was a great convenience, as it was near her home on Capitol Hill, but it had its annoyances and interruptions. Society women, who frequently preened themselves in the galleries of the House and Senate, thought it amusing to drop in for a visit and to watch her work. Some of them were disdainful of her rough smock and workshoes covered with plaster, but many were good friends, proud of her ability, and she was a guest of honor at all of their parties. A few of the disdainful ones were quite frank in their catty remarks about the young sculptor. A sharp-tongued Mrs. Swisshelm commented sourly: ^Washington Sunday Star, February 9, 1913. oMarie Haefner, "From Plastic Clay," The Palimpsest, XI (November, 1930), 475. 238 Missouri Historical Review

Miss Minnie [sic] Ream who received the $10,000 for a Lincoln statue, is a young girl of about twenty who has been studying her art for a few months, never made a statue, has some plaster busts on exhibition, including her own, minus clothing to the waist, has a pretty face, long dark curls and plenty of them, wears a jocky hat and a good deal of jewelry, sees members at their lodgings or in the reception room at the Capitol, urges her claims fluently and confidently, sits in the galleries in a conspicuous position and in her most bewitch­ ing dress, while those claims are being discussed on the floor, and nods and smiles as a member rises and delivers his opinion on the merits of the case with the air of a man sitting for his picture, and so she carries the day over Powers, Crawford and Hosmer, and who not?10 A Missouri editor rapped the lady soundly when he printed her remarks under the heading "A Homely Woman's Opinion of a Pretty One."11 These were only minor harassments compared to those suffered when she inadvertently became involved in the dramatic impeach­ ment of President Andrew Johnson. Johnson's attempt to carry out Lincoln's counciliatory reconstruction policy soon led to a conflict with the Radical Republicans then in power in Congress. They virtually deprived him of the command of the army, and by their Tenure of Office Act he was forbidden to remove officials who had been appointed with the advice of the Senate, unless that body approved. When Johnson decided to test the constitutionality of the Act by firing his Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, the Radicals began their efforts to convict him of high crimes and misdemeanors. At first the impeachers were so certain of enough votes to convict the President that they picked one who was sympathetic to their aims, radical Benjamin F. Wade, as president pro tempore of the Senate, knowing that the man in that office would succeed to the presidency once Johnson was removed. Wade was so confident that he immediately began the selection of his cabinet. But as the days leading to the impeachment proceedings passed, reports gradually trickled in that six of their Radical Republican colleagues were wavering and might go over to Johnson. The six included William Fessenden of Maine, Joseph Fowler of Tennessee, James W. Grimes of Iowa, John B. Henderson of Missouri, Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, and Peter Van Winkle of West Virginia. Fessenden wanted to see Johnson tried by an impartial judicial process and not ^Liberty (Missouri) Tribune, September 14, 1866. "Ibid. Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 239 removed because he was an unpopular, or an ill-advised executive. Fowler believed that Johnson was being attacked and impeached because he was following Lincoln's reconstruction policies, and that the impeachment showed more of sectional prejudice than patriot­ ism. Grimes doubted the wisdom of the impeachment of Johnson and felt much of the evidence against him was based on lies in party newspapers and on party hatred. He would not commit perjury for his party. Henderson swore that he would try Johnson with impartial justice and would try to do it like a man. Trumbull predicted that if the President were impeached, it would mean that no President would be safe hereafter if he differed from the House or Senate in matters deemed by them important. Van Winkle stood firmly for Johnson's acquittal on the grounds of insufficient evidence. When the news spread that these men might vote to acquit Johnson, they were attacked by most of the newspapers outside of the South, and their constituents from their respective states wrote or telegraphed demands that Johnson be impeached. Such a bitter feeling had been stirred up that Senator Grimes reported he had been threatened by assassination. Even without the votes of the six wavering senators the im- peachers were certain that they still had enough votes to convict Johnson. However, their confidence was shaken when a private detective hired to spy on defectors reported that Senator Edmund Gibson Ross, a Radical from the anti-slavery state of Kansas, was also wavering and might vote for acquittal. The news came as a bombshell, as the Ross vote was crucial and its loss might mean defeat for the Radicals. Learning that Ross had a room at the Ream home, the im- peachers attempted to induce Vinnie to influence Ross to vote for Johnson's ruin. If not, she was told, she would lose her studio, her statue would be ruined, and fame and pecuniary reward would not be hers. But Vinnie refused. She thought too highly of Senator Ross' judgment to attempt to influence him in any way. The Radicals were persistent, however, and on the night before the vote to impeach the President was to be taken, General Daniel Sickles was sent to the Ream home to again canvass Ross.12 Told that Ross was not at home, the General planted himself on the sofa in the parlor and announced that he planned to stay there, all night if necessary, until Ross came home and promised to vote to impeach the President. However, Ross did not come home as he spent the night at a friend's home.

*2Claude G. Bowers, The Tragic Era (Cambridge, Mass., 1929), 195. 240 Missouri Historical Review

One author, writing of the Johnson impeachment, reports that during the hectic days of the impeachment proceedings Vinnie's studio had been found by Ross and the six others sympathetic to Johnson as one of the few places where they could confer without interruption, and that Vinnie was urging Ross to vote for acquittal believing Johnson to be both "good and great."13 Of Sickles' attempt to contact Senator Ross the author writes: Sickles made tracks for the Ream home on North B Street, intending to buttonhold Ross in his quarters there. But the President's men were also abroad. Learning of Sickles' mission they got word to Vinnie Ream—and the little sculptress waylaid Sickles. The General, a ladies' man to the hilt, was so entranced by her conversation that he never got to Ross.14 A contemporary newspaper article described Vinnie's harass­ ment just prior to the trial of the President.15 It was entitled "Beauty and the Beast," the beauty being Vinnie and the beast, Congressman Benjamin Butler, one of the House managers for the impeachment who vowed that Vinnie would not be paid for her statue if the President were acquitted. Referring to the possibility that Vinnie would be removed from her studio in the Capitol if Johnson were not found guilty, the article mentions that both Houses of Congress had given cordial consent to Vinnie's use of the studio, and that, moreover, she had not solicited the privilege. "She is almost a child in years," the article reports, "but a braver or more aspiring enthusiast never lived. Her endeavors to perfect herself have been from the first arduous and unintermitted. She was singled out by the dishonored men who were at the head of the impeachment as a victim, because, as ridiculously alleged, Miss Ream 'influenced' the vote of a Senator for the acquittal of the President. Mr. Ross is a gentleman whose family, consisting of a wife and several children, resides at his home in Kansas. Sent here [Washington] to represent that state in the Senate, Mr. Ross applied for and has since occupied rooms at the home of his old acquaintance and neighbor in Kansas, Robert L. Ream."16 This circumstance, plus her association with some of the leading impeachers, of whom she had made busts, led them to believe that they could use Vinnie to help convict the President. George W. Julian, one of the con­ spirators, was sent to visit her and told her that unless she swung the Ross vote to convict the President she would be ruined and she

13Milton Lomask, Andrew Johnson, 326-27. i4/fc/rf., 328. ^Liberty (Missouri) Tribune, June 19, 1868. ™Ibid. Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 241 would lose her studio. Along with it would vanish her chance for fame and the pecuniary reward that went with it. The trembling girl told Julian that she had not been informed of Senator Ross' intentions, but she presumed that being a good Republican he would vote for the conviction of the President. Vinnie evidently was hedging. She knew what could happen to her statue if she lost her studio. The clay model upon which she had been engaged for months would be destroyed, for if it were neglected it would "shrink, and crack to pieces. . . . There would be nothing left save a shattered, shapeless mass, to be moistened, after it is too late, by a young girl's tears."17 Meanwhile, the day for the final vote on the impeachment approached. Strange to relate, the country was generally calm and business went on as usual, but Washington was agog over the trial and there was a great demand for tickets of admission. There were many strangers in town who had high hopes of watching the unfold­ ing of the national drama in which the chief character was the President of the United States. Many of them were turned away in great disappointment as the Senate gallery was already filled to overflowing, but among the breathless spectators on the final day of the trial, Vinnie and her father undoubtedly were present. Although eleven impeachment charges were brought against Johnson as early as February 24, 1868, his trial did not get under way until March 30th. On May 16th it was over, with the President acquitted. Fifty-four Senators were present when the vote was taken and because Ross had remained adamant in his decision to vote to acquit Johnson, the constitutionally-required two-thirds vote of the Senators present was lost by one vote. Thirty-five of the Radical Republicans voted Johnson guilty, while twelve Democrats and the seven courageous Republicans voted for his acquittal. Ross said later that he knew he was signing the death warrant of his political career when he cast his vote to save Johnson, but he was determined to vote as his conscience dictated and for the good of the country. He believed that "if the President were degraded upon insufficient proof and for partisan consideration, the office would be forever subordinated to legislative will. If acquitted by non-partisan vote, the country would pass the danger point of partisan rule and that intolerance which characterizes the sway of great majorities and makes them dangerous." Years of political abuse and reprisal followed, but just before his death, when Ross was awarded a special pension by Congress for service in the Union "Ibid. 242 Missouri Historical Review

Army during the Civil War, the newspapers, which had called him a Benedict Arnold, regretted their rashness and agreed that he had saved the country from legislative mob rule. When their terms ended, Ross and the six other courageous men who had found Johnson not guilty, retired from office, knowing from the bitter partisan feeling in their respective states that they could not be re-elected. Although he was not re-elected President, Andrew Johnson fared better. Within a few years the country's opinion of him changed, and he was vindicated. In 1875 Tennessee again sent him to the Senate where he had previously served before being raised to the Presidency. However, he died the same year. After the hectic trial, in their fury over their defeat and John­ son's triumph over their efforts to convict him, the Radical Republi­ cans let Vinnie feel their wrath. She was told to move bag and baggage out of her studio. But before she accepted their ultimatum, she sought the help of Congressman Thaddeus Stevens, one of the most powerful men in Washington. She knew Stevens well, for she had made a portrait bust of him and they had become good friends. Through his influence, and because he would not see a woman thus punished, her studio was restored to her. At length the plaster model was completed and unanimously approved by Congress. With the $5,000 which she had been promised at this stage of her work she set out for Europe to study and to work. Accompanied by her beloved parents and with her mandolin slung over her shoulder, she boarded the ship which was to take her abroad. Down below in the ship's hull was her plaster model of Lincoln, so carefully wrapped that it arrived without mishap at Le Havre and was sent on to Rome where she planned to copy it in marble. Aboard the ship she sang and played for the captain and his passengers. Later, the ateliers in Paris and Rome rang with her stirring songs of the wild prairies, sung for the benefit of artists and their friends, and they found the American girl truly charming. She studied for a time in Paris with Bonnat and then went on to visit the art treasures of Berlin, Munich and Florence. Arriving in Rome, she secured a house and a studio at 45 Via de San Basilio and studied with Luigi Majoli. There were even more visitors to her studio in Rome than in Washington. Among them were several young Italian swains who wanted to marry her and keep her in Italy. But she dismissed them in such a gentle manner that they remained good friends. Wherever she went, she was received with courtesy by states­ men, artists and sculptors, thanks to letters of introduction brought Vinnie Ream—Portrait of a Sculptor 243 with her from Washington. In addition, the United States Depart­ ment of State had instructed its consular representatives abroad to do all in their power to assist in her travels. At the end of six months she had completed her work. She returned home a celebrity in her own right. Her marble statue of Lincoln was given unanimous approval by Congress and the date was set for its dedication. Vinnie had achieved more than she had ever dreamed, but she was to do more. She interrupted her work when she was thirty-one years old to marry Lieutenant Richard L. Hoxie of the United States Engineers in a ceremony that all of Washington considered brilliant. Upon returning to her studio after her honeymoon, she completed for the government her statue of David Glasgow Farragut, the famous Civil War Admiral, for which she received $20,000. Thanks to Vinnie's efforts, Farragut's statue was cast in bronze from the propeller of his flagship, the USS Hartford. Her home in Farragut Square after her marriage looked out upon her figure of the courageous admiral. Vinnie was also the sculptor of two statues for National Statuary Hall, the edifice dedicated to the stimulation of native art of which she had read with so much interest as a student at Christian College. One of these was donated to the nation by the state of Oklahoma and represents Sequoyah, the famous Indian chief, who invented the Cherokee alphabet. The other, the gift of Iowa, represents Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood, one of Lincoln's loyal war governors. She was also the sculptor of many beautiful imaginative pieces. Her lovely statue of Sappho, Greek poetess of Lesbos, copied in bronze, was erected over her grave in Arlington Cemetery after her death in Washington in 1914. Vinnie not only created works of art but was also the subject for the works of two American painters. George Caleb Bingham, famous Missouri painter, did two portraits of Vinnie before her marriage.18 One of them hangs in the art gallery of the State Historical Society of Missouri in Columbia,19 and the other is owned by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin in Madison. While in Rome her portrait was painted by the renowned American artist, G. P. A. Healy and shows her wearing a beautiful medallion given to her by the famous churchman, Cardinal Antonelli, after she had executed a portrait bust of him in Rome. The Healy portrait hangs in the Smithsonian Institute in Washington.

«C. B. Rollins, ed., "Letters of George Caleb Bingham," 73-74. "See page 230. King, Seed Time and Harvest ORGANIZED LABOR IN MISSOURI POLITICS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR

BY WALTER R. HOUF*

Labor's participation in politics surprises no one today. How­ ever, the situation differed greatly in ante-bellum Missouri. Although a fledgling labor movement existed in Missouri by 1840, it rose with difficulty, had a limited scope, and an uncertain future. Agriculture ruled the state's economy and the economic pursuits which might contribute to a labor movement were carried on by small concerns. This held true even in St. Louis, the center of the most complex economic development in the state. In that city few manufacturing enterprises had advanced beyond the shop system of production, and in most cases single proprietors or partners managed those.1 In such an economic setting a skilled tradesman could easily move from the status of worker to that of boss, and thus often did not consider himself a laborer. Furthermore, a labor shortage throughout most of the years before 1840 benefited workers to such an extent that they saw little need for organization to better their condition. And yet, by 1839 some workers in St. Louis became *Walter R. Houf, A.M., is an instructor in social science at Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa. xHalvor G. Melom, "The Economic Development of St. Louis, 1803-1840" (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Missouri, 1947), 347. 244 Organized Labor in Missouri Politics Before the Civil War 245 restless as they saw the advantages of this simple economic state passing away. Signs of this unrest appeared as early as 1837 when the journey­ men carpenters struck, wisely at the beginning of summer when their services would be demanded, for the ten-hour day.2 Agitation spread among the building trades in 1838 and 1839, aided by such propaganda as the following parody of the master builders position: One hour will be allowed you [the workers] for breakfast and two for dinner provided you rise with, and work till the going down of the sun; which shall constitute a day's work for the operative. The writer then proposed: Would it not be far better that a master should be more explicit, and find terms by which he would better express himself, and say, the operative machines will be started at sun-rise and kept in operation till 7, and commence again at 8 and continue in operation until sun-down?3 Several meetings, held first by individual trades, and then by several trades collectively, laid the basis for city-wide action. Finally the mechanics' efforts reached a peak on May 23, 1840, when, at a meeting at the courthouse, so well attended that the crowd overflowed outside, the workers launched a unified effort for the ten-hour system in St. Louis. The gathering set the goal of establishing the ten-hour day for all journeymen by Monday, June 1, 1840.4 A later meeting, on May 28, called to ascertain the progress of the mechanics' efforts, showed that in spite of their vigor, the ten-hour system was established only to a limited extent. Yet, the workers, heady with the new-found strength of their unity, went on to a new question — that of setting up a workingmen's news­ paper in St. Louis.5 With these precedents of concerted action the movement passed on to political activity. Efforts to form a bi-partisan workingmen's society appeared as early as 1839, but some mechanics at that time still preferred to seek their goals through the existing parties. A correspondent of the Missouri Argus feared that the proposed mechanics' association would be dominated by a few people who ^Missouri Argus, May 5, 1837. zIbid., June 7, 1839. Most of the arguments for the ten-hour system appeared in the Argus as letters from readers. In the days before professional journalism editors sometimes editorialized in this way, and since the Argus, a Democratic paper, sought to draw labor to the Democratic Party these letters may have been editorials in disguise. However, the letters did present the customary reasons for the ten-hour day, and reports from the ten-hour meetings showed the workers were saying the same things, although it is doubtful that many were articulate enough to state the case as effectively as the letters did. *Ibid., May 25, 1840. Hbid., May 30, 1840. 246 Missouri Historical Review

Lithograph by Charles Overall St. Louis Court House, 1840

always took the lead in such things for the promotion of their own interests. In fact, this particular writer felt that the officers would be chosen by such persons before the first meeting, and would be easily elected, since few of the Democratic mechanics, aware that everything was prearranged, planned to attend.6 The association, if formed, did not attract the attention of the newspapers, and apparent quiet reigned until June 1840, when the movement for a workingmen's political party got under way. When the organization appeared, it rested on several months of agitation by the Argus. That paper had been haranguing the public about the St. Louis charter of 1839 which had placed certain restrictions on participation in politics. The editor found the provision limiting aldermen to those holding a minimum plot of ground in the city of two thousand square feet, and the limitation of the suffrage to taxpayers or owners of a freehold within the city, especially contemptible. These restrictions, he claimed, dis­ franchised many workingmen.7 Partisan politics probably motivated all of this since the editor frequently accused the Whigs of writing and passing the undemo­ cratic charter. The Argus, a spokesman for the Democratic party, had been active on the side of the workingmen and producing classes for some time, and when William Gilpin became editor a concerted effort to arouse labor ensued. Gilpin, who had held a position in the army because of his friendship with President Andrew Jackson, resigned his commission and eventually appeared in St. Louis to

*Ibid., March 8, 1839. ''Missouri Laws, 1838 (Jefferson City, 1838), 157, 163-104; Argus, May 28, 1840. Organized Labor in Missouri Politics Before the Civil War 247 write for the Argus.8 As editor he diligently sought to entice St. Louis workers into joining the Democratic party. Such an article as one appearing under the conspicuous headline of * Workingmen Read This!" telling of an eastern employer who fired an employee for being so presumptuous as to form his own political opinions probably aroused workers.9 Labor might also be attracted by an article headed "Who Is The Friend of the Laboring Man?" which told of President Van Buren's support of the ten-hour system.10 In fact, the Argus consistently promoted the ten-hour movement with praise for those seeking to establish it, and for the benefits which it would bring to society.11 Thus the Argus sought to arouse labor, and no doubt hoped the Democrats would gain by labor's political activity. However, the Argus did not act in a completely partisan way in urging political action by labor, since it left its columns open to those desiring labor's participation in either major party. On June 12, 1840 "A Laborer" in a letter to that paper pointed out that both the Whig and the Democratic parties lacked full slates of candidates for the state legislature. He proposed that each party complete its list with suitable persons from the laboring class as a means of representing the worker's particular interests in the Gen­ eral Assembly. He thought everyone realized that the merchants and capitalists received more than their proper share of the seats from vSt. Louis, while labor's concerns went unattended. Finally, he stated that after many years the workingmen were rousing; if they decided neither party would represent them they would choose their own representatives, who would be real workers, for the state assembly.12 Shortly, another letter signed in the same way repeated the proposal, pointing out that not one direct representative of the mechanics and laborers occupied a seat in the state legislature. If the mechanics and laborers would discuss this fact among them­ selves, the writer predicted they would rectify the situation. He urged that a laborer or mechanic of "integrity, ability and per­ severance" be called forth "from the ranks of the laboring citizens" to look after their interests in the state lawmaking body.13 Evidently these suggestions appealed to the mechanics since they appeared to approve of choosing an independent, well-informed sjames F. Willard, "William Gilpin," Dictionary of American Biography, Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds. (New York, 1931), VII, 316. *Argus, March 28, 1840. ™lbid.f April 17, 1840. "Ibid., May 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 1840. nibid., June 12, 1840. uibid., June 16, 1840. 248 Missouri Historical Review MISSOURI ARGUS. ST. LOUIS SATUIIUAY MARCH SS, IMO mechanic as a candidate. They WORKINGMEN READ THIS ! felt their mutual interests would From • source entitle*! to the rreatett err. 4it we learn that an extensive manufRr.turer subjugate party differences so «f coaches in Now Hares: hns discharged from hff employ tome

Hlbid., June 18, IS 10. These sentiments appeared in a letter by a self-styled "Neutral Mechan­ ic" but he based his views upon discussions with his fellow craftsmen. No doubt there is much truth in what he said about the basis for cooperation growing out of the ten-hour day efforts, and his comments on the type of candidate show considerable intelligence. lhMissouri Republican, June 20, 1840. ™lbid., July 2, 1840. 17William Hyde and Howard L, Conard, Encyclopedia of the History of Si. Louis, (New York, lSUU), HI, 1333-1334. Organized Labor in Missouri Politics Before the Civil War 249

Modestly, Lynch admitted that at first he had hesitated to run, for he had little faith in his ability to fulfill such an exalted position. Finally, after constant urging, he had relented, and accepted the honor. As the only mechanic on the Whig ticket, and because he had served in all levels of his trade, Lynch felt that his sympathies, interests, and affections lay with the mechanics. Although an employer at the time, Lynch branded as false, and as an attempt to discredit him, the claim that he opposed the aims of the journey­ men. Apparently the charge grew out of a controversy in 1837, when Lynch granted a 20 per cent raise in pay to his journeymen cabinetmakers, but refused to sign a contract which they sought. Later he appeared as a witness when the dispute came before the civil authorities, and now some said this proved his sympathies did not lay with the journeymen. Lynch offered to withdraw as a candidate if the mechanics did not approve of him.18 This gesture probably meant nothing since his function was to give the Whigs an aura of friendship toward labor. At least one objection to the Whig's filling their vacancy with a man of their own choice appeared. When the proposal to choose a worker as a candidate was made earlier, vacancies existed on the tickets of both major parties, so the best action for labor would have been to select one independent workingmen's candidate to run on both slates. This would permit him to be free of party discipline and control. Now, the ideal course for the workingmen to follow was to meet, choose their own candidates, and present them to the parties to either accept or reject.19 Out of the opportunistic attempts by the major parties to obtain the labor vote, the Whigs by placing what they called a mechanic on their ticket, and the Deomocrats by trying to place a mechanic on their slate, came the independent workingmen's political organiza­ tion. A meeting, called for June 27, 1840 at the courthouse, had as its purpose the selection of one or two men from the working class of the St. Louis area as candidates for representatives in the legislature.20 In the interim between the publication of the notice calling the meeting and its occurrence the Argus continued its publication of calls for labor to unite and act. "The Ten-Hour System—from 6 to 6" was suggested as the guide. Eloquently one correspondent stated:

™Daily Pennant, July 2, 1840. ™Argus, June 22, 1840, letter by "A Neutral Mechanic." ™Ibid., June 25, 1840. 250 Missouri Historical Review

The laboring citizens of St. Louis are arising—let them come forth in the majesty of their numbers and their rights will no longer be trampled upon—their will shall then be answered and their sufferings redressed, not by their "protec­ tors" but by the omnipotent power which they will exercise through the ballot-box. . . . The unbought men of St. Louis reach forth their hardy hands to their friends with the certainty of meeting those who will "come up to their help" in the hour of trial for the maintenance of their rights. Let the recreant tool of a recreant master cleave to his protector, for none such can act with the spirit and determination that must characterise [sic] our proceedings. We act for ourselves in reclaiming our lost privileges in the legislature.21 The meeting took place as planned, and with a large attendance. The Argus accused some of those present of trying to disrupt the proceedings and distract the gathering from its objectives for political reasons. G. C. Foster, the editor of the Daily Pennant, a self-styled independent paper, praised the wise bi-partisan choice of officers from both major parlies. Foster, a practical printer and working mechanic who reluctantly admitted his Whiggery, joined Gilpin of the Argus in presenting labor's case. The Pennant's position, while more moderate than that of the Argus, definitely favored the workingmen who showed their appreciation by giving Foster honorary posts in the labor party, and passing resolutions commending his paper.22 The meeting's preamble and resolutions reiterated the need for labor's direct representation in the state assembly, claiming the workers made up a large part of St. Louis' population, and had interests unique to themselves. The group resolved to avoid partisan conflicts by ignoring party aims and objectives. Two candidates, one from each of the major parties, chosen by a nomi­ nating committee composed of one person from each of the main branches of industry would comprise the "Independent Mechanics' and Workingmen's Ticket." The candidates had to be laborers or practical journeymen mechanics, and unequivocal supporters of the ten-hour system. No pledge would be required of the candidates except the promise to devote themselves to the promotion of the general interests of the working class.23 To further their cause the group decided to ask each of the gubernatorial candidates for his opinion of the ten-hour system.24 They also hoped to strengthen their position by persuading some 2lIbid., June 26, 1840. ^Pennant, June 1, July 3, 1840; Argus, July 4, 1840. ^Argus, June 29, 1840. **Ibid., July 3, 1810. Organized Labor in Missouri Politics Before the Civil War 251 well-known physician to present a public lecture on the advantages of reduced hours. And they drew up a model bill to present to the next session of the legislature which would give the workers a better lien on the buildings that they helped erect.25 The Whigs, reluctant to recognize the determination of the workingmen, called a Whig mechanics' meeting in an effort to entice some workers away from the independent labor party. They did not invite the laborers at first, and then, realizing their mistake, asked them to attend.26 Obviously this action had purely political motives and lacked a real concern for the workingmen. "Americus," writing in the Argus warned all but those who moved "at the nod and wink of their masters" to shun the Whig mechanics' meeting since it would attempt to destroy the unity of the labor party.27 Even "A Consistent Whig Mechanic" recognized the meeting as an effort to make "political hay from the work­ ingmen's movement," but he urged all Whig mechanics and workers to attend in order to "frown down the attempt to sow seeds of disruption."28 Extensive discussion in the press reflected the interest in the worker's political activity. The Whiggish Republican said its party opposed the creation of class distinction; hence the Whig meeting was planned only after the Democratic Argus had tried to stir up dissension. Whig labor stood with the party, the Republican claimed.29 The Pennant, more balanced in its treatment, denied this, saying that few attended the Whig meeting and that most of those did not belong to the journeyman mechanics' class.30 The Argus1 "Neutral Mechanic" called attention to the Whig effort to disrupt the workingmen's movement, stating that the more affluent citizens, most of whom were Whigs, could not tolerate the rapid progress of the workers in attaining equality, and possibly becoming legislators. Nevertheless, he felt that the meeting really helped the workers since it exposed the Whigs' designs and purposes. He claimed that the kind words did not hide the true attitude of the Whigs, who had earlier tried to use force to defeat the ten-hour movement.31 Amidst the public argument the independent party's nominat­ ing committee met, made its choices, and announced them to the workers. Abram Allen, a Whig, and Russel Higgins, a Democrat, both workers, became the candidates on the "Independent Mechan- ^Ibid., July 4, 1840. ^Pennant, July 7, 1840. 2?Argus, Julv 7, 1840. ^Pennant, July 7, 1840. ^Republican, Julv 9, 1840. ^Pennant, July 9, 1840. ^Argus, July 9, 1840, 252 Missouri Historical Review

ics' and Workingmen's Ticket." The labor party requested each of the major parties to place the names of its candidates on their tickets to secure its good wishes and confidence.32 The two candidates publicly expressed their acceptance of the objectives of the labor party. Both hoped the public would ignore the efforts of the political parties and the press to mislead the uninformed, since labor's goals—the legal establishment of the ten-hour system, a revised lien law to insure payment to workers on construction jobs, not just the contractors, and the removal of the property qualifications for voting and office holding in St. Louis— were just and reasonable.33 After choosing its candidates, the party turned to the protection of its rights at the polls. Although the workers claimed they would conduct themselves properly they feared others might use unfair means to defeat them. Consequently, a meeting chose vigilance groups to guard the polls in each ward.34 On the eve of the election the workingmen pledged themselves to vote for Allen and Higgins for the House of Representatives, but remained free to support any candidates they favored for other offices.35 In spite of extensive preparations, frequent meetings, formation of vigilance committees, and solemn pledges, the workingmen's party failed to elect its candidates. Several puzzling things appeared in the election returns. For example, if the Democrats really sup­ ported labor, as their paper claimed, then they would have been wiser to have adopted the labor candidate. Except for one Demo­ cratic candidate, the total votes received by any Democrat, com­ bined with the total for any labor candidate, considerably exceeded the total received by any Whig. Higgins, the Democrat of the labor ticket, ran stronger than any single Democrat, and his vote exceeded that of Allen, the workingmen's Whig, by over four hundred votes. Of all non-Whig candidates, Higgins acquired the most votes, yet he still ran approximately four hundred behind any Whig.36 One element that might have prevented a labor-Democrat coalition was the fact that the labor ticket probably drew some Whig workers who, while willing to vote independent, would not vote for a labor candidate on a Democratic ticket. Thus labor failed to elect their candidates, but Foster of the Pennant felt that the workers had applied themselves nobly during the election. In a post-mortem he lauded the progress made, since

™Ibid., July 14, 16, 1840. wibid., July 17, 29, 1840. "Ibid., Julv 28, 1840; Pennant, July 15, 1840. ™Argus, August 3, 1840. wibid., August 7, 1840. Organized Labor in Missouri Politics Before the Civil War 253 six weeks before the election the mechanics and workingmen had lacked a political organization. They had begun with no discipline, no precedents to guide them, no system of operation—only a feeling of right and justice. Yet during the brief period before the election, labor had united and had obtained more than one thousand votes, thereby forming a nucleus of political power which, Foster thought, gained the respect of all. Foster hoped that defeat at the polls would not mean the end of action, for concerted pressure should be exerted upon the legislature for a revised lien law, the ten-hour system, and an improved city charter.37 Labor did continue to compaign for its legislative goals by peti­ tioning the state assembly. The petitions were referred to a select committee of the House headed by William A. Lynch, the St. Louis Whig who had tried to appeal to labor prior to the 1840 election. The committee, in its report felt that the existing lien law, which gave contractors a lien on buildings they erected, adequate. It claimed that the lien, if extended to subcontractors and laborers, might cause the employer to pay several times for the same labor. Lynch, an employer, would naturally think of this possibility. Also, litigation would increase and the law would interfere with contracts.38 So Lynch, who claimed to understand the workingmen's problems, and campaigned as their friend, showed his true colors. Actually Lynch seemed to follow the pattern of Missouri Whigs, if Edward Bates, a leading Missourian in that party can be con­ sidered typical, for Bates appears to have been nothing more than a political opportunist.39 Nationally, the Whigs followed the same tactics in 1840. They put up a popular hero, William Henry Harrison, for President, and then ran without a platform, trying to be all things to all people.10 Particularly, they took advantage of every chance to appear as the champions of labor.41 However, in spite of the committee's recommendation, the assembly, Democratic by a majority of sixteen, passed a law giving subcontractors a lien for materials furnished and work performed.42 Labor, still dissatisfied because the ordinary worker received no protection, persisted, until finally in 1843, an all-inclusive lien law provided that "every mechanic, artisan, workman, or other person

^Pennant, August 5, 11, 1840. ™House Journal, I84O-/+I (Jackson, Missouri, 1841), 523-524. ^Marvin R. Cain, "Edward Bates: The Rise of a Western Politician, 1814-1842" (Unpub­ lished master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1951), 54-55. 66-69, 88, 90-91, 94, 97-98. 4<>Arthur Charles Cole, The Whig Party in the South (Washington, 1913), 53-65; E. Malcolm Carroll, Origins of the Whig Party ([Durham, N. C.I, 1925), 163-171. ^Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1946), 293, uLaws, 1840 (Jefferson City, 1841), 105-106. 254 Missouri Historical Review

or persons performing work on buildings shall have a lien upon the same, to secure payment for such work done or materials fur­ nished."43 The removal of the abhorrent property and tax qualifica­ tions for voting and office-holding in St. Louis also appeased labor.44 Missouri labor did not achieve its goal of legislative endorsement of the ten-hour day. In 1841 the House of Representatives defeated a bill for that purpose. Six of the seven members of the solidly Whig delegation from St. Louis County supported the measure, but the out-state, agrarian-minded representatives voted it down.45 Missouri labor, finding political activity a disappointment both in getting men elected and in obtaining its desired legislative objec­ tive, the ten-hour system, gradually receded from independent politics. In 1841 the Republican accused the Argus of trying to arouse labor again, but the Whig paper felt that it would not succeed. In 1842 the Mechanics' and Workingmen's party entered an unsuccessful candidate in the race for state senator, while two candidates for the House did not get enough support to be placed on the ballot. The movement died in 1844 when the party's nominat­ ing committee declined to submit any names for a ticket.46 As Foster of the Pennant observed, the labor movement had made definite, impressive gains, but all of those vanished after the limited success of the early forties. In this respect the independent political efforts of labor in ante-bellum Missouri resembled those of labor in other parts of the United States as noted by a leading historian of American labor, John R. Commons. From his investiga­ tions he found that labor in this country achieved little from independent political action, so it early learned to work through the existing parties, throwing its support behind that party which promised and produced the most for the worker.47 Missouri labor, as an economic and political force, became sterile for several years as it turned to mutual aid and benefit societies in an effort to solve its problems.

*Laws, 1842-43 (Jefferson City, 1843), 83-84. "Ibid., 1840, 136. MHouse Journal, 1840-41, 351-352. 46Melom, "Economic Development of St. Louis," 336-338. 47John R. Commons et al, History of Labour in the United States (New York, 191S), 4 vols. The first volume of this work especially emphasizes this theme. BEGINNING OF THE PARK AND BOULEVARD MOVEMENT IN FRONTIER KANSAS CITY, 1872-1882

BY WILLIAM H. WILSON* In April, 1876, an editorial writer for the Kansas City Times reminded his readers that a citizen of New York City recently had chosen Central Park as the place to commit suicide. "A park is no place for that kind of foolishness," he warned. "Don't let the custom come in vogue in Kansas City."1 The editorial writer need not have worried about Kansas City's residents committing acts of self-destruction in public parks, for Kansas City in 1876 had no public parks. It was also innocent of many other improvements. Although for nine years the city had enjoyed the first railroad bridge across the Missouri River and a consequent commercial and industrial boom, its unpaved streets were alternately gritty dust or gluey mud. Municipal action was slow to improve sewers, drain ponds, and show genuine concern for matters of public health. Improvements were primitive. Careful construction was the virtue of a few major business buildings and opulent homes of the rich, while humbler callings and citizens were housed in a collection of frame structures scattered over the city's rough topography without order or beauty. A visitor to Kansas City in the 1870's would see little indication of public concern with parks as beauty spots and recreational areas. Yet there were many editorials in Kansas City newspapers directed to the practical problem of obtaining city parks and not, like the example cited above, to moralizing over how people should behave in non-existent ones. Those editorials formed part of a growing effort, begun in 1872, to secure municipal parks and later, a park and boulevard system. They appeared in the three largest Kansas City newspapers of the decade to 1882, the Times, the Journal, and, from its founding on September 18, 1880, the Star. The Times and Journal were morning papers and political rivals; the Times was Democratic and the Journal, Republican. The Star, an evening

*William H. Wilson, A.M., is a research associate for the History of Kansas City Research Project in Kansas City, Missouri. iKansas City Times, April 26, 1876. 255 256 Missouri Historical Review sheet, called itself independent.2 Besides the editorials, the news­ papers recorded various attempts to secure parks and boulevards during the decade, another indication that Kansas City was at least partly alive to the recreational and esthetic needs of its citizens. The first attempt to provide Kansas City with a public park in 1872 is significant because historians who have traced the origins of the beautification movement in Kansas City uniformly have dated the beginnings of this movement nine years later, with the publica­ tion in the Kansas City Star of an editorial advocating parks. The tacit assumption that the Star and its great editor, William Rockhill Nelson, evoked interest in parks and boulevards in 1881 has obscured at least six separate efforts to beautify Kansas City prior to that time. It also has hidden those many editorials in other newspapers which together developed a rationale for city beautifica­ tion, a rationale well advanced before the Star was founded. This editorial drive for parks and boulevards is especially noteworthy because it presented developed thinking about a beautiful city in the midst of a rough frontier river town whose corporate age was less than thirty years. Examination of these early ideas and efforts will provide a setting for judging the importance of William Rock- hill Nelson's first editorial demand for a park.3 Writers trying to generate interest in something more than perfecting municipal services realized how little esthetic considera­ tions affected post-bellum, business oriented citizens with their eyes on a goal of riches and hands grasping for the main chance to attain it. Not that pure beauty was ignored. On the contrary, the relatively unrestrained writers of that era waxed purple and pro­ lix as they gushed forth descrip­ tions of the lush loveliness of parks, but they were careful to include a few direct and un­ adorned references to a park's supposed economic utility as well. Parks are beautiful, yes, but they are also a refuge for the laboring poor, who become more 2A11 these newspapers experienced minor variations in their masthead titles, but each title included the basic names given above. ;!Three books which credit Nelson and the Star with beginning the park and boulevard move­ ment are Members of the Staff of the Kansas City Star, William Rockhill Nelson (Cambridge, Mass., 1915); Icie F. Johnson, William Rockhill Nelson and the Kansas City Star (Kansas City, Mo., [c. 1935]); and Henry C. Haskell, Jr., and Richard B. Fowler, City of the Future (Kansas City, Mo., [c. 1950J). Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 257 productive workers through their contacts, in parks, with healthful, renewing nature. Parks also "pay" because their salubrity decreases doctor bills and morticians' fees, and because their existence raises the value of adjacent land. Parks draw people who decide among urban areas on the basis of pleasant surroundings. There was possibly a contradiction, that passed unnoticed, between this last argument and the newspapers' supreme confidence in a sharp rise in the population of the city, no matter what esthetic level it might attain. Tens of thousands of people will jam into Kansas City and they will require parks. Though they may not be needed yet, parks will come more cheaply if provided now, while open spaces are available in the city and land values relatively low. Finally, other cities have parks, and boulevards, too; they are the adjuncts to genuine metropolitanism. Some of this seems a bit forced, yet the partisans of parks often were challanged on economic grounds and had to reply in kind. Their ideas did not develop in a vacuum; they matured over a decade of struggle to make Kansas City beautiful. The struggle began when James W. Cook, a local landowner, offered to sell forty acres of unimproved land for park purposes at $2,000 per acre in what was then the southwest section of the city. When Cook appeared before the city council in February, 1872, to advance his proposition, the Times reported that "A lively debate ensued." One councilman ''dwelt at some length upon the folly of the measure . . . had something to say about sewers, street improve­ ments, water-works, and other things needed by the city before parks." Another advised his fellows to "retrench expenditures," and spoke against issuing bonds. Although Cook claimed he was making the offer at the request of "many citizens," and that he could receive double the amount he was asking from the city by cutting up his property into town lots, the council rejected his offer, five votes to seven.4 For five years the matter rested. Then Cook, who had not cut his pasture up into lots after all, repeated his park offer in June, 1877. "I will take 8 [per cent] City Bonds, payable in 20 years," ran Cook's written proposal to the council. Regular tax assessments on the increased value of land adjacent to the pasture, he was sure, would easily pay interest on the bonds, "thereby getting the City a fine native Grove park—with at least 1,000 Beautiful shade Trees to commence with as an orniment [sic] to our Growing City. . . ."5 "Kansas City Times, February 13, 1872. 5Kansas City, Mo., Council Document No. 15086, second series, June 4, 1877; Council Pro­ ceedings, Binder 8, Regular Session, June 4, 1877, 101. See also Kansas City Times, June 7, 1877. 258 Missouri Historical Review

Six days after Cook's second proposal, the Times gave it editorial support. "Parks," said the Times, drawing a figure of which it was very fond, "are as indispensable to a large city as lungs to an animal. They are breathing places," it continued, where the laboring poor can go from their crowded tenement houses to rest and refresh themselves under the shade of trees, and see their too much imprisoned children draw new health and spirits from the flowers, the foliage, and the music of fountains. If they are denied parks, "the poor fall sick at the public expense, and the mortality, especially among children, soon compels the city to provide parks of easy access to all. . . ." Kansas City was urged to buy park land while undeveloped tracts remained cheap and accessible, or it might "become a seminary of pestilence . . . like some of the cities of Asia." Another reason for providing parks immediately, the Times' scribe asserted, was because Kansas City some day would be a teeming town. "Kansas City may get on very well without a park for a while," he wrote, but unimproved ground "that can be secured for a few thousand now, will cost as many hundred thousands when the population is doubled. . . ."6

Kansas City in 1871

Garwood, Crossroads of America 6Kansas City Times, June 10, 1877. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 259

The Times1 warning was followed by a letter to the Journal, in which Cook publicly stated his offer and renewed his threat to sell off the pasture for residential development.7 "A city without a park is like a body without lungs," the Journal said editorially. Though it asserts that parks "are essential to man morally and physically," the newspaper stressed the natural advantages of the site and the wisdom of buying the rolling, forested ground, to save future costs of landscaping a less desirable tract.8 The council's committee on public buildings and grounds reported, in July, that Cook had named a sale figure of about $62,000, "for which there is no provision in our Charter authorizing us to lay out for Parks."9 The council, apparently unimpressed by an $18,000 reduction from the price of four years before, took no action. Lack of a charter provision did not prevent the Journal from commenting on "the liberal terms proposed," and the need for a park to benefit "people of moderate means, who never rest but once a week. ..." The Republican Journal professed no concern for "citizens of wealth, who keep their own carriages and can ride out at will" to discover "pure air, fine prospects, and all the variety and beauty that nature and art have given to rural resorts and private estates."10 Later the same month the Journal warned that "Mr. Cook has made arrangements to survey and lay off his forty acres for sale. This will be done within a week." Quick action to purchase the land was necessary, or it would be lost forever. Despite the alarm, the citizenry did not act to buy the land nor did Cook carry through any plans to develop the tract.11 In September the Times played upon new themes. It discovered that people are drawn to a city, not only by its factories and stores, but also by its parks. "Hundreds of people go to Paris every year mainly for the enjoyment afforded by its parks," the Times dis­ closed. It found that the same reason impelled people to journey to New York, Philadelphia and St. Louis. There was no suggestion that sophisticated, worldly Paris and the mature cities of its own continent might have other, more compelling attractions for visitors than the rough little river town of Kansas City. The Times also dwelt upon the benefits to workmen and their families who flocked to Chicago's Lincoln Park, where healthful and moral influences

7Kansas City Journal, June 24, 1877. Hbid., June 4, 1877. 9Council Document No. 15275, second series, July 12, 1877. Council Proceedings, Binder 8, Special Session, July 12, 1877, 115. ^Kansas City Journal, July 22, 1877. "Ibid., July 27, 1877. 260 Missouri Historical Review prevailed, in contrast to the "feverish excitement of the streets, the temptations to drink and riot found at the gin mills, and the hardening influences of the more depraved of their own class." In the midst of this naivete one cogent passage stands out. It speaks with the same realization of the need for comprehensive plans that is found some fifteen years later in the report of a trained, experi­ enced landscape architect who surveyed the Kansas City scene. The newspaper said: Now if we go about it let us have a park in the full sense of the word—one that has something to recommend it besides mere grass and trees. By this it is not meant that the whole work should be begun and the whole expense incurred at once, but the scope and plan of the enterprise should be grasped in its entirety, with an eye to the future, and the business of laying out, advancing, &c, entered upon, so that the foundation of the work may be laid broad and deep, on a scale com­ mensurate with our future needs.12 Unfortunately for its reputation, and perhaps for the esthetic qualities of the city it served, the Times chose not to hammer home this theme in subsequent editorials. Yet it is a little surprising to find that the idea of a comprehensive plan combined with prudent building as funds allowed existed at all in the Kansas City of the 1870's. This editorial is a milestone in the development of park and boulevard thinking even though it was written long before the city had a permanent public park. The idea of a boulevard system designed to link several parks came later. It grew from a plan to broaden and surface two existing roads from Kansas City to the neighboring towns of Independence, Missouri, and Rosedale, Kansas. Although these roads were called boulevards, there is little indication their promotions thought of them primarily as scenic drives; they were more concerned with easing the flow of commercial traffic in the Kansas City area and capitalizing upon the rise in land values along the rights of way. Even for some time after the movement began in 1879, the Times regarded the non-commercial advantages of boulevards solely as "driving parks," where gentlemen could display their horses and horsemanship. Only later did the concept of boulevards as play­ grounds of the rich and the notion of parks as playgrounds of the poor merge into the idea of a park and boulevard system for all to enjoy. Although the Journal made brief references to the beauty of the proposed boulevards or the beautiful suburban areas through

12Kansas City Times, September 8, 1877. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 261

which they would pass, neigher it nor the Star, founded during the boulevard movement, pressed for expanding the boulevard idea into a park and boulevard system. That task was left to the Times.1'6 Turning again to the French capital for an example, the Times remarked that "It has been said of Louis Napoleon that he almost compensated for the evil of his corrupt reign by the splendid boulevard he gave to Paris," and that boulevards "have done more to commend the reign of the Third Napoleon to his people than all his other acts." The French ruler had recognized that "To do business, buy and sell and build houses is not all of the mission of cities."14 Coupled with this bow to Napoleon's enlightened despot­ ism was the first editorial linking of parks and boulevards. "Parks," the editorial's writer penned with modest anonymity, "have been called the lungs of the city: broad cool inviting streets are then the external organs of respiration, as necessary to the life of the civic body as the lunings [sic] themselves. ..." Through the medium of this unsophisticated biological analogy the writer's anthropo­ morphic city now required, presumably, a nose. What was more

™Ibid., August 16, 1877, April 20, 1879, and September 17, 1879; Kansas City Journal, Septem­ ber 14, 1879, September 18, 1879, and December 23, 1880. "Kansas City Times, April 21, 1880 and April 25, 1880. 262 Missouri Historical Review important, the link between parks and boulevards had been made in the public prints.15 "Kansas City is strong limbed and level headed, and now . . . the imperative want is lungs for our proud young giant metropolis," said Thomas B. Bullene, a wealthy dry goods merchant, as he assumed the presidency of the Rosedale Boulevard Association, the business group formed to build a southwest boulevard. Whether or not Bullene was as concerned with the city's respiration as he was with its commercial growth, the Times gleefully announced that "the era of boulevard and park building has been fairly inaugu­ rated." The people, it said, would realize economy in boulevard construction if the work were undertaken immediately. Applying anew an argument already developed in reference to parks, the newspaper declared that: Never was a generous public spirit more opportunely awakened among a people, because the want is here, and boulevards, parks and public drives can be created now at a cost our people will not feel, and the marvelous growth and increase of real estate is such that, if not secured now, it will soon require thousands of dollars where hundreds will effect the same beneficent purposes. The article introduced the further idea that parks and boule­ vards are necessary to a metropolitan area: A boulevard is a good thing for all, it supplies a want felt alike by the poorest and richest—a benefaction that grows with the lapse of time. And when you add to this great and inviting parks—resting, as well as breathing places for tired, cribbed, begrimed mankind—you will have built a city to properly welcome the half million people that are coming to your town.16 The private boulevard projects languished for lack of money despite the Times' careful, elaborate efforts to convince citizens of their worth.17 These private efforts might fail, but in June, 1877, a few days after Cook's second offer to sell his forty acres and two years before the ill-fated boulevard movement, the first partially successful public move to secure a park was made when the city council adopted a resolution "to have the Old Grave yard graded By the work house force, with a view to a Public Park."18 The graveyard was very old by Kansas City's standards. A plat drawn in 1847 showed it as an irregularly shaped block dedicated to ™Ibid., April 25, 1880. Fortunately for the sensibilities of his readers, the writer did not extend the analogy to the city's sewers. nibid., May 12, 1880. "Ibid., March 26, 1881. lsCouncil Proceedings, Binder 8, Special Session, June 16, 1877, 107. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 263 burial purposes in the southeastern corner of the original town, but interments had been made even before then. In 1857 the council forbade further burials and ordered existing graves removed. It became evident that all graves had not been exhumed when, in the late 1870's grading of streets around the square and improving the block itself for park purposes revealed a number of coffins. Some of these were reburied in the park so the city could claim the land ostensibly for a graveyard, a claim the heirs of the original town company opposed in a long court battle the city was to lose, along with the park, some years later.19 In 1877, however, it enjoyed uncontested possession of the ground, and set the workhouse inmates to the task of improving the square. Mayor George Shelley was interested in the project and began, in 1878, to raise money for embellishment. "An attractive central park," said the Times in support of Shelley's efforts, "would be esteemed a substantial blessing as a place of frequent pleasant resort during the sultry summer season; and Cemetery Park ... is, by location, the most favorable. . . ."20 By November, 1878, Shelley had perfected a fund-raising organization which reached into all wards, and he was planning to visit local artisans to urge them to donate their labor and skills to the community beautification and recreation project.21 Some aldermen were so impressed with this work they proposed to name the block "Shelley Place," but Shelley himself forestalled a formal resolution to that effect. Not everyone was so smitten by the mayor's civic mindedness. Grumblers pointed out how the proposed park was located in the first ward and hinted that political con­ siderations, rather than availability of the ground, provided the motive for Shelley's dogged efforts.22 In December the Times reported that projected improvements included a central fountain, shaded walks, and a bandstand. "The topography and small extent of the ground will not permit of any striking arrangements of landscape," it admitted, but the object was only to provide an attractive area within "easy reach of the busy streets."23 The council revealed it was not entirely satisfied with its legal position when, in response to an inquiry from State Senator George F. Balingal about the city's legislative needs, it requested him to present a bill empowering Kansas City to condemn the block

19Campbell et al v. The City of Kansas, Reports of Cases Determined in the Supreme Court of the State of Missouri, 102 Brown 338, 350-55, (1891). 2QKansas City Times, October 17, 1878. 21Kansas City Journal, November 19, 1878. 22Kansas City Times, November 26, 1878. nibid., December 7, 1878. 264 Missouri Historical Review

for use as a public park.24 Legal doubts did not arrest improvement, for in March, 1879, the council resolved to purchase a fence for "Cemetery Park."25 Though there is no record that the most ambitiously planned embellishment, the fountain, ever became reality, the square was improved with grass, trees, walks, and night lighting.26 These refinements were made with a mixture of private and public funds, but the proportion of each, or whether the improvements were executed badly or well, is difficult to determine after the lapse of almost a century. Whatever its limitations, the park was near workingmen's neighborhoods, and though it was spare of beauty, it should have encouraged the newspapermen who demanded a beginning. Besides its nearness to workers and their families, it was close to the city hall and only a few blocks from retail districts. The cost of acquisi­ tion was nothing and improvement expenses were low. Its existence demonstrated that the city government was awakening, however slowly, to esthetic needs. Yet newspaper comment was unfriendly. The scribes wanted something more extensive. "We have a park of one block," the Times sarcastically remarked, "sacredly dedicated to the welfare and happiness of the people ... it will afford a recreation for the tired mothers and puny babies . . . who would think of saying that this 'oat patch' bears any comparison to what a real genuine park for the city should be? Instead of a patch for a park, a hundred acres should be secured in close proximity to the city without delay."27 In July, 1880, the Journal berated the local aldermen, who, it claimed, had failed to provide "lungs for the city," in contrast to municipal officials elsewhere. ". . . in Kansas City people cannot enjoy even the smallest kind of a park" except the "little dornick on the East Side. Shelley square," the Journal asserted, was "Without grass, with no shade, no fountain or anything to render it attrac­ tive. ..." The only local refuge from the heat the writer could recommend was the fair grounds, at that time in the southeastern section of the city. The only hope for improvement lay, not with the city council, but with "some rich and philanthropic citizen" who might, "in a fit of frenzy, superinduced by 110 degrees in the shade, dedicate his front yard for park purposes and invite the public in."28 24Council Proceedings, Binder 8, Special Session, December 12, 1878, 264. ^Ibid., March 24, 1879, 288-89. 26Campbell v. City of Kansas, 338, 353. See also W. J. Ward, In the Supreme Court of Missouri (Kansas City, Mo., 1890), in black binder titled "Cemeteries—Charities—Churches—1," Native Sons Archives, Kansas City, Missouri; and Kansas City Journal, April 20, 1884. 27Kansas City Times, May 5, 1880. ^Kansas City Journal, July 21, 1880. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 265

Serl, The Story of Kansas City Kansas City's West Terrace Before Improvement

The Journal could print its whimsical hopes for successful private efforts to obtain a park, but the only concerted private attempt to secure a public park during the period did not gain even the limited and temporary success of the council's action on the old graveyard. This private effort was made by residents of McGee's Addition, a self-conscious residential neighborhood in the south- central section of the city. Councilmen representing McGee's Addition attempted to discover some municipal claim to a square lying within the addition, commonly known as McGee Park, which had stood vacant and was used as a recreational area and also as a circus grounds. A check of deeds revealed the city had no claim to the ground, as the land was reserved in the names of the investors who had platted the addi­ tion.29 Undaunted, the citizens of McGee's Addition held a mass meeting the night of October 10, 1879, about the time the old graveyard to the north of them was being transformed into a park. The citizens determined to make the only course open to them

™Ibid., October 10, 1879. 266 Missouri Historical Review

under the law: to assess property owners near the square for purchase of the land, then deed it to the city as a public park.'50 Four months later the city formally declined to take the initia­ tive, when the council's finance committee reported there were no funds in the city treasury to spend on a park.31 In June, 1880, the finance committee again considered an ordinance to establish the area as a public square, and in August it recommended passage of an ordinance to convert the tract to a park, but with an amendment limiting the city's liability to one dollar. This cut the ground from under any dwellers in McGee's Addition who had hoped for sub­ stantial aid from the city. The council solemnly passed the ordi­ nance, with the crucial amendment.32 In the face of this piece of metropolitan realpolitik the drive for a public square in McGee's Addition subsided for a year. The only indication it revived even fitfully is a story in the Times reporting, in contradiction to previous accounts, that the tract in controversy had been set aside for public use on the original plat, but that the city had compromised its

West Terrace As Improved in 1910

Kansas City Chamber of Commerce, Where These Rocky Bluffs Meet nibid., October 11, 1879, and July 21, 1880. 31Kansas City Times, February 6, 1880. 32Council Proceedings, Binder 8, Special Session, June 11, 1880, 473, and August 18, 1880 495. Kansas City Journal, June 12, 1880, and August 19, 1880. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 267

rights by taxing the land, and was therefore beginning a condemna­ tion suit to recover McGee Park. Nothing indicates a suit ever was brought.33 The exposition grounds were also the subject of editorial urges to positive park action. Editorials on the exposition grounds are not important for the support they lent to a purchase movement—such a movement did not exist in 1880—but they are noteworthy because of the growing space given to assertions that Kansas City had achieved metropolitanism, and the strident insistence that parks and boulevards were the sine qua non of metropolitan areas. Drinking deep of its own boosterism, the Journal declared in May, "In the next twenty years Kansas City will have a population of 250,000. ... It is no longer a badge of dishonor," it said, for a man in this community to have his hair cut short, black his boots, and put on a clean collar not less than once a week. These evidences of modern civilization, in fact, have grown by degrees into favor. . . . The town, like a great big, awk­ ward country boy, is loosely put together—yet growing rapidly—literally spreading in all directions. . . . Every city of any size has a public park, to which all classes of citizens go for pleasure and recreation. Before many years this city must have a park of five hundred or a thousand acres. . . . Let the park be on the boulevard that leads to Independence. If Kansas City's citizens found current legislation for park condemnation inadequate, "we would suggest," continued the Journal, "that there will be a session of the legislature next winter when an enabling act may be passed without an effort hardly."34 Six months later, on November 16, 1880, the Journal reminded its readers that "Kansas City should begin to look up the legislation needed this winter. We have the street question, the park question, the boulevard question. . . ."35 These remarks prompted the first comment on parks from the city's new evening paper. "The Journal enumerates the street question, the boulevard question, the park question and many other subjects," the Star informed its readers that same evening. Possibly because of this reference to the Journal, those who gave the Star vir­ tually exclusive credit for beginning the park and boulevard move­ ment prefer to place the first park editorial in the following year.36

33Kansas City Times, September 1, 1881. 3*Kansas City Journal, May 9, 1880. ^Ibid., November 16, 1880. seKansas City Star, November 16, 1880. 268 Missouri Historical Review

The original biography of the Star's founder, William Rockhill Nelson, was the first book to date the Star's maiden call for a park, and, indiscriminately, the beginning of the park and boulevard movement, on May 19, 1881. This volume was written by the Star staff during 1915, the year of Nelson's death. Writing in the shadow of the man they so greatly respected, the biographers sought, perhaps unconsciously, to lengthen that shadow with the statement that Nelson "was probably the only man in Kansas City who saw that the bluffs and hills and ravines had elements of real beauty. ..." They also wrote of Nelson that "when The Star was only eight months old, he began the long, long struggle for public parks, which finally, after many reverses and delays, triumphed splendidly."37 The May 19, 1881 Star editorial obviously did not begin the "long, long struggle for public parks," but it could have been important in other ways. It could have taken sister newspapers to task for their relatively infrequent mention of park and boulevard matters^ because they often let months pass with no attention to the city's esthetic and recreational needs. It could have shown how invoking the plight of the overworked poor or examples of more progressive cities had failed to stir Kansas Citians to action. Though the Journal once remarked that " 'Don't let up on the Park question,' is the frequent injunction of readers and correspondents," and printed a letter commenting favorably on one of its park editorials, the Times was more sensible and realistic when it grumbled, "If the citizens were only in earnest about the matter [of a park] and would hold the council up to the mark, it would not be long until such an improvement would be an accomplished fact."38 The editorial could have urged a park committee for the city council, which had no administrative machinery for park matters and shunted them to the committee on public buildings and grounds, or the finance committee, or to individual councilmen. It could have focused on the one small park Kansas City did have, beginning a campaign for its improvement or for a system of similar small parks. It could have discussed the need for comprehensive park planning, or for park amendments to the city charter, subjects which had received almost no attention in the press. It did none of these things. Instead, that famous editorial began with a canard. Ignoring the converted cemetery, it asserted that "Kansas City has no public parks," and went on to mention the impending loss of the exposition "35. ^Kansas City Journal, July 22, 1877, and October 1, 1880. Kansas City Times, June 22, 1SS1. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 269 grounds, the necessity for quick action by the city before rising property values placed all possible park sites beyond reach, and the need for special state legislation to simplify problems of park acquisition. There was nothing about a park and boulevard system, nothing about comprehensive planning, no indication of fresh thinking about park and boulevard needs.39 These objections would be of little importance had the editorial been the first in a series of regular park articles. No newspaper had yet planned a campaign consisting of regularly appearing editorials extending over a long time span. Something like that, coming from the Star, might have awakened citizens to Kansas City's needs. Nelson's biographers suggest that this is exactly what happened. "That was the beginning of a campaign that continued for fifteen years," wrote the Star staff, "before Kansas City, with soul uplifted, sat in joy upon its first park bench. The people of Kansas City who read The Star . . . had parks and boulevards for dinner every night."40 Twenty years later another biography, by Icie F. Johnson, told how "the readers of the Star . . . had parks and boulevards every night for sup­ per."41 Writing still later in a general history of Kansas City, two Star editors, Henry C. Haskell, Jr., and Richard B. Fowler, claimed that the fight for parks and boulevards "began as early as 1881, when the Star pointed out that. . . Kansas City still had made no provision for public recreation."42 The Star staff and Johnson further claim­ ed that Nelson's "campaign" was careful and systematic. "Mr. Nelson entered upon the campaign for parks in no hap­ hazard way," commented the ffi&&.-- *4K*v- & *?*£?** 5fy

39Kansas City Star, May 19, 1881. The census of 1880 reported that Kansas City had "one small park or block of ground, containing 2.11 acres, used originally for a cemetery, of which it retains possession from the fact of its still containing the remains of persons buried therein. There is no attempt at maintenance except mowing the grass." U. S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Tenth Census of the United States: 1880, Report on the Social Statistics of Cities, XIX, pt. 2 (Washington, 1887), 556. 4035. 4185. «71. 270 Missouri Historical Review

Star staff.43 "He obtained all available details on park development and planned his campaign carefully," Icie F. Johnson wrote, "There was nothing haphazard about anything Nelson did."44 The test for these assertions is an examination of newspaper commentary on James W. Cook's last offer to sell his still undevel­ oped forty acres to the city for a park, an offer he made less than a month after the Star s highly taunted park editorial appeared. The Star began well, with a story on May 28 informing readers that Cook was to propose a twenty-five year lease of the pasture, with a yearly rental of ten cents for each Kansas City resident.45 True to the Star s advance information, Cook made the proposal to the council on June 6, "I understand that the city cannot purchase a park under the present City Charter," he wrote. "I therefore pro­ pose to lease for 25 years my 40 acres of Ground. . . . For the Sum of 10 cts a year for Each inhabitant for the use of Sedd Grounds, the Sensis to be taken every five years. . . ,"46 Cook's business sense was better than his spelling. The Journal reported Alderman Ford of the first ward had estimated the cost to the city for rental alone "would amount to $7,500, and keep increasing yearly." The alderman charged that Cook would be the only financial beneficiary of the plan, which showed how little attention Ford had given to editorial proof that parks paid everyone. The matter was referred to the fourth ward aldermen.47 "Kansas City is at the present time in absolute want of a public park," the Times asserted editorially three days after Cook made his third offer. "The Romans had parks," said the Times, and "If there were half a dozen parks in this city it would be none too many." Kansas City needed to emulate Rome's public baths, too, the rambling editorial continued, pointing out how, instead of such improvements, "nearly every line of street cars has a beer garden for its terminus. There is a painful aridity about a city which has neither parks or drinking fountains. ... It is to be hoped that these blunders will soon be corrected."48 The Journal noted its rival's editorial with amusement. "Our neighbor, the Times, has a peculiar article on parks . . . But it don't get down to practical things." The Journal got down to practical things. It praised the natural advantages of Cook's pasture, then

4336. 4459-60. 45Kansas City Star, May 28, 1881. 46Council Document No. 21025, second series, J. W. Cook to "Hon Common Council of Kansas City," May 30, 1881. 47Kansas City Journal, June 7, 1881. Council Proceedings, Binder S, Regular Session, June 6, 1881, 561. 48Kansas City Times, June 9, 1881. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 271 critically examined the council's reaction to the proffered rental. "But the proposition met with that prompt opposition and denun­ ciation which everything but dirt and pipestem sewers meets in that remarkable body. There was not a word said," it went on, about the necessity of a park, its sanitary or aesthetic uses. Not a word, but Mr. Cook was pounced upon as if he had been a public enemy. . . . We are tired of this mere opposition statesmanship. ... If a man is to be denounced and drummed out of town for offering grounds for a park, people will be slow to make such tenders.49 The council's fourth ward aldermen never reported, and this time Cook sold his property. The land was apparently so well known and desirable that its developers contrasted the blatant half and full page real estate announcements of the day with this chaste advertisement: We have just closed the purchase for Chas. Merriam, of Boston, for $125,000, of that tract of land known as Cook's Pasture. We will at once place this property on the market. Its magnificent forest trees, commanding view, and acces­ sibility, is so well known that no extended description is essential.50 This advertisement closed the unsuccessful fight to convert Cook's pasture into a public park. What was the Star's role in the fight? Except for the announcement that the offer was to be made, the Star said nothing about Cook's proposal. It was silent while other newspapers spoke. Considering this neutralism and inaction, it is easy to accept Haskell's and Fowler's lament, in their City of the Future, that public response to the opening of the Star's fight for parks was less than spirited. "At first," they wrote, "the city's apathy was monumental." No doubt it was.51 The most compelling reason to question the legend of the Star's initial importance in the park and boulevard fight is the year-long gap between editorials in that newspaper devoted to the park idea. During the year from May 19, 1881, to May 16, 1882, the date of the second editorial, the Times again came out in favor of parks, and the local Greenback party stood upon a plank demanding parks.52 In that second editorial, the Star urged the city to purchase **Ibid. 50Kansas City Times, September 12, 1881. 5172. The Star editorial received some attention from the Journal, which praised the "com­ mendable" park editorial. "The Journal," it said, "has urged the park question until it has about become discouraged, and if our evening contemporary can move public feeling to undertake the enterprise we shall be glad and do all we can to help it along." Kansas City Journal, May 22, 1881. 52Kansas City Times, August 28, 1881, and March 3, 1882. 272 Missouri Historical Review

the old exposition grounds, but only after an earlier editorial gave the impression the Star was resigned to residential building on the grounds and hoped only for a beautiful "Residence Park" there.53 Further, the idea of parks and the idea of a boulevard system did not meld in the Star's columns until 1885, long after its competitors had urged Kansas City to follow the example of Paris in park and boulevard construction.54 Thus the claims for Nelson's early, carefully planned campaign for parks and boulevards, begun by the Star staff's tender memorial and perpetuated by some subsequent writing, do not stand up under analysis. Other works such as Carrie Westlake Whitney's Kansas City Missouri, published in 1908, or Crossroads of America by Darrell Garwood, which appeared forty years later, give Nelson and the Star heavy credit for the ultimate realization of the park and boulevard system while they avoid a search for origins of the city beautiful idea. Such analyses may be more superficial but they are safer than assertions or implications that Nelson initiated the park and boulevard movement. Nelson's genius lay, not in beginning it, but in ably adding impetus to a movement already under way.55 Many causes might explain the meager success of the park and boulevard movement in the decade 1872-1882. Kansas City was as yet a raw city, and problems of street grading and paving, sewers and water supply, educational buildings and police protection probably loomed larger to its citizens than beautification matters. No prominent citizen devoted his energies to acquiring parks. No newspaper took up the editorial cudgels in a sustained campaign for a beautiful city. Some Kansas City residents doubtless viewed the city as an economic organism in which parks would serve no useful purpose and were therefore superfluous. Had its citizens considered parks and boulevards necessary, the booming city surely could have supplied the means to finance them. The reason they did not, and the greatest single reason for the failure of attempts to secure public parks, is that attractive open spaces lay within the city limits and within easy reach of much of the city's population. These open spaces finally were built over, but for most of the decade they were available to the public. Cook's pasture was not sold until 1881, and the exposition grounds remained undeveloped until the following year. McGee Park was in use throughout the ^Kansas City Star, March 9, 1882, and May 16, 1882. **Ibid., May 19, 1885. 55Carrie Westlake Whitney, Kansas City Missouri: Its History and Its People, 1808-190S (Chicago, 1908), I, 386. Darrell Garwood, Crossroads of America: The Story of Kansas City (New York, [c. 1948]), 157-60, 174, 202-07. Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Kansas City 273 decade. Then too, there was the forlorn "little dornick," Shelley Park, which the newspapers discounted so heavily. Finally, there were private parks. The most important of these was Merriam Park, owned by the Kansas City, Fort Scott and Gulf Railroad, lying southwest of the city in Kansas. It was to reach a high state of landscape development in later years. Former president Grant spoke there in 1880, and his appearance was followed by an extended revival meeting.56 Other parks were Garth's and Gaston's. But even the Times, very partial to the Gaston establishment on "Reservoir Hill," admitted it was "not . . . precisely what Kansas City wants. . . ."57 By 1882, however, most of these open places in Kansas City became residential developments, and the problem of catching a glimpse of nature in the burgeoning town became acute. The next ten years were to see a greater and more successful effort to meet that problem. ^Kansas City Times, July 3, 18S0, August 2, 1880, August 4, 1880, and August 9, 1880. "Ibid., June 4, 1876.

OLD HOME REMEDIES From Granny Gore's Ozark Folk Medicine, by Sherman Lee Pompey You see, the good Lord made herbs an roots fer the purpose of medicines. A lot of the medicines that we used in the early hills was nothing more than the same thing or an artificial substitute of these things used today by modern medical science. Fer a burn, rub good old country butter on the burn, that real good sweet cream butter. To take fire out of a burn, rub the burn in the sign of a cross an repeat this say in': Two little angels came down from heaven The one brought fire and the other brought flood Come in flood and go away fire. Won't work very good unless youen's makes the sign of the cross. Don't ask me why, but that is just the way it goes. It seems that it is part of an act of faith towards the good Lord. HOW TO REBURY A REVOLUTIONARY SOLDIER

By William R. Gentry, Jr.*

After the death of my Uncle North Todd Gentry in 1944, I sorted out his correspondence and papers, many of which were turned over to the Western Historical Manuscripts Collection at Columbia. A portion of one letter caught my attention and was laid aside for further study. It was a carbon copy of a letter to a distant cousin and told of my uncle's visit to Madison County, Kentucky, in 1891. At that time, he visited the old home of Richard Gentry, his Revolutionary ancestor, and copied the inscription on his grave marker in the family burying ground. It read: In Memory of RICHARD GENTRY, Who was Born in Virginia, Sept. 26, 1763, Present at the Capture of Cornwallis AT YORKTOWN. Moved to Ky. in 1786, Died Feb. 12, 1843 ys. ms. ds. Age 79 4 16 The letter went on to say that my uncle had again visited the old Gentry place in 1935, but that the brick house was gone, and the family cemetery was in disrepair with the fence fallen over and the graves untended. My father, William R. Gentry, my brother, Thomas F. Gentry, and I were discussing this letter in the summer of 1957 and decided that it would be a good idea to locate this grave and remove the remains of our Revolutionary ancestor to some National Military Cemetery, as a man who was proud enough of his service in the Revolution to have it inscirbed on his tomestone deserved a resting place which would have perpetual care. I was elected foreman of the job, and my troubles began.

*William R. Gentry, Jr., lives in St. Louis, Missouri. 274 How to Rebury a Revolutionary Soldier 275

My wife and I drove to Richmond, the county seat of Madison County, Kentucky, in early November of 1957. The Gentry homestead, once over a thousand acres in extent, was no longer in Gentry hands and no one seemed to know anything about it—which was not surprising in view of the fact that no Gentry had lived on it for the past sixty years. I went to the court house to look up the deed records. While there, I met Mrs. Clay Riggs, the court report­ er, who is very much interested in the early history of Madison County. She was most helpful and we soon found the records we wanted. She also put me in touch with Mr. James Gentry who turned out to be a descendant of Richard Gentry's brother, and who promised to lend a hand. After our return to St. Louis, James Gentry reported that he had been to the Gentry place, now in the hands of Mr. Russell Coy, had visited the private cemetery and had probably located Richard Gentry's grave. With our goal in sight, I applied to the Quartermaster-General of the Army in Washington, D. C, who has jurisdiction of all

Kentucky Grave of Richard Gentry

Courtesy of William R. Gentry, Jr. 276 Missouri Historical Review

Courtesy St. Louis Post-Dispatch Reburial Ceremony at Jefferson Barracks Military Cemetery, St. Louis burials in Military Cemeteries, for permission to rebury Richard Gentry's remains in the Military Cemetery at Jefferson Barracks, just outside of St. Louis, Missouri. This site was suggested because Richard Gentry's son, also named Richard Gentry, was buried there, having been killed in the Seminole Indian War in Florida on Christmas Day, 1837. After checking the credentials to satisfy himself of the authenticity of Richard Gentry's Revolutionary service, the Quartermaster-General issued his permit, with the understanding that no expense would be borne by the Government. In mid-May of 1958, my wife and I returned to Richmond, Kentucky, and obtained a permit to open Richard Gentry's grave, got signed consents for reburial from all those in Richmond who were descended from him, and written permission from Mr. Coy to enter his land and dig. I engaged the services of Mr. George T. Greggs, Jr., the local funeral director, whose wife is a descendant of Richard Gentry, and with two laborers we went out to the old cemetery. It was as dismal a place as could be found. Grazing cattle had knocked over the gravestones, trees and brush and vines were thick, and, apparently, no one had been around for over half a century. The headstone of the grave we were seeking was so badly weathered that the inscrip- How to Rebury a Revolutionary Soldier 277 tion was almost illegible. Mr. Griggs brushed a thin coat of plaster of Paris over the lettering, and the following became visible: ARD GE

to Ky. in 1786 Died Feb. 12, 1843 Comparing this with the full inscription copied by N. T. Gentry in 1891, it was apparent that this was the grave, and the diggers began their work. The family history, Gentry Family in America, states (page 52) that a neighbor built a brick vault around the Gentry coffin and that large, flat rocks were then laid over all. Sure enough, when the diggers got down to about six feet, they hit the flat rocks, and when they were removed, the remains were found in the vault of hand­ made brick. The bones were placed in a child's size casket and brought back to St. Louis the following day. Reburial was scheduled for Friday, June 20, 1958. We arranged for the ceremony to be conducted by the St. Louis Chapter of the Sons of the Revolution. The Marine Corps Recruiting Office provided a Color Guard, and a Boy Scout bugler was on hand to play "taps." Notices of the occasion were inserted in the newspapers in Richmond, Louisville, and Danville, Kentucky; and in St. Louis, Kansas City, Sedalia, Jefferson City, Columbia, and Independence, Missouri, inviting all lineal descendants to attend. June 20, 1958, was a beautiful day and a surprising delegation of descendants appeared at Jefferson Barracks. At the graveside, the following comments were made: On October 19, 1781, the British laid down their arms at Yorktown, and for all practical purposes, the War of the Revolution was at an end. It seemed impossible, but there it was a ragtag crew of Americans aided by reinforcements of French, had overcome the might and majesty of Britian's best. As the British marched out to the surrender field, impressive in their scarlet tunics and white cross-belts, a small group of Americans, shabbily dressed and poorly equipped, acted as guides. One of this party was a boy just turned eighteen. He had enlisted as a private only a year before, had stuck through the hardships and privations, and now he was in at the finish. He was mighty proud to be there, and he vowed that he would tell his grandchildren all about it some day. His name was Richard Gentry. He was a native of Louisa County, Virginia, the son of David Gentry and Mary 278 Missouri Historical Review

Estes Gentry. Richard's great-grandfather, Nicholas Gentry, had come to Virginia from England as a soldier, to help put down the Bacon Rebellion in 1677. When Richard was discharged from the Revolutionary Army, he moved to Albemarle County, Virginia, where he married Jane Harris in 1784. Two years later, the young Gentrys set out for Kentucky, Jane carrying their first-born on her lap as they rode horseback through the Cumberland Gap and over the Wilderness Road to Boone's Fort in Clark County. There, Richard began evaporating salt water from the licks and sold the product to the new settlers. The standard price was a peck of salt for a yearling beef. In about a year, he had enough to strike out for himself. They moved to Madison County, in the central portion of Kentucky, and began farming three hundred acres. He prospered and became a well known cattleman. He returned to Virginia and brought back his father, his brother David, and two sisters. In 1804, he built what is believed to be the first two-story brick house in Madison County. After Jane Harris Gentry's death, he married Nancy Guthrie. In all, he was the father of nineteen children, only one of whom died during infancy. Eight of his sons moved to Missouri before it became a state, and practically all Gentrys in Missouri are descended from these brothers. In his eightieth year, Richard Gentry died, on February 12, 1843, and was laid away on his farm about six miles out of Richmond, Kentucky. At the time of his death, he owned a thousand acres of fertile land, and over forty slaves. He was still proud of his Revolutionary service, and had it reported thus on his tombstone: "Present at the capture of Cornwallis at Yorktown." Before 1900, the Gentry farm passed into other hands, and the old family burying-ground fell into neglect and ruin. The fence decayed and was not replaced; cattle ranged at will and broke down the tombstones. Trees and brush all but obliterated all traces of the little cemetery. This is often the fate, sooner or later, of all such burial tracts. Some of Richard Gentry's descendants felt that a veteran of the Revolution deserved a better resting place, and so the proper steps were taken to remove his remains to a Military Cemetery where perpetual care would be provided. Appro­ priately, his remains are being reburied within a very few feet of the grave of his son, also named Richard Gentry, who died on Christmas Day, 1837, in the Seminole Indian War. It was of this latter Richard Gentry that Zachary Taylor wrote after the battle: "His state did not contain a braver man, or a better citizen." We have invited all of Revolutionary Richard Gentry's descendants to be present at this ceremony. They must be numbered in the thousands by this time—farmers, cattlemen, How to Rebury a Revolutionary Soldier 279

merchants, state and national officials, soldiers, clerks, bankers, mechanics, professional men—men and women from all walks of life. Let us remember that we are descended from the only real, authentic private in the whole Revolu­ tionary Army; at least, I get that impression for everyone else claims descent from a general, or a colonel, or an aide-de­ camp on Washington's staff. The record books are full of Gentrys who have performed military service for their country in time of war, and who have served in the grades of private through major-general, but none of them, I am sure, served more willingly or proudly than did the original Private Richard Gentry. The new stone to be placed at this grave will carry his name, grade, date of birth, date of death, and will repeat his statement on his original stone: "Present at the capture of Cornwallis at Yorktown." At the conclusion of this service, all of you are invited to meet at our home in University City, for refreshment and an opportunity to renew our ties of kinship. The interment service will now be conducted by Mr. John R. Thomas, President of the St. Louis Chapter of the Sons of The Revolution, and Mr. R. Evans Crosby, Chaplain of the Society. And thus the project was concluded. We divided the costs three ways. It was a source of great pride and satisfaction to our father. In less than a year, he was dead. With the relocation of so many highways, it is probable that many private cemeteries will be broken up, and the chance for locating graves of Revolutionary veterans will be lessened. It is suggested that if anyone knows of any such graves, the following steps should be taken at once: 1. Be sure that the right grave is located, and that the inscrip­ tion identifies the soldier. 2. Write the Quartermaster-General of the Army, Washington 25, D. C, for permission to rebury the remains in a National Military Cemetery, naming the cemetery desired, and submitting proof of the veteran's Revolutionary service. 3. Before the grave is opened, obtain a permit from the local health officer, as provided in Chapter 194 of the Missouri Statutes, and give this permit to the Superintendent of the Military Cemetery before the reburial. A lot of bother and trouble? Yes. But it is our conviction that all veterans of the Revolution should be buried in National Military Cemeteries. They deserve that. HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

MEMBERS ACTIVE IN INCREASING HIE SOCIETY'S MEMBERSHIP During the three months of November and December, 1961, and January, 1962, the following members of the Society have increased its membership as indicated:

ONE LIFE MEMBER Rinehart, Rupert L., Kirksville

EIGHT NEW MEMBERS Amos, James R., Bismarck, N. D.

SEVEN NEW MEMBERS Gilbreath, Mrs. Olga, Parkville

SIX NEW MEMBERS Gruner, Raymond, Baldwin Park, Calif. Kelly, Clement T., St. Louis Poeigue, Haysler A., Clinton

FIVE NEW MEMBERS Holekamp, Richard E., St. Louis Hutchings, Harland B., Kansas City Jinkens, Nannie, Hermitage Rinehart, Rupert L., Kirksville Smith, Ben N., Boonville Voertman, Russell, Kansas City Webster, Joseph G., Kansas City

FOUR NEW MEMBERS Ball, Albert, Slater Kampschroeder, Norvin, Washington Bradshaw, Mrs. William L., Columbia Murphy, J. II., Columbia Ellis, Mrs. R. L., Ava Williams, Roy D., Boonville llilteiibrandt, Esther, St. Louis

THREE NEW MEMBERS Beimdiek, George S., Jr., Carthage Miller, Joseph C, St. Louis Ess, Mrs. Henry N., Kansas City Motherspaw, Mrs. H. S., Clayton Eostcr, E. G., Kansas City Robinson, Mrs. Prank P., St. Joseph Garrett, Mrs. Jasamyn S., Hayti Saunders, Mrs. L. A., St. Joseph Hutton, Mr. & Mrs. George P., San , , , ,, ,, . . . ., ,.,. fo laylorP , lorr n R., Columbia Diego, Cahi. Tucker, L. A., Lebanon Kieselbach, Mrs. E. J., Jefferson City

TWO NEW MEMBERS Aber, Mr. & Mrs. Lawrence, Jefferson Berri, Mrs. James A., Madera, Calif. City Dalton, John M., Jefferson City Akers, Mrs. J. Harold, Springfield Dalton, Mrs. S. P., Jefferson City 280 Historical Notes and Comments 281

DeLaPorte, Jeraldine, Richmond Pinnell, Mrs. E. L., Columbia Denslow, W. R., Trenton Richards, Mrs. Carrie West, Salisbury Eldridge, Mrs. William E., Liberty Rogers, Jerry, New Franklin Elliff, Mrs. J. C, Hubbard Woods, 111. Ross, W. P., La Belle Elliott, R. Kenneth, Liberty Rozier, Leo J., Perryville Fisher, Mrs. Lucy, Springfield Russell, H. E., Columbia Gruner, Elizabeth Lee, Paramount, Schadt, Carl A., Keytesville Calif. Smith, Mrs. Leeon, Columbia Hagerman, Mrs. Dale, Wayland Spalding, Mrs. J. A., Liberty Horner, Richard L., Columbia Stone, Mrs. G. M., Eldon Keathley, Ernest L., St. Louis Summers, Edward D., Jefferson City McDonald, Mrs. William, Kansas City, Sumonia, Dushan, Prairie Village, Kan. Kan. Mertsheimer, Fred B., Kansas City Trail, Nell, New Haven Mills, Mr. & Mrs. John T., Spring­ Tucker, L. A., Lebanon field Vanderlicht, Mrs. W. F., Jefferson City Morrison, A., Jr., Portland, Ore. Weightman, Ray, Maryville O'Neil, William James, Columbia Yarick, Mrs. Ruby, Rich Hill

ONE NEW MEMBER Acuff, John H., Arlington, Va. Craghead, Mrs. Thelma, Fulton Allee, Dorothy, Jefferson City Creech, Joan, Hazelwood Anderson, Orville W., Kansas City Crosby, Joe, Kirksville Austin, Mrs. Aleene, Albany Crosswhite, Mrs. Coline, Kansas City Barnett, Mr. & Mrs. Ray, Princeton Damon, Alice A., Kansas City Barron, Robert, University City Dallmeyer, Robert E., Jr., Jefferson Bean, Lyle H., North Kansas City City Benson, Elizabeth A., Columbia Davis, Mrs. P. D., Carthage Berger, John Torrey, Kirkwood Deal, Mr. & Mrs. G. M., Marshall Blanton, Edgar P., Shelbina Dennis, Mrs. R. J., Waverly Boettler, Fred W., Saratoga, Calif. Dugat, Mrs. E. A., Mission, Tex. Boggess, H. L., Liberty Dunaway, Mrs. S. B., Farmington Boonslick Historical Society Eaklor, Clarence E., Webster Groves Booth, Lorenne, Independence Eggers, Walter A., Perry ville Box, Mrs. Eva, Lamar Eigel, George, St. Louis Bradford, Mrs. William L., Rochester, Eldridge, Mrs. Kenneth, Liberty N.Y. Ellis, Mrs. Donald, Yakima, Wash. Brand, Mr. & Mrs. Lawrence H., Eldon Elmer, Mrs. S. Lewis, Jr., St. Louis Brenner, Lowell R., Parkville Fenton, John S., Kansas City Bridges, Mrs. Homer L., Arbyrd Fitchett, Elizabeth, Lexington Brooks, L. J., Jr., St. Louis Fly, Byron, Joplin Brown, Clarah F., Marshall Fly, Mrs. Letha A., Joplin Browne, W. A., Kirksville Foreman, Mrs. Grant, Muskogee, Okla. Buford, James A., Kansas City Garner, Mrs. J. M., Rochester, Ind. Burrus, Temple, University City Gillespie, Walter W., Independence Carron, Carroll W., Bloomsdale Gottschalk, Mrs. V. H., Sr., Washing­ Chick, W. W., Kansas City ton, D. C. Chiles, Ira N., Knoxville, Tenn. Green, Ruby, Kirksville Coburn, Mrs. Royal L., Washington, Hammon, J. W., Springfield Harbison, W. T., Plattsburg D. C. 282 Missouri Historical Review

Hardie, Mrs. John, Schell City Pierce, Mrs. J. W., Vandalia Hartford, Mr. & Mrs. Herbert, Prairie Powers, Mrs. F. C, Kansas City Village, Kan. Price, Mrs. Clun M., Maryville Ilendon, Mrs. J. Walter, Marshall Price, Mrs. E. O., Knob Noster Hazelton, Mary C, Princeton Price, R. B., Columbia Hewitt, W. C, Shelbina Reading, Mrs. N. W., Curry ville Hiatt, Mrs. V. C, Los Angeles, Calif. Rueweler, Eugene, St. Louis Hicks, Mrs. C. E., Wasola Ryal, L. P., Bonne Terre Holden, Mrs. F. A., Joplin St. Clair County Historical Society Hopkins, Mrs. Ruth, Levasy Sanders, Mrs. Laurence, Odessa Howell, John A., Jr., Maiden Sarasin, Mrs. Walter A., Kansas City Hunt, Bruce H., Kirksville Schellenberg, William J., Marshall Hunt, Sylvia L., Appleton City Scheufler, Edward L., Kansas City Jackson, Ellis O., Marshfield Schlimpert, Edgar T., St. Louis Janney, Mrs. Andrew J., Carthage Schmidtke, Mrs. A. H., Mt. Vernon Joy, M. M., Bonne Terre Schoeneberg, C. W., Kirkwood Jones, Dean, Jefferson City Schworm, Mrs. William, St. Louis Jones, Mrs. Douglas II., Webster Scott, Dale, Frankford Groves Shafer, V. H., Ballwin Keck, Jay E., Independence Sidebottom, Ralph B., Springfield Keehn, Neal, Hollywood, Calif. Sinclair, Mr. & Mrs. Elmer, Potosi Krehbiel, B. F., Lake Ozark Smiley, John R., Liberty Lambeth, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph I., Smiser, Mrs. A. Lee, Warrensburg Lexington, Ky. Snodgrass, Rea L., Eldon Lamkin, Charles F., Jr., Kansas City Snyder, Mrs. Amos, Columbia Leiweke, Mrs. Leo, Washington Snyder, D. W., Jefferson City McCane, Thad C, Kansas City Spillers, Mrs. Jack, Jefferson City Mcllvaine, Mrs. G. W., Kansas City Starlin, Josephine, Independence McKinney, Richard F., Jefferson City Stebbins, T. L., Quincy, 111. McMullen, Larry L., Kansas City Steele, W. D., Chillicothe Malone, Mrs. R. H., Albuquerque, Stephens, Vivian, Hannibal N. M. Stotler, A. C, Columbia Martin, Edwin W., Belmont, Mass. Suttle, Harry L., Springfield Martin, Mrs. Ross, Skidmore Swan, Mrs. R., St. Louis Masters, Frank M., Jefferson City Terry, Mrs. Fanita, St. Louis Mitzel, C. H., Independence Thomason, Mrs. W. O., Van Buren Mitzel, W. R., Wilmette, 111. Thomasson, R. R., Columbia Moore, Benjamin B., Charleston Thruston, Mrs. Charles C, Raytown Moore, Roscoe D., Perryville Thul, Mrs. Charles W., Salem Morrow, John P., Jr., Batesville, Ark. Wagner, Dan, St. Louis Muns, James H., Beaver, Pa. Warren, W. D., Grain Valley Munshaw, Joseph, Guilford Watters, T. Ballard, Sr., Marshfield Myers, Mrs. R. Frank, Kansas City Weaver, Mike, Frankford Myers, William T., Hannibal Wennberg, S. G., Columbia Nesbitt, Mrs. R. S., Liberty W'heeler, Holland, Kansas City Ozias, Elizabeth, Warrensburg White, L. M., Belle Papin, Lewis B., Chaffee White, L. M., Mexico Pence, Mrs. Winona, Marble Hill Wilcox, Mrs. C. S., St. Joseph Pierce, Benjamin Leo, St. Louis Willard, Mrs. J. E., Excelsior Springs Historical Notes and Comments 283

Williams, Harlan E., Dearborn, Mich. Wilson, P. W., California Williams, Mrs. Helen Taylor, Bowling Winn, Mrs. N. E., Kirksville Green Yount, Mrs. T. H., Sedalia

NEW MEMBERS IN THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Five hundred applications for membership were received by the wSociety during the three months of November and December, 1961, and January, 1962. The total annual and life memberships as of February 1, 1962, was 12,932. The new members are: Adamson, Margery S., Jefferson City Boekemeier, Mrs. Ralph, New York, Akers, Don L., Springfield N. Y. Allee, Ralph T., Lea wood, Kan. Bogar, Mrs. J. W., Sedalia Allsup, Howard, Lenexa, Kan. Bogard, Mr. & Mrs. Abe, Kansas City Althauser, Nicky, Boonville Boney, Mrs. W. C, Windsor Alton Library, Alton, 111. Boon, Sally Knox, Carthage Amelung, James J., St. Louis Botts, Robert Massey, Springfield Arnold, J. Burleigh, Jefferson City Bowen, Greg, Parkville Ashby, Mrs. Jack Walton, Grand view Brasher, Mrs. R. N., Hayti Asher, Vernon L., Kirkwood Bratzler, Albert, Clinton Atha, Mrs. Russell E., Kansas City Brauer, Andrew, St. Louis Austin, W. N., Seattle, Wash. Brekken, John, Covina, Calif. Avis, Mr. & Mrs. Wes, St. Louis Brenner, E. W., Wichita, Kan. Bailey, Leon, Kansas City Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn, Bales, Mr. & Mrs. Rual, St. Charles N. Y. Ball, Albert E., Independence Brooks, Ed, Washington Ball, William F., China Lake, Calif. Brooks, Ernest A., II, Ladue Ballard, Leslie Edmond, Raytown Brown, Mr. & Mrs. W. A., Jr., Glencoe, Baltis, Joyce, Hazelwood 111. Barbee, Mrs. Charles, Kirksville Browne, Howard C, Webster Groves Baron, Adolph R., Poplar Bluff Brox, John P., Columbia Barr, Louis J., Osceola Bryan, Walter E., St. Louis Barron, Jack, Columbia Buckner, Mr. & Mrs. R. C, Shawnee Battagler, Mrs. Lewis L., Orrick Mission, Kan. Bauer, J. George, Springfield Buford, Mr. & Mrs. T. P., Ellington Baxter, Mr. & Mrs. R. M., Shaker Burnett, Ronald, Eminence Heights, Ohio Burns, Mrs. Eugene, Clinton Bay, George W., Salem LIFE Butcher, Jerry, Strasburg Bealke, Linn H., Chesterfield Cable, Cecil V., Amarillo, Tex. Beckmeier, Reis V., St. Louis Caldwell, Mr. & Mrs. Charles, Eldon Bell, Mr. & Mrs. Herman, Lake Ozark Calvert, Chester C, Shelbina Bell, Michael, Whittier, Calif. Campbell, Clyde, San Antonio, Tex. Bell, Richard A., Triplett Campbell, Mrs. James W., San Anto­ Belt, Alfred E., Memphis, Tenn. nio, Tex. Bennett, Mrs. C. R., Mission, Kan. Campbell, Leonard R., Kansas City Berthold, Ernest C, Houston, Tex. LIFE Bilhorn, Edward W., Webster Groves Campbell, Robert, Cape Girardeau Birch, Anna Mae, Glasgow Carron, Aloy T., Bloomsdale Blumer, John, Washington Carter, Mrs. W. R., El Paso, Tex. Boehne, H. F. W., Higginsville Carver, Lyall E., Cape Girardeau 284 Missouri Historical Review

Cash, Floyd F., Nevada Duvall, Keith, Madison Casteel, Jordan Brantley, Carthage Dyar, Mrs. Dena M., Garden City Chiles, W. S., Jonesburg Eaklor, Thomas, Florissant Chilton, Mrs. Rosemary, Cape Easley, Edward, Jr., Columbia Girardeau Edwards, Dix, Shawnee Mission, Kan. Chouteau, Mr. & Mrs. F. L., Indepen­ Elgin, Russ, Parkville dence, Kan. Elliff, Mary, Chicago, 111. Clark, Jack H. C, Pontiac, Mich. Ellington, C. D., Grand Forks, N. D. Clark, Mrs. R. L., Kirksville Ellis, Frank L., Long Beach, Calif. Clay, James C, Kirkwood Ellis, Mrs. Lyle, Mountain Grove Clement, Mrs. Fred, Palo Alto, Calif. Elsea, Mr. & Mrs. Joe, Independence Cloyd, Earl, Pampa, Tex. Ess, Henry, III, New York, N. Y. Cochran, Mrs. Russell S., West Plains Estes, Ronald L., Farmington Coday, William, New Braunfels, Tex. Etheridge, Mrs. Guerdon, La Belle Coe, Mr. & Mrs. L. W., Tarkio Evans, A. R., Webster Groves Cohen, Mrs. William L., Maiden Evans, Arthur L., Maryville Coil, Mrs. II. A. Thomas, Mexico Evans, Barnett, Ste. Genevieve Col lis, Robert, Lexington, Ky. Evans, Nelson B., St. Louis Conoley, C. A., Overland Park, Kan. Fagg, D. L., Independence Cooke, Lyle B., Kansas City Fatchett, Mrs. Mary, Potosi Corrigan, Frances J., Jefferson City Federspiel, Mr. & Mrs. Frank, Nor- Cosgrove, Mrs. Elizabeth W., Musko­ walk, Calif. gee, Okla. Ferguson, Mrs. Ena, Kingsville, Tex. Costigan, Mr. & Mrs. H. E., Columbia Ferrin, Mrs. Russell C, Barnett Cox, Mrs. Harriett, St. Louis Fickle, William, Parkville Crafford, Jean, Fisk Field, Fred, Kansas City Craig, Artie, Kirksville Fillmer, Mrs. Howard, Marshfield Creach, 0. J., Jefferson City Finks, R. T., Jefferson City Creason, James F., Parkville Fitzpatrick, Mrs. F. W., San Diego, Cullen, Mrs. Mart B., Mendon Calif. Currens, James, Prairie Village, Kan. Flassing, Mrs. Jessie F., Liberty Currey, Mr. & Mrs. H. W., Banning, Flottman, Roy, Gerald Calif. Fogerty, Jerry P., Jr., Richmond Dalton, John Hall, Kennett Heights Davis, Ronnie, Parkville Foster, R. W., California Dawson, Douglas, Fulton Frank, Mrs. J. Edward, San Marcos, Dean, Julia F., Tulsa, Okla. Tex. Deapen, Mrs. Marjorie, Niangua Frazee, Steve, Salida, Colo. DeFeo, Louis C, Jr., Kansas City Freese, Raymond W., Columbia Denney, Wilber C, Boonville Frelich, Mrs. David, Clayton Denslow, Mrs. Ray V., Trenton Fuller, Rose, Silver Spring, Md. Dethrow, W. V., Manati, Puerto Rico Fulton, Clyde G., Springfield Dilthey, Earl J., St. Louis Doggett, W. J., Prairie Village, Kan. Funk, Mr. & Mrs. D. A., Kansas City Don Carlos, W. C, Prairie Home Garies, W. G., Mission, Kan. Dorsey, Maurice G., Moro, 111. Garner, J. Marvin, Rochester, Ind. Douglas, Mrs. Clay, Smithville Garrett, N. R., Jr., Columbia Dougherty, Ernest F., Fayette Gatzweiler, Margaret, Duluth, Minn. Dunham, Mrs. Effie, Brashear Geiger, Robert F., Boonville Dunlap, Mrs. C. D., Springfield Gentry, Mr. & Mrs. Greer, Bourbon Historical Notes and Comments 285

Gerster, Mrs. E. O., Prairie Village, Hitchman, Robert, Seattle, Wash. Kan. LIFE Ghio, Mrs. Robert, Columbia Hockaday, Burnham, Shawnee Mis­ Gilkison, Helena, Roselle, N. J. sion, Kan. Glasscock, Charles R., St. Louis Hodge, Mrs. Robert H., Kansas City Goldsmith, Mrs. A. O., Baton Rouge, Holekamp, Malcolm L., Webster La. Groves Golterman, Melge W., Jr., Wentzville Hollingsworth, R. S., Clinton LIFE Holtkamp, Alvin G., Sappington Graves, Mrs. H. A., Bandera, Tex. Horner, Richard W., Ladue Gray, Mr. & Mrs. E. C, St. Louis Houf, Walter R., Des Moines, Iowa Greene, Donald I., Bonne Terre Howard, Thomas A., Kansas City Gregg, Mrs. George W., Garden City Hudson, Florence, California LIFE Gregory, Mrs. W. R., Indianapolis, Hursh, Mrs. Dale, Kansas City, Kan. Ind. Hurst, Ray, Parkville Griffith, Everett, Covina, Calif. Hyder, Mr. & Mrs. Robert L., Jefferson Gross, Mrs. C. E., Kirksville City Gruner, Raymond, Baldwin Park, Hyken, Bonnie Lee, Marshall Calif. Hyland, Mrs. J. W., Chestnut Hill, Gruner, Roy, Farmington Mass. Gunderson, Robert G., Bloomington, Inglish, Hugh J., Jamestown Ind. Irvin, Mrs. W. J., Bakersfield, Calif. Halferty, Mr. & Mrs. Herschel, Jacobs, F. W., Jr., St. Louis Smithville Janney, Andrew J., Carthage Hall, Harry F., Kansas City Jaspar, Frank, Waterford, Calif. Hall, L. Raymond, Lea wood, Kan. Jerigan, Mrs. Lulu, Springfield Ham, Charles C, Mexico Johnson, Byron T., Beardon, Ark. Hannum, Glenn C, Milan, Mich. Johnson, Leona, Joplin Hansen, Julius G., Wilmington, Ohio Johnson, Richard L., Joplin Harbour, Mrs. J. W., Festus Jolley, H. T., St. Louis Harden, Mrs. Chester, Protection, Jones, Douglas C, Webster Groves Kan. Jones, Gertrude, Columbia Harriman, W. A., Wichita Falls, Tex. Jones, Ilene, Windsor Hathcock, Donald, Covina, Calif. Jones, Lloyd E., Jr., Washington, D. C. Hawkins, Mrs. Ernest, Kansas City Jones, Vernon M., Kansas City Heath, Warren A., Kansas City Jordan, Mrs. Bess M., Arlington, Va. Henderson, Mrs. J. R., Columbia Jordan, R. L., Eldon Henke, Fred, St. Louis County Joslyn, LeCompte, Rolla Henning, Mr. & Mrs. Paul, North Karzin, A. J., Arlington, Va. Hollywood, Calif. Kaufman, C. Bud, Columbia Hermitage Public School R-IV, Her­ Kenagy, Clint, Kansas City Kimbrell, J. E., Pullman, Wash. mitage Kime, Mrs. Harold, Altadena, Calif. Heying, Mrs. Clarence, Mt. Vernon Kirkbride, C. R., Leawood, Kan. Hiatt, Vivian C, Los Angeles, Calif. Kneeland, M. PL, Liberal Hickory County R-I Skyline Pligh Knight, Mrs. Alfred, Weaubleau School, Urbana Knoch, Mr. & Mrs. H. K., Shawnee Hicks, J. Vernie, Gainesville Mission, Kan. Hightower, Mrs. L. K., Austin, Tex. Koelling, Willie R., Jr., Warrenton Hiltenbrandt, Mrs. E. H., St. Louis Krumrei, Frank, Washington 286 Missouri Historical Review

Lachner, Kathryn, University City Miller, Raymond G., St. Joseph Lamkin, Charles F., Kansas City Miller, W. P., Stockton Lamkin, Charles F., Jr., Kansas City Miller, Walter M., San Francisco, Langford, Velma, Albany Calif. Langkop, Carl, Prairie Home Minetree, Richard H., Jr., Poplar Bluff Lawson, Mrs. L. O., Redondo Beach, Mitchell, John, Marionville Calif. Mitzel, C. H., Independence Leavel, Don, Parkville Moonan, J. N., Waseca, Minn. Lemmel, Mr. & Mrs. C. E., St. Louis Morgan, Mr. & Mrs. Keith, Unionville LeSeur, Alex, Maplewood, La. Morrow, Robert B., Columbia Lewis, Mrs. Frank J., Independence Mott, H. L., Springfield Lightner, Mrs. C. C, Columbia Mullgardt, Jean, St. Louis Lister, Arthur A., Jr., Rock Port Muns, George E., Beaver, Pa. Littlefield, Lawrence, Kansas City Munshaw, Mrs. Lola O., Union Star Lockwood, Mr. & Mrs. Rees, Mystic, Murphy, J. H., Columbia Iowa Murphy, O. H., Elsberry Long, Carl, Kansas City Murphy, Mrs. Zilpha, Wheatland Lorenz, Theodore J., Normandy Nash, James, St. Joseph Love, Billy Joe, Eugene Nelson, Mrs. Earl F., St. Louis LIFE Lowe, Delbert, Kirksville O'Bryan, Mrs. Bruce B., Liberty Luig, Hugo, St. Louis Offutt, Mrs. Ed C, Mexico Luthy, Mrs. Frank, Coolidge, Ariz. O'Keefe, James E., St. Louis Lynn, Mrs. Paul R., Columbia O'Neil, Margaret E., Milwaukee, Wis. McBride, Mr. & Mrs. J. D., Kansas Opp, Mrs. Anna C, Hannibal City Orr, Charles A., Kansas City McDonald, George H., St. Louis Palmer, O. R., Springfield McCurdy, Robert H., Kansas City Parr, Stayton, Blue Springs McGuire, Foster, Sedalia Paterson, Robert W., Columbia McMahon, Mrs. Mary Jo, Plattsburg Paul, Frederick P., Webster Groves McMichael, Mr. & Mrs. Russell, Payne, Pat, Ballwin Bradenton, Fla. Pemberton, Helen, Kirkwood McNeil, Mrs. James E., Sedalia Pence, A. G., Clinton Mackey, P. N., Glendale, California Pennington, David E., Warrensburg Marcell, Mrs. Leo H., Mission, Tex. Peterson, Mrs. Carl A., Kansas City, Markmann, C. B., Webster Groves Kan. Marr, Mrs. Jesse, Portageville Peterson, Ronald L., Swea City, Iowa Martin, Mrs. Ross, Skidmore Phelps, Mrs. George E., Carthage Martin, William Lee, Kirksville Phelps, Mrs. John O., Columbia Maschmann, Harry J., St. Louis Pinnell, L. D., Owensville Masters, Mrs. E. P., Cape Girardeau Porter, Mrs. Hazel D., China Lake, Maxwell, Paul, Columbia Calif. Mayfield, Alpha C, Hannibal Powers, Mrs. F. C, Kansas City Meriwether, Mrs. Gilmer, Kansas City Preston, A. B., Park Ridge, 111. Mermoud, Mrs. J. Fred, Monett LIFE Price, Mrs. Dorothy S., Kansas City Meyers, Paul, Brookfield Price, Mrs. E. O., Knob Noster Miller, Eddie, Camdenton Price, John M., Arlington, Va. Miller, Mrs. John J., Kansas City Prost, Linus C, Perryville Miller, LeRoy J., Columbia Putnam, Arthur W., Boonville Miller, Mrs. Pauline C, Green Forest, Ragan, Cooper, Houston, Tex. Ark. Redus, Mrs. G. M., Sr., Devine, Tex. Historical Notes and Comments 287

Reesman, Dale, Boonville Schroeder, Mr. & Mrs. S. O., Topeka, Reitz, Mrs. Louis M., Bourbon Kan. Rice, Joe Perry, III, Chaffee Schryock, Mrs. Lucy, Silver Spring, Richards, M. E., Steelville Md. Richardson, Mike, Montrose, Colo. Schweitzer, Merlyn, Glendale Richardson, William S., Kansas City Scotland County Public Library, Richtermeyer, Marge, Affton Memphis Riedel, Mrs. M. T., La Grange, 111. Scott, Everett O., Chilhowee Rinehart, Eric, Golden, Colo. LIFE Seelberger, Harold M., St. Charles Risch, Melvin, Affton Settle, Morris W., Bonne Terre Ritchie, Carl, Kansas City Sevra, Diana, Osage Beach Riverview Gardens Senior High School, Serva, Stanley J., Prairie Village, Kan. St. Louis Sharp, Mrs. Nadine, Stockton Robinson, Mrs. Anna R., Los Gatos, Shockley, J. M., Vienna Calif. Shromer, Mrs. Frederick, Kansas City Robinson, B. W., Rolla LIFE Siebe, Harry C, Warrenton Robinson, Mrs. Louise, Berkeley, Calif. Siemens, George, Overland Park, Kan. Roedel, Fred, Kirkwood Simmons, Mr. & Mrs. C. W., Bryan, Ronayne, Mrs. Frank, Prairie Village, Tex. Kan. Sister Mary Chrysolaga, St. Louis Roseman, Mr. & Mrs. Paul, Hemet, Sister Mary Timothy, St. Louis Calif. Slaven, F. L., New Orleans, La. Ross, Lyle, Kansas City Smiley, J. R., Marshall Rowe, Lou, Kirkwood Smith, Ben, Jr., Boonville Rudisaile, Mrs. Franklin, Perryville Smith, Hueston M., St. Louis Ruhoff, Mrs. James, Webster Groves Smith, Mrs. I. S., Columbia Rusk, Danny, Parkville Smith, Mrs. J. O., Clinton Rusk, Mr. & Mrs. E. W., Joshua Tree, Smith, Joe R., Columbia Calif. Smith, Mrs. Leeon, Columbia Saddler, Leslie, Parkville Snoddy, Robert, New Franklin Salisbury, Elizabeth, Parkville Spahr, H. G., Monett Sanders, Mrs. A. G., Jr. Hayti Starlin, Harold, Independence Sanders, G. R., St. Louis Steele, F. M., Chillicothe Sanders, Leo H., St. Louis Steel, Mrs. J. C, Lee's Summit Sanders, Wade, Odessa Stith, Richard, St. Louis Saunders, Harry I., Chula Vista, Calif. Stone, Mrs. Claude, Independence Saunders, Mrs. L. A., St. Joseph Stroeter, Mr. & Mrs. Edward, Saunders, Norris E., Long Beach, Calif. Smithville vSaunders, V. H., Huntington Beach, Strait, R. H., Overland Park, Kan. Calif. Street, G. A., Pullman, Wash. Saylor, Mrs. C. P., Adelphi, Md. Strong, Mrs. Frank H., Maryville Schaeffer, Clarence, Hannibal Stuart, James, Granite City, 111. Schertel, Vernon, Affton Sturdevant, Mrs. W. C, Springfield Schneider, Katherine, Silver Spring, Sumonia, Dushan, Prairie Village, Kan. Md. Sutter, Henry R., Katonah, N. Y. Schoeneberg, C. W., Kirkwood Sutton, Mrs. L. K., Shreveport, La. Schoepp, Clarence, Washington Swartz, James, University City Schreiner, George W., Louisville, Ky. Sweeten, Harry M., Belton Schroeder, A. B., St. Louis Sydnor, Mrs. Jack, Blackburn 288 Missouri Historical Review

Symington, Stuart, Jr., St. Louis Watson, Mrs. Marjorie G., West Mon­ LIFE roe, La. Synder, Carla, Baldwin Park, Calif. Weaubleau Public School R-III, Tat man, Harriet, Kirkwood LIFE Weaubleau Taylor, Jack C, Columbia Weddle, David, Columbia Taylor, N. J., Chicago, 111. Weddle, Woodrow, Rich Hill Taylor, W. J., Jr., Glendale Wehrli, Wraldemar F., St. Louis Templeman, Herbert, Ava Wells, Lloyd M., Columbia Thomas, Mrs. E. W7., Boonville Welsh, Donald H., Valley City, N. D. Thomas, Joel, Angoon, Alaska Wennberg, Mrs. Anna, Cincinnati, Thomasson, Don P., Cape Girardeau Ohio Thomasson, R., Midland, Tex. Wennberg, S. G., Columbia Thompson, Cecile L., Frankford West, Ben K., Oklahoma City, Okla. Thrutchley, Richard H., Raytown West, Mrs. Carolyn, Columbia Thul, Mr. & Mrs. Joe M., Glendale West, Dan E., Jr., Chicago, 111. Tidd, Charles P., Poplar Bluff Wheatland Public School R-II, Tindill, Charles A., Baldwin Park, Wheatland Calif. Wheeler, Frank W. G., Springfield Tingle, Mr. & Mrs. W. C, Kansas City Wheeler, Holland, Kansas City Todd, William N., Jacksonville, Fla. Whissell, W. W., San Francisco, Calif. Toensfeld, Ralf, St. Louis LIFE White, James A., Belmont, Mass. Town & Country Regional Library Whitesell, Hunter B., Frankfort, Ky. (2 memberships), Joplin Wilcox, Orrin R., Mansfield Townsend, J. D., Merriam, Kan. Wilcox, Sam, St. Joseph Trimble, James G., Kearney Wilkerson, Mr. & Mrs. D. W., Kansas Tucker, Laura Leigh, Dallas, Tex. City Tuley, Mr. & Mrs. Robert S., Williams, A. J., St. Louis Independence Williams, James A., University City Turner, Douglas, Jr., Kirkwood Williams, Mrs. S. R., Okmulgee, Okla. Usry, John, M., Rolla LIFE Wilson, Charles Davis, Granby Van Vacter, Martina, Mill Grove Wilson, Mrs. Ina May, Clinton Vance, Blanche, Lebanon Wilson, Juanita, Richmond Vessells, Mrs. Lillian A., Perryville Wilson, R. V., Jr., Eugene Vincent, Austin C, Kansas City Winn, Jack, Mexico Vollmar, Mrs. R. Lewis, St. Louis Wood, William L., Kansas City Walker, Mrs. Roy F., La Plata Woodruff, Bruce, Glendale Wallace, Mrs. Louis H., Boonville Wornall, Mrs. Francis B., Kansas City Walthall, Mrs. W. J., San Antonio, Wright, John W., Hay ward, Calif. York, Mrs. Mary E., Kansas City Tex. Young, Mrs. Annah K., Kansas City Ward, Frances Mary, San Antonio, Young, Doris, Vandalia Tex. Young, Iona J., Kansas City Warden, Mrs. John H., Carthage Zigahn, Harry, Ava Warner, Charles H., Batesville, Ark. Zillgitt, George J., St. Louis County Historical Notes and Comments 289

ART GIFTS OF DR. MINNIE BR ASHE AR ADDED TO THE SOCIETY'S COLLECTION

BY SIDNEY LARSON* Through the generosity of Dr. Minnie M. Brashear of Kirksville the State Historical Society recently acquired three significant additions to its art collection. One of the works of art is a fine pastel by the former Professor of Art at the University of Missouri, the late John Ankeney. The other two are oils executed by the painter and poet of the Mississippi River, Frederick Oakes Sylvester. It is appropriate that the people of Missouri should inherit these works of art and that Dr. Brashear should offer them. Featured on these pages are the two Sylvester paintings. Ninety-two years ago, on October 8, 1869, Frederick Oakes Sylvester was born in Brockton, Massachusetts. He was the only son and second child of Charles Fred and Mary Louise Sylvester. His father, a hardware merchant, traced his lineage through the Soule-Alden-Standish families of old Plymouth. His mother descended from a line of Provincetown seafarers. After graduating from high school young Sylvester completed his formal art training at the Massachusetts Normal Art School in 1891, and was appointed Assistant Professor of drawing and painting at Newcomb College, Tulane University, New Orleans. At Christmas, 1891, he married Florence Isabel Gerry of Fall River, Massachusetts, and in Septem­ ber of the following year he arrived in St. Louis to teach drawing and *Sidney Larson is curator of the Society's art gallery. 290 Missouri Historical Review painting in the newly opened Central High School. He taught in the St. Louis area until a long illness forced him to retire in 1914. An early convert to Christian Science, he became one of the first teach­ ers at the Principia in 1901 with whose development he was closely associated until his death on March 2, 1915. As he had requested, his body was cremated, and the ashes were scattered in the Mississippi River. He devoted his brief lifetime of color and of words to his beloved River. It nurtured his art and his life, and became the abiding substance of his painting. His oils record the moods, the power, and the majesty of this great stream. He was interested in the play of light on the water, the bluffs, trees and fields along the banks. His color is fresh but restrained, and his technique bold and direct. Sylvester wrote of his admiration for the French artist Corot, but the influence of America's George Innis is equally evident in his realism. He was primarily an easel painter who worked in oils, although he did a number of water colors and occasionally a pastel. He painted a number of murals and did some portraits and still-life painting as well. In addition to his painting he devoted a great deal of his efforts to writing. He published two books, Verses (1903) and The Great River: Poems and Pictures (1911). His poetry affirms a fascination with the Mississippi and nature. The sensitive brush and pen of Frederick Oakes Sylvester has provided a unique and lasting legacy.

HISTORY CONFERENCE HELD AT UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI The fourth annual Missouri Conference on History, sponsored by the University of Missouri Department of History in cooperation with the Continuing Education Service of the University, was held on March 2-3 in the Memorial Student Union at Columbia. A featured program speaker was Frank Freidel, Professor of History at Harvard University, who discussed ''Franklin Roosevelt and the Hundred Days." Speaking on research opportunities in Missouri were Richard S. Brownlee, Director of the State Historical Society of Missouri, who discussed "The State Historical Society and the Western Historical Manuscripts Collection," and Charles Ermatinger of St. Louis University, whose topic was "The Vatican Microfilm Collection," located in the Pius XII Memorial Library at St. Louis University. Other papers delivered at the Conference were "Teaching Western Civilization," by Charles Nauert, Assistant Professor of history at the University of Missouri, and "The City in History: Historical Notes and Comments 291

Some American Perspectives," by Richard Wade, Professor of History at Washington University, St. Louis.

STATE PARK BOARD ISSUES 1962 BROCHURE The extensive Missouri State Park System including 33 parks and five historic and memorial shrines is described in the State Park Board's colorful and informative 1962 brochure. The booklet emphasizes the diversity of the parks which appeal to a wide range of tastes and add significantly to the role Missouri assumes as the playground of the Middle West. Cover illustrations feature attractive scenes of Buzzard's Roost overlooking the Salt River and the Mark Twain Shrine, both in the Mark Twain State Park, and a scene from Bennett Spring, the state's trout fishing haven. Also pictured are scenes of typical park accommodations including boating, fishing, camping and picnicing facilities as well as views of Anderson House in the Civil War Battle of Lexington State Park, the spring blossoms of the dogwood tree, and Current River in Big Spring Park. Individual descriptions of each park plus a facilities chart indicate conveniences available to park visitors. The back cover contains a full-color topographic map of Missouri showing the loca­ tion and accessibility of each park and shrine in the State Park System. Copies of the booklet may be obtained from the Missouri State Park Board, Box 176, Jefferson City, Missouri.

MRS. CLARENCE W. ALVORD DIES IN COLUMBIA Mrs. Clarence W. Alvord, a member of the State Historical Society since 1913, died February 3 in Columbia. Mrs. Alvord was the former Idress Head, daughter of John Calhoun and Susan Wallace Head. She was born in Randolph County on March 2, 1873, and had lived in Columbia since 1945. She was graduated from Howard Payne College, Fayette, and did graduate work at the University of Illinois. Active in organizational work and a devotee of Missouri history she founded the Missouri United Daughters of the Confederacy Library and Museum and became its first librarian in 1906. She published her first book, Historical and Interesting Places of St. Louis, in 1908. She later published a family genealogy entitled Decent of Henry Head in America (1948). She was a research secretary for Louis Houck from 1903 to 1907 and aided him in the preparation of his three-volume History of Missouri. She served as librarian and curator for the Missouri Historical Society of St. 292 Missouri Historical Review

Louis from 1907 until her marriage in 1913 to the noted historian, Clarence W. Alvord, who was instrumental in the founding of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association and the editor of the five- volume Centennial History of Illinois. Mr. Alvord died in 1928. Mrs. Alvord was executive secretary in the state office of the Farm Debt Adjustment in Missouri from 1933 to 1936, and in 1936 she was appointed assistant state director of the Historical Records Survey in New Mexico. Mrs. Alvord was a member of the National Society of Magna Carta Dames, the Descendants of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the Daughters of 1812, the Daughters of the American Revolution, the United Daughters of the Confederacy, and the League of Women Voters. She has been listed in Who's Who in America, World Nobility and Peerage, The National Directory of Biography, American Women, and the Institute of American Geneal­ ogy Handbook.

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES The Audrain County Historical Society was voted an Award of Merit by the American Association for State and Local History at the annual meeting of the association in San Francisco in September, 1961. Floyd C. Shoemaker, secretary emeritus of the State Histori­ cal Society of Missouri, made the presentation to the society at its annual dinner, November 30, 1961, at the Hotel Hoxsey in Mexico. The citation, "for the acquisition of an ante-bellum home and its restoration as a community center, public museum and society headquarters," is one of eight awards in the category of "regional, county and local historical societies." Shoemaker was the principal speaker at the society's annual meeting. His address on Missouri Governor Charles Hardin appears in three parts in the Mexico Evening Ledger, November 30, Decem­ ber 1 and 2. Officers elected for the coming year are Robert S. Green, presi­ dent; Bradford Brett, vice president at large; Mrs. J. C. Parrish, vice president from the eastern district of the county; Mrs. Ray­ mond Cox, vice president from the western district; Mize Morris, secretary; and Mrs. L. A. Scott, treasurer.

Members of the Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society heard Lloyd Harrison speak about the early history of the Missouri School Historical Notes and Comments 293 for the Deaf at a November 20 meeting in the auditorium of the School for the Deaf in Fulton. Harrison is superintendent of the school. The society did not meet in December, but heard an "Early Flistory of the Kingdom of Callaway Supper," by Marvin Moore at a January 15 meeting in the Callaway Electric Co-op Building. Meeting in the same building on February 19, members heard Dan Saults, assistant director of the Missouri Conservation Commission, speak on "John Newman Edwards, Soldier, Editor, Hero and Human Being."

The Cape Girardeau County Historical Society announced at a quarterly meeting in the City Library at Jackson on October 28, 1961, that 1,245 persons representing 38 states had visited the society's museum opened May 28, 1961, in the Common Pleas Courthouse at Cape Girardeau. Otto Koenig of Jackson, publicity and membership chairman, reported that the society's booth at the District Fair was well attended. It was also noted that there were 1,600 visitors at the Burfordville Mill during the 30-day period following the mill's dedication on July 23, 1961. At the meeting it was proposed that the society assist in pre­ serving a 150-year-old blacksmith shop in Pocahontas, believed to be one of the oldest blacksmith shops in the state still in operation. Certificates were issued to 17 perpetual members of the society and it was announced that the total membership had increased from less than 100 to over 500 members since April, 1961. The society held its first quarterly meeting for 1962 on January 27 at the City Library in Jackson to hear a program presented by Hope E. Morton of Jackson concerning "Old Toll Gates in Cape Girardeau County." Toll gates existed in the county from 1850 to 1908. Mrs. Arthur W. Thilenius of Cape Girardeau, president of the society, presided at the business meeting where progress reports indicated that restoration of the Burfordville Mill will commence in early spring. Plans also call for the creation of a roadside park near the mill. Other projects for 1962 are the society's efforts to secure financial assistance for the repair of old markers recently damaged by vandals in Old Lorimier Cemetery; restoration of the Old Opera House which was saved from destruction through the efforts of the society; and the preservation and restoration of the old blacksmith shop in Pocahontas. 294 Missouri Historical Review

The Clark County Historical Society is trying to raise money by subscription to reroof the old St. Francisville Baptist Church built in 1853. More than $400 has been subscribed. The society also has repaired the monuments and retaining wall at the Spencer (Fox River outlaw fame) graves in Bethlehem Cemetery in north Clark County.

The Cole County Historical Society held its annual meeting on January 31 at the society museum in Jefferson City. A highlight of the meeting was Lew Larkin's review of his recently published book, Vanguard of Empire, concerning Missouri's role in the westward expansion of the nation. Larkin is the Jefferson City correspondent of the Kansas City Star. New officers elected for 1962 are Elliot Farmer, president; Mrs. Maurice Dallmeyer, first vice president; Mrs. William H. Weldon, second vice president; Ellis Meyer, treasurer; Mrs. Clem Storckman, corresponding secretary; and Mrs. Charles E. Schwartz, recording secretary.

The Florissant Valley Historical Society sponsored a benefit dinner dance at Norwood Hills Country Club on February 14 for funds to help restore and refurbish Taille de Noyer, recently acquired by the society for its headquarters and museum.

Greene County Historical Society members saw "Williamsburg Restored," a color film about the Rockefeller Foundation restoration of the Colonial American town, at the society's monthly meeting in the Springfield Art Museum on January 25. Mrs. John H. Lembcke was appointed secretary of the society, replacing Mrs. Robert Dalehite, the former Jobelle Burk, who moved from the state. Another film, "The Face of Lincoln," was shown at the society's February 22 meeting, also held in the art museum. Dr. Richard E. Haswell introduced the film. Now available from the society are copies of the 1961 centennial edition of An Account of the Battle of Wilson's Creek or Oak Hills (1883), republished by the society and the Springfield Public Library.

The Hickory County Historical Society met in Hermitage on December 8 to hear a report on the "Slicker War" as it concerned Hickory County. Historical Notes and Comments 295

S. G. Welch, superintendent of the Chilhowee schools, gave a history of the Indians who lived in the vicinity at a meeting of the Johnson County Historical Society on October 1 at the Chilhowee Community Methodist Church. Marshall Montauge of Independence played a recording which told of the early history of the area and displayed articles from Chilhowee which dated back to the early 1800s, induing the first Chilhowee ballot box. The executive officers and board of directors of the society met November 12 at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Chester Cassingham in Warrensburg to plan the incorporation of the society so that it may accept funds for the restoration of the old county courthouse.

The Lafayette County Historical Society has adopted a program of marking the county's historic sites with uniform permanent markers. Markers will be made of aluminum alloy with inscriptions in raised letters and a seal representing the society. A contest among the students of the county's junior and senior high schools will determine the design for the seal. The society will solicit funds from churches, civic groups and interested individuals to finance the marker program. The Lafayette County Court has agreed that the county shall pay for the first marker to be placed at the Lafayette County Courthouse in Lexington.

The Historical Society of Maries County met January 18 at the home of Dr. and Mrs. J. Millard Shockley near Vienna.

The Ray County Historical Society installed officers for 1962 and heard a discussion on museums sponsored by county historical societies by Donald Pharis of Liberty at its third annual banquet on January 30 in Richmond. William Eldridge, Liberty, president of the Clay County Museum committee, answered questions posed by members of the society who are planning a display of local historical objects in the Ray County courthouse. Copies of a 14-page booklet entitled "A History of Ray County, Missouri," by Miss Louise Darneal were made available at the meeting. New officers include Howard Hill, Richmond, president, and Allen Hughes, Richmond, vice president. New board members are Mrs. Margaret Pigg, Orrick; Mrs. John Roney, Lawson; and Jesse Happy, Hardin. The secretary, Miss Darneal, Richmond, and treas­ urer, Robert Shumaker, Richmond, each have another year to serve. 296 Missouri Historical Review

Mrs. Dorothy Caldwell, director of the Historic Sites Survey of the State Historical Society, was the featured speaker at the St. Charles Historical Society dinner-meeting on January 25 in the St. Charles Borromeo Church Hall. Mrs. Caldwell spoke on "His­ toric Forts in the St. Charles Area." Members of the society also heard Leonard Haslag, historian interpretative for the Missouri State Park Board, who discussed plans for restoring the old capitol building in St. Charles. Ryne Steigemeier, the society's historian, called attention to the need for a museum and suggested that the remodeled church at 547 Madison Street in St. Charles be acquired for that purpose.

At the St. Clair Count>r Historical Society's November 2 meeting in Osceola, James D. Attebery, president of the society, outlined plans for a project involving the revising, updating and reprinting of the original St. Clair County History (1883). The project will require the gathering and cataloguing of records pertaining to land, schools, churches and cemeteries in the county to be used in a supplement to the history. A History of the Steele Smith and Grishington Jones families, early settlers in the northern part of the county, was presented at a December 7 meeting.

Pony Express films were shown at the first 1962 quarterly meeting of the St. Joseph Historical Society on February 12 at the St. Joseph Museum.

The Civil War Round Table of the Ozarks held its annual Ladies and Guest night meeting on December 13 at the Holiday Inn in Springfield. A Civil War film was shown at the meeting. Dr. Howard J. McAlhaney was elected president of the organization for 1962. The program for the January 10 meeting held at the Shady Inn was "Decisive Battles of the Civil War" given by O. K. Armstrong from his book, Fifteen Decisive Battles of the United States. The program for the February 14 meeting was "Eades and the Iron­ clads," by Robert Elgin, and the "Battle of Pea Ridge" by John Bond was the topic of the March 14 meeting.

Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, director of the State Historical Society, spoke on the Battle of Pilot Knob at a meeting of the Native Sons of Kansas City on November 14 at the Student Center of the Univer- Historical Notes and Comments 297 sity of Kansas City. John J. Doohan was elected president of the Native Sons, succeeding Charles F. Rouse. The annual Christmas party of the organization was held December 23 at the Wishbone Restaurant.

Miss Jean Bowen, librarian of the Missouri Valley Room of the Kansas City Public Library, opened a series of lecture-discussions on immigration trails at a December 9 meeting of the Heart of America Genealogical Society in the Kansas City Public Library.

Dr. Clement M. Silvestro spoke on "Civil War Centennial: Commemoration or Festival?" on January 26 at Washington University, St. Louis, under the sponsorship of the Missouri Historical Society.

Charles van Ravenswaay will resign May 1 as director of the Missouri Historical Society of St. Louis to become president of Old Sturbridge Village, Inc., in Massachusetts.

The Missouri Show Me Club of Los Angeles which meets in the First Methodist Church held a traditional Christmas program on December 15. The program at the January 19 meeting was pre­ sented by Francis B. Stewart and his daughter, Joy, both from Clark County, Missouri. Stewart is secretary of the Missouri University Alumni Association in Southern California. Clarence Bruce Boyle, noted impersonator of famous persons, entertained members with a program entitled "Giant Oaks From Little Acorns Grow," at the February 16 meeting.

White River Valley Historical Society members heard Fred DeArmond speak on "The Grandeur and Misery of the Civil War" at a meeting of the society on February 18 in Forsyth.

ANNIVERSARIES Trinity Lutheran Church, Clark's Fork, Cooper County, celebrated its centennial on June 12, 1960. A brief historical sketch of the church appears in the centennial celebration program.

Seventy-five years of service to the West Side was observed by the William Jewell Bapist church in Kansas City on December 2, 1961. Organized in 1886 with 18 charter members the church 298 Missouri Historical Review members first met in a hall at Twenty-first and Dripps (now Madison). Dr. J. A. Emerson, a William Jewell college teacher, was the first pastor.

HONORS AND TRIBUTES William Hepburn Russell, one of the founders of the Pony Express who died in 1872, was honored on the 150th anniversary of his birth during a ceremony at his unmarked grave in Greenwood Cemetery, Palmyra, on January 31. Once hailed as the "Napoleon of the West," Russell was presi­ dent of the Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express Company, known as the Overland Express, and was one of the three founders of the Russell, Majors and Waddell freight line. A group of private citizens have organized the William H. Russell Memorial Association with the purpose of securing funds for a suitable marker to be erected at Russell's grave. The Association prepared special cachet envelopes bearing a commemorative stamp for mailing from the Palmyra Post Office with the date of January 31. The National Pony Express Association has agreed to cooperate with the Memorial Association in this project and a tentative date for the marker dedication has been set for July 4.

NOTES Mrs. O. H. Christopher of Kansas City, historian of the Daugh­ ters of Old Westport, won first prize in an essay contest sponsored by the Jackson County Historical Society. Her entry, "My Proud Heritage," concerns Daniel Yoacham whose inn at Westport was a meeting place in the 1830s for people on their way to the West. Mrs. Christopher's essay will be kept in the archives of the Jackson County Historical Society in Independence.

The Watkins Mill Association, a private, non-profit organi­ zation, decided at its annual meeting on February 8 in Independ­ ence to turn over the historic woolen mill to the State Park Board at no cost in hopes that the mill might be made an historic shrine and new state park. The 100-year old, three-story structure, containing its original equipment, is located in eastern Clay County, six miles north of Excelsoir Springs. Members of the park board will visit the mill area in May. On May 4 a public hearing will be held in Excel­ soir Springs to allow local residents to air their views on the possi­ bility of the mill property becoming a state park. Historical Notes and Comments 299

A highway marker recently erected by the Society and the State Highway Commission on business route 87 at the eastern city limits of Boonville relates the history of Boonville and Cooper County.

Sherman Lee Pompey of Knob Noster has given the Society three typescripts of which he is the author; a genealogy of the Joshua Scarbrough family of Kentucky, Illinois and Missouri; "Bible Belt," which records reminiscences of Ozark Mountaineers; and "Hickory County Heros," a listing of Civil War veterans buried in Hickory County, Missouri, with thumbnail sketches of their regiments.

"One Hundredth Anniversary, 1861-1961, First Methodist Church, Sedalia, Missouri," a 36-page illustrated booklet by Peggy A. Hale, Sedalia, dealing with the church history, its members and activities, has been presented to the Society by the author.

Harry C. Hoffman of Oxford, Ohio, has added to the Society's Frank James Collection a two-page typescript concerning Frank James and Anna Ralston.

Ronald D. Bennett of Eminence has loaned three Civil War letters to the Society for photostating.

A 14-page booklet entitled "A History of Ray County, Mis­ souri," by Miss Louise Darneal, Richmond, was presented to the Society by the author who is secretary of the Ray County Historical Society.

Cyrus R. Truitt of Novinger has given the Society a copy of his "Mostly Ghosts," a collection of 50 photographs portraying the story of Novinger, Missouri.

Mr. C. Leo Howdeshell of Elsberry has loaned to the Society for photostating a copy of an 1839 Lincoln County church deed. He has also presented a list, accompanied by biographical sketches, of early Missouri residents who had fought in the Revolutionary War.

James F. O'Gorman has presented to the Society a body of materials relating to George Boardman Boomer (1832-63) who contributed to the development of resources, engineering, and bridge construction in Missouri, and who gained fame as Colonel of the 26th Missouri Volunteers during the Civil War. 300 Missouri Historical Review

Miss Marjorie Hunter of Moberly and Miss Lera Genola of Ventura, California, have given the Society a Civil War letter written by a confederate soldier describing the Battle of Lexington.

John H. Thorn of Columbia has presented to the Society a minute book kept by the Board of Trustees for the town of Columbia dating from November 24, 1826, to November 19, 1835.

Mrs. C. C. Lightner of Columbia has given the Society a copy of the Articles of Faith adopted in 1839 by the Little Bonne Feniine Association of Boone County.

W. Howard Adams, Blue Springs, has written an interesting and informative article entitled "How to Turn a Jail Into a Historical Museum" which pertains to the restoration of the Jackson County Jail by the Jackson County Historical Society. The article appears in Museum News, Volume 40, number 4, December, 1961.

"Vienna Points the Way . . . Preserve the Past in the Present for the Future," by Vivian Hansbrough in the January issue of The Missouri Farmer tells of the Maries County Historical Society's success in preserving the 100-year-old jail and historic Felker house in Vienna.

"Jerry Dalton Reveres Missouri Heritage," a feature article by Patricia Jansen Doyle in the Kansas City Star, January 28, discusses the dedication of the State's First Lady to the preservation of Missouri's heritage by maintaining the historical authenticity of the Governor's Mansion in Jefferson City.

"Quakes Reshaped Southeast Missouri 150 Years Ago," by Tom Marshall in the Kansas City Times, December 16, tells of the New Madrid earthquake of 1811-1812.

The Kirksville Daily Express has been publishing for the past year a series of articles concerning Adair County history written by Dr. Paul O. Selby, dean emeritus of Northeast Missouri State Teachers College. Two recent articles appear in the November 13, 1961, and the January 7, 1962, issues of the newspaper.

An article concerning the restoration of historic buildings at Arrow Rock appears in the Lexington Advertiser-News, February 16. Historical Notes and Comments 301

The "Gum Spring Campground" where Samuel L. Clemens spent a few days as a rebel recruit in June, 1861, is described by Ralph Gregory in The Perry Enterprise, December 7.

"History of I.O.O.F. Flail" in St. Clair by Mrs. Cora Thoming appears in three parts in the St. Clair Chronicle, January 25, February 1 and 8.

"An Artistic Difference of Opinion," by Jack Rice in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, January 28, records the differing views of art held by William R. Gentry, Jr., St. Louis, who is an admirer of the 19th century works of Missouri painter George Caleb Bingham, and his daughter, Elizabeth, whose interests lean more toward contem­ porary art.

"The Great New Meidrid Earthquake," by Joe Creason which first appeared in the Louisville, Ky., Courier-Journal Magazine is reprinted in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, December 12.

An article in the Tulsa (Oklahoma) Daily World, January 31, entitled "1837 Mill Was Pre-Fabbed," by Charles Allonby relates the history and describes the architectural attributes of the 125-year old Jolly Mill located on the townsite that was once Jollification, Missouri, 25 miles east of Neosho near U. S. Highway 60.

ERRATUM A note on page 196 of the January 1962 issue of the Review should be corrected to read that the article entitled "A Washington Line Ended in Missouri" appeared in the Kansas City Times, February 22, 1961, and that Thornton Augustin and Marian Wal­ lace Washington were decendants of George Washington's brother.

OBITUARIES

ALLEN, MRS. ROSINA CURTIS, Versailles: January 20, 1893- December 18, 1961.*

ANDERSON, MRS. ROSCOE, St. Louis: October 17, 1885-January 8, 1962.*

BARRON, ROBERT, Fredericktown: June 17, 1876-June 10, 1961. Retired teacher; former postmaster, county judge, and county school board member.* 302 Missouri Historical Review

COOK, JUDGE O. A., Portageville: December 27, 1877-December 9, 1961. Missouri House of Representatives, 1915-17; postmaster of Portageville, 1935-50; Probate Judge of New Madrid County, 1953 to death.*

DORSEY, HARVEY E., Moro, Illinois: September 26, 1874- May 4, 1961.*

DURRETT, MISS ALICE, Marshall: December 1, 1891-December 13, 1961.*

FAIIEY, WILLIAM, St. Louis: February 3, 1884-January 23, 1962.*

FULLER, MRS. DELIA, Lebanon: September 18, 1871-January 31, 1962. Great granddaughter of John Sevier, first governor of Tennessee; active in newspaper work over 50 years.*

JONES, DR. J. L., Blackburn: November 12, 1889-November 17, 1961. Chief field veterinarian for the Missouri Department of Agriculture; Missouri House of Representatives, Saline County, 1932-36; past president of Missouri and Kansas City Veterinary Association; state veterinarian of the year, 1957.*

Moss, HENRY EARL, Poplar Bluff: June 16, 1889-January 30, 1962. Retired Butler County merchant.*

O'BRYEN, DIMMITT W., Quincy, Illinois: August 26, 1899- October 28, 1961. Former printer and alderman in Quincy, born in Chillicothe.*

OLIVER, A. SLOAN, Monroe, Louisiana: March 12, 1887-April 21, 1961.*

PRIEST, JOHN V., Jackson: October 16, 1899-May 23, 1961. Jackson business man and civic leader.*

RICHARDSON, MRS. L. K., Salem, Oregon: August 22, 1891- March 28, 1961.*

SHEPARD, CLYDE, Columbia: May 5, 1891-December 19, 1961. Realtor, former dairy operator.*

SMART, W. T., Moberly: November 13, 1876-January 11, 1962. Bank vice president.* Historical Notes and Comments 303

STEVENSON, B. H., Palmyra: September 21, 1877-January 25, 1961. Retired railway mail clerk, former member Marion County Democratic Central Committee.*

TOPPING, FRANK, Barnett: October 31, 1877-May 22, 1961. Retired bank cashier; farmer and stockman.*

WALKER, LEE, Claremont, California: July 7, 1889-September 17, 1961. Former legal department head, Reconstruction Finance Corporation, Chicago office.*

WATKINS, WEBB, Dexter: July 25, 1862-February 9, 1962. Retired editor of the Dexter Messenger; former postmaster and bank director at time of death. WILLIAMSON, J. C, Dexter: September 8, 1895-September 9, 1961. Former chairman of Stoddard County Chapter of the Red Cross.* HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS Vanguard of Empire, Missouri's Century of Expansion. By Lew Larkin. (St. Louis: State Publishing Company, 1961. 310 pp. Indexed. $6.00.) In Vanguard of Empire Lew Larkin, Jefferson City correspondent for the Kansas City Star, defines Missouri's role in the expansion west of the Mississippi River. What this amounts to is a study of America's westward development from roughly 1820 to 1890. Various frontier historians have chronicled this westward movement, so that the personalities and events of Larkin's work are not new in themselves. However, the author is not merely re-hash­ ing the western epic. He is attempting to impose meaning upon a whole congeries of events by looking at them from one specific perspective. The perspective is that of the Missourian. Larkin presents the thesis that Missouri truly is "the Mother of the West." "Although the actual movement did not get under way until Missouri became a state," writes Larkin, "Missouri was destined to become the port for the course of empire westward .... The leadership of this tremendous movement came from Missouri­ ans. Many were native Missourians. Some were transplanted Missourians .... But they called themselves Missourians. The history of Missouri is the history of the West." In this the author has come upon no novel idea and he does not claim it as such. Missourians have long insisted that this was the case, but Larkin's is the first serious effort to establish the truth of

*A member of the Society. 304 Missouri Historical Review the belief, at least in the form in which he states it. A few years ago Bernard DeVoto incorporated a similar, though somewhat more sophisticated, concept into his book The Course of Empire. Accord­ ing to DeVoto the Missouri River was the key to the westward movement. He, unlike Larkin, was talking not so much about the peculiar virtues of a particular group of people (the Missourians), but rather about the logic of geographical and topographical realities. Larkin, however, uses an approach far more personal, an approach in many cases biographical. After stating his theme at the outset he deals with numerous men whose lives and actions demonstrate the point he seeks to prove. Such an approach entails both strengths and weaknesses. Happily, the author has captured some of the best of the strong points while the weaknesses, real though they are, are not much more than theme and method have imposed. Indeed, some of the shortcomings inherent in such an approach are almost lacking. The book does not lack unity; it holds together. The organiza­ tion is episodic—the fur trade, the settlement and revolution of Texas, the war with Mexico, the gold rush, the Civil War and finally the opening of Oklahoma. The myriad of personalities all fit into their niches within this framework, and there is a laudable amount of continuity between episodes. Moreover, with one or two excep­ tions, this organization points always to the author's thesis. Larkin does a fine job of painting in those thoroughly mundane yet completely fascinating details of everyday life. A short chapter, "The Port of Empire Begins To Fill," is devoted almost solely to the mode of life of common Missourians of the decade 1820-1830. His portrayal of action is both colorful and imaginative. Part of his description of a rendezvous point for the Santa Fe trail reads: "A raucous, blasphemous attack on the mules and horses filled the air from wrathful drivers who leered balefully at the animals, cracked whips and uttered imprecations apparently understood only by the dumb creatures." By and large, the author is at his best weaving a straight narrative. Doniphan's march gives him the best opportunity to utilize this method, and not surprisingly, it is the strongest part of the book. Finally, for all the exaltation in Missouri's prominence which is implicit and explicit throughout, this work, intentionally or not, seems to close on a note of melancholy pessimism. The "imperial Missourians" had explored the vast reaches of the West, settled Texas, twice defeated Mexico, but their triumphs diminished in Historical Notes and Comments 305 scope. The last episode is the opening of Oklahoma territory, and when the "boomers" had at last succeeded, Larkin comments, "The battle had been won at last." One wonders if Kit Carson, or Alexander Doniphan, or Jed Smith or the Austins could have rejoiced in such a victory. But, it is in the nature of frontiers to recede, and with that recession frontier triumphs follow the course from sublime to ridiculous. Near the end of the work the author quotes an aged Doniphan making comments that could serve as a summary, perhaps as an epitaph, for Missouri's role as "Vanguard of Empire." Speaking of days past he said, "I was young then, hopeful and ambitious, my position novel and exciting, everything was before me . . . great responsibility, a wide field for public atten­ tion, if successful, to say nothing of fame. All these I fully realized." Vanguard of Empire is a highly worthwhile and thoroughly engaging piece of historical writing. No Missourian, who has ever thought about the place of his state in the larger scheme of things, should miss it. In form, the thesis of the book may be open to question; in essence, it has unquestionable validity.

Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. By Alpheus H. Favour. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962. 234 pp. Indexed. $4.00. Re-edited from the 1936 edition with an Introduction by William Brandon.) It used to be fashionable to disparage the validity of works by or about mountain men. Today it is fashion­ able to make a quick admission of this former state of affairs and then go on to defend or re-edit them. Primarily this holds true of such autobiographical endeavors as those involving W. T. Hamilton, Jim Beckwourth or Isaac Rose, but it also has relevance in the case of Alpheus Favour's recently re-edited biography of "Old Bill" Williams. The spate of re-editings of such works in recent years is perhaps indicative of America's renewed willingness to believe in things wholesome, patriotic or heroic. People not longer read the "de-bunkers" and no longer sneer at mountain man stories—indeed, as early as 1931 Bernard DeVoto informed the reading public of the basic accuracy of the recollections of that mendacious mulatto, Jim Beckwourth. This requires saying in a review of Mr. Favour's work because of the reliance he placed upon the works which former­ ly were considered quite questionable. Among others he relied upon J. B. Marsh's Four Years in the Rockies, Howard Conrad's Uncle Dick Wootton and W. T. Hamil­ ton's My Sixty Years On The Plains (pages 139 to 159 is a summari­ zation of the last mentioned work). All of these works have a place 306 Missouri Historical Review

in Western historiography, and the complaint is not that he used them but that he used them uncritically. When the author quotes W. T. Hamilton as saying that any one of the 43 men on a Williams trapping expedition "would have been able to command an army," and uses the same source's account of the patronizing lecture given Dr. John McLoughlin by Williams on the realities of the course of empire, then it seems within the scope of scholarliness to examine Mr. Hamilton's credentials. Such is not done. Of the mountain man reminiscences only Joe Meek's has any doubt cast upon it — "he never failed to tell a good story." This is interesting when it is recalled that Meek, unlike many of the others, had a capable and conscientious amanuensis. The upshot of all of this lies in an assumption about historical truth, viz., fact is not always of primary importance. As Favour put it, "what does it matter?" if a source is open to question. If a reported incident did not happen as recorded, then something like it surely happened to someone else, sometime. A weightier state­ ment of this appeal to a historiographical higher law is Bernard DeVoto's judgment of Jim Beckwourth's book. "Why . . . need it be checked? [It] is neither history nor fiction. It belongs to a nobler genre: It is mythology." Operating from this position we have, like Vico's "true Homer," the creation of the true mountain men — not individual, material and historical figures but characters who are cloudy representations of a grand synthesis of myth, tradition, folk­ tale and even historical fact. One could argue that such an approach is proper because, as Mr. Favour stated it, "truth outran fiction in those days." Or, one might hold that western historiography has already overstepped the bounds in its insistence upon a poetical license. The latter seems more nearly correct. Aside from this difficulty the book is a fine, straightforward biography of a notable mountain man. Williams came into the world of frontier North Carolina and as a boy moved with his family to a "plantation" near St. Louis. Until his mid-thirties he spent his time in two endeavors on the Missouri frontier—preaching and dealing with Indians as trader, interpreter and finally as fellow tribesman. Williams' efforts to Christianize the Osages and their eventual Indianizing of him illustrates a major theme of the book, i.e. it was far easier for a civilized man to slip into savagery than for a savage to be civilized. Another theme is the utility of the moun­ tain men in the fulfillment of America's destiny of greatness. Their utility sprang from their explorations, their knowledge of wilderness methods, their ability to handle Indians, etc. Fortunately, neither Historical Notes and Comments 307 theme is played with a heavy hand. A man of "Old Bill's" unique­ ness deserves a good biography without serving as a backdrop for more ponderous propositions regarding the advance of American civilization.

H. M. Chittenden: A Western Epic, Being a Selection from his Unpublished Journals, Diaries and Reports. Edited with Notes and Introduction by Bruce Le Roy. (Tacoma: Washington State Historical Society, 1961. 136 pp. Indexed. $10.00 and $25.00.) Two years ago Allan Nevins in his Presidential Address before the American Historical Association called for a greater awareness of and appreciation for the endeavors of amateur—or, better perhaps, non-academic—writers of history. Hiram M. Chittenden, by pro­ fession as army engineer, was such a historian. Without benefit of calls for sympathy from the pundits of the academic world Chitten­ den's major works have worn amazingly well, not only among casual and lay readers but among scholars as well. In fact, his most prominent work, A History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, has remained the outstanding work in its area since publica­ tion sixty years ago, though Paul C. Phillips' The Fur Trade (1961) may largely supersede it. With the publication of the work under review Chittenden, the man, can be better known, for this handsomely done selection pro­ vides insight into the thinking of a person who was at once thinker and actor. He combined real achievements in the engineering realm with lasting contributions to scholarly knowledge. In this way Chit­ tenden resembled Theodore Roosevelt who at times praised him and at other times criticized him. Nearly all of the material in the book is in the form of the relating of personal activities—even the section, "Notes on the Reservoir Service," is unconcerned with things technical. Coming from a product of the later nineteenth century Chittenden's chronicles do not have the quaintness or the uniqueness of those from other periods. They are intelligent, stolid and often drab. They have, nonetheless, real interest—interest in the reactions of a thoughtful man to Theodore Roosevelt ("never talks easily but always in a strenuous manner," "very impetuous and hasty," "Clear vision and sane, single-minded view of things"), or his estimate of the amount of work that went into researching his work on the fur trade ("I do not think that any other human being will ever have the courage to do it again."), or a devoted scholar's perseverance in his task even in the face of the 1896 St. Louis 308 Missouri Historical Revieiv cyclone which despite a pleading wife could not move him from his chair until the storm was almost on the city, or a proud writer's estimate of his finished work ("it will continue to sell"). Certainly, it has continued to be read; and this present work will allow histor­ ians to appreciate better the man who created it.

John Doyle Lee: Zealot—Pioneer Builder—Scapegoat. By Juanita Brooks. (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1962. 404 pp. Indexed. $9.50.) Since 1857, the year of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, and especially since 1877, the year of the legal execution of its leader and of the publication of his "Life and Confessions" in Mormonism Unveiled, John Doyle Lee has been a polemical figure in the history of the West. Yet here is presented the first extended life of this man who was also a zealous, loyal, and trusted leader in the Mormon Church, a successful frontiersman and colonizer, a remarkable diarist, and an outstanding contributor to building the State of Deseret. Using such standard sources as Lee's diaries and the compre­ hensive references in her other published volumes, the author has written an unusual book. Her former works, The Mountain Mea­ dows Massacre (1950) and A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 2 vols. (1955), of which she was co-editor, together with her papers in the Utah Historical Quarterly gave her preparation to handle a biography of Lee. She has done this in a very readable book, which is also a contribution on the Mormon Church. In her concluding paragraph the author states that the Mormon Church re-instated Lee "to membership and former blessing" on April 20 and on May 8 and 9, 1961, thereby abrogating the excommunication of Lee in 1870.

American Journalism,: A History 1690-1960. By Frank Luther Mott. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1962. 901 pp. Indexed. $8.00.) The development of journalism in the United States in the 1950s is incorporated into this new third edition of Dean Mott's history of American newspapers over the past 270 years. The author retains the narrative style and comprehensive his­ torical approach of the 1941 and 1950 editions of this definitive refer­ ence work. The book is required reading for serious students of journalism and is of definite interest and value as a source of history. Missourians interested in the newspaper history of the state will find an accurate picture from the beginnings of the Missouri Gazette Historical Notes and Comments 309 in St. Louis in 1808 to the latest changes of ownership of the metropolitan dailies. The 63 pages on journalism in the 1950s are entitled "The Era of the Mass Audience" and detail the impact of electronic media on journalism and the reciprocal effects of television, teletypesetters and paper back books on the mass audience. As the leading jour­ nalism historian of the day and dean emeritus of the University of Missouri School of Journalism, Dean Mott is well qualified to describe this monumental historical perspective of communications media. The worth of the book is increased by the addition of recently published works to the bibliographical notes at the end of each chapter.

Concordia, Missouri, A Centennial History. Compiled by Harry R. Voigt. (Concordia, Missouri: Centennial Committee, 1960. 196 pp. Not Indexed. $2.50.) This history of Concordia, issued on the town's 100th anniversary, is primarily composed of thumbnail sketches of those individuals, business enterprises, organizations, churches and educational institutions active in the development of the community between the early 1800s and 1960. Also recorded are significant events of the early settlement, the Civil War, the post-Civil War era, and the period called the Automobile Age. An appendix includes 52 pages of illustrations relating to Concordia's centennial celebration. Professor Harry R. Voigt is librarian at St. Paul's College in Concordia.

OLD HOME REMEDIES From Granny Gore's Ozark Folk Medicine, by Sherman Lee Pompey If youen's has an upset stomach, a few dried and pow­ dered linin's of chicken gizzards is good. Called Inglu- vin by these medical fellers. For vomitin', peel the bark off a peach tree one way to help git rid of the stomach distress, to git rid of the vomitin', peel it the other way. If you strip the bark down towards the body of the tree, it stops the vomiting, and if youens strip it up the tree, it starts the vomiting. Don't youens for git to bile it or soak it in water or hit won't work. MISSOURI HISTORY NOT FOUND IN TEXTBOOKS

HOLOCAUST From the Troy Lincoln County Herald, February 10, 1870. The village of Sweet Home, in Nodaway county, was almost totally destroyed by fire recently. Only one house was left standing. Before the fire there were two.

POLK FOLK MEDICINE From the Springfield Advertiser, August 13, 1844. Polk-Root, we have seen it stated somewhere, is an excellent purgative medicine. We think it a fact, and from present indications, it will completely purge the country of whiggery by November next. — Missouri Courier.

A SOUND SLEEP From the Malta Bend Qui Vive, July 26, 1901. Two young men, Grover Lemmon and Frank Long, who were killed by the M., D. & T. flyer on a trestle near Erne, are said to have been drinking, but the statement is denied. They lay down on the track to sleep, thinking the rattling of the rails by the approaching train would awaken them in time to board it for Nevada. ... TO WRAP MY BABY UP IN From the Maysville Register, January 16, 1873. A Skunk-skin opera-cloak graced the dress circle of Tootle's Opera-house at St. Joe the other night. It was worn by a rural belle, who was accompanied by the male companion that had slain the fragrant little animals whose hides were thus sacrificed for his beloved.

PLEASANT EXCHANGE From the Liberty Tribune, June 19, 1868. The papers tell a story of a weary prarie traveler giving a log house girl a dime for a kiss. Never before having seen a clime, the girl asked him what she was to do with it? "Use it any way you please," said he, "it is yours." "If that is the case," said she, " I will give you back the dime and take another kiss." What a charming girl.

ERRATUM From the Kansas City Daily Journal, July 6, 1883. Telegram from Marshall, Mo., the other day announced the presence of a case of small-pox at that place. The fact was noted in this column, but by a slip of the pencil Rich Hill was designated as the locality. Mayor Wolfe of Rich Hill writes that there is not a single case of small-pox in that city, and is not likely to be. The case at Marshall is not serious, and is so well quarantined that there is no danger from it.

310 Missouri History Not Found in Textbooks 311

BUREAU, BURRO, BAFFLED

From the Osceola Sun, September 8, 1881. Pleasant Hill Review. "The Missouri Pacific railroad company has an agent at Warrensburg that is entitled to a chromo. Some one in New Mexico shipped a 'borro' to Warrensburg. When it arrived, the agent on examining his bills took the item to mean a bureau. After making diligent search for the furniture and not finding it, he reported to headquarters as follows: One bureau short, and one jackass over."

YOU LIE

From the Edina Sentinel, April 1, 1889.

The editor of the Edina National, whoever he may be, will please excuse us if we do not hereafter reply to his low silly flings, as we do not care to waste our time with a paper that has such a limited circulation and influence as the National. His arguments with his contemporaries reminds us of the two idiots—boy and girl—who were carried around the country a few years ago, and palmed off in small towns as "the wild Australian children." They had been taught just two words, and in response to any question or any remark they shouted, "You lie!" "You lie!" The couple were [sic] withdrawn from show business a short time since. Whatever became of the girl we do not know, but evidently the boy is running a Greenback paper in Edina.

AN ENLIGHTENED REPORT

From the Knob Noster Will. Carr's Gem., November 2, 1888. The rumor that we have a new marshal proves without foundation. True, two of the streetlamps were lighted Saturday night but as the flue on the one at Case & Larkin's corner was so black that no one could get a glimpse of the light, the fact was unknown until Sunday morning about eight o'clock when Deacon Shock- ley discovered it by means of the smoke. The other lamp, at DeArman & Wells' corner is supposed to have been lighted by some strangers, or else got started in the afternoon by spontaneous combustion—probably bought on by Tarsney's redhot speech. Ed. Quilty first discovered that the wick was on fire, gave the alarm, and the blaze was promptly squelched.

THE TAIL'S THE THING

From the Paris (Mo.) Herald, March 27, 1877. Some of our Audrain county friends along the Monroe county line were badly sold out one day last week.—They were engaged in catching and entailing rats for the five cent bounty offered by the Audrain county court for rat tails. After they had about exterminated the rat tribe in the immediate neighborhood where they were slaying, they espied in the dim distance a large gentleman rat making for the Monroe county line. At once about half a dozen of Audrain's sons of toil were on the chase, and, with the speed of an Antelope, they pursued his ratulency into Monroe, overtook and slew him, when to their amazement and disgust, they found that he was minus a tail! 312 Missouri Historical Review

FRUSTRATIN' FRUIT From the Boonville Weekly Eagle, January 1, 1875. A. H. C. Koontz is rather inclined to be waggish at times, and he sometimes perpetuates jokes even at the expense of old folks. The other day an old lady and her daughter from the country were in the store, when the former seeing a barrel of cranberries setting near the door, called out: "Mr. Koontz, what are these things here in this barrel?" "Those are Texas cherries, madam," remarked K., as he went on attending to his customers. The old ladies [sic] curiosity was evidently excited and she could not resist the temptation to help herself to a few of the berries. After cracking them between her teeth, her face evidently showed signs of extreme anguish, when she called to her daughter: "Sal, come here. These are cherries from Texas—just taste them." Sal instantly obeyed, and a terrible scowl flew over her countenance. She turned to her confiding mother, and remarked: "If that's the kind of fruit they raise in Texas I'm not going there to live. I shall write to Sam that he needn't come after me. That I will." The twain left the store evidently thoroughly disgusted with Texas and everything it produces.

WHO WEARS THE PANTS From the Glasgow Times, May 23, 1850. The Flash—Some of the ladies are introducing the monkey jackets again this spring. These articles may look very saucy, but if the ladies will persist in wearing them in the streets, why don't they don the breeches abroad as well as at home, and have an end on't. —HANNIBAL JOURNAL. The editor of the Journal was married about a month since, and it seems has lost his breeches already.

WHEN THE CONSUMER WAS KING From the Jefferson City Daily Tribune, January 7, 1874. The art of shop-keeping is carried to a big degree of perfection in Charleston, Mo. When a lady rides up to a store in that place, three clerks seize the bridle, two take the horse by the tail and yank him close to the stile-block. Two more clerks spread a roll of Brussel's carpet across the sidewalk, while the merchant in white kid gloves, white vest, and forked-tail coat escorts the lady to a luxurious divan, where she sits at ease and makes her purchases.

civic PRIDE From the Palmyra Weekly Southern Sentinel, June 25, 1856. A Sprinkler—Why is it that Palmyra can't have a Sprinkler to keep down the dust that threatens to suffocate her citizens. Is she too poor, or too stingy, or has she no public spirit. What kind of an impression do we make upon strangers? Not a very favorable one we should suppose, although a lasting one, for a man is not apt to forget an occurrence that threatened his life—eyes, nose, mouth stuffed with dust, hair full, clothes covered, and no relief, either in doors or out. Missouri History Not Found in Textbooks 313

Gentlemen, we tell you it will not do! There must be something done!—You have fine schools; you have a variety of churches; you have fine springs; you have broad and beautiful streets, but you have no sprinkler! We should not be surprised if our neighbors in Hannibal would take pity on us and send up their "sprinkler."

A BIRTH REPORT From the Tuscumbia Helmet, April 20, 1876. Well! Well! After twenty years of hoping and waiting the matrimonial career of Hon. John H. Stover—"big John"—of Versailles, Mo., has at last arrived at a cry-sis. We are permitted to make the following extract from a letter received by a lady in Clinton, from the happy John, dated at Fleming, Pa., March 29th, 1876. " Dear : Ellie would write you but from the fact that a very elegant young miss got into bed with her this morning at 1 & ]/2 o'clock, and persists in nestling and snugging up close to her. She is such a plump jolly-looking little thing, that we have concluded to adopt her for our daughter. She kicks the beam at 12 ^2 pounds and has the clearest alto voice for catnip you ever heard, Mother and babe doing very well and father just overlastingly jolly." The Colonel will be jollier and fatter than ever now.—Sedalia Times.

CHOOSE YOUR WEAPON, SUH! From the Tuscumbia Helmet, April 6, 1876. The Tipton correspondent of the California Democrat furnishes that paper with the following fishy item: One of [our] citizens, during our late term of court, while fishing in the Moreau, discovered a real hermit, an ancient darkie, who was once the servant of Alexander Hamilton. He was present at the duel between Hamilton and Burr, and bore his master from the field in his arms. Uncle Sye is now 128 years old, lives in a cave near the banks of the Moreau, and has many mementos of the golden time. He has in his possession the pistol used by Hamilton in his duel with Burr, also his watch, and a fine silver mounted gun, all of which were once used by the illustrious statesman. Uncle Sye, although not a body servant of Washington, well remem­ bers the occasion on which George cut down the cherry tree "with his little hatchet." MISSOURI HISTORICAL DATA IN MAGAZINES

Agricultural History, January, 1962: "Railroads and Farmers: Educational Trains in Missouri, 1902-1914," by Roy V. Scott.

The American Archivist, January, 1962: "The Harry S. Truman Library—Plans and Reality," by Philip C. Brooks.

The American-German Review, February-March, 1962: "The Role of German Volunteers in St. Louis, 1861," by Alexander C. Niven.

Annals of Iowa, Summer, 1961: "Battle on the Border," [Athens, Missouri, August 5, 1861] by Ben F. Dixon.

Annals of Wyoming, October, 1961: "Biographical Sketch of James Bridger," by Major General Grenville M. Dodge. 314 Missouri Historical Review

Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, January, 1962: "Louis Espenschied and His Family," by Lloyd Espenschied; "Steamboat Art, Decoration, and Elegance," by Miss Ruth Ferris; "Reminiscences of a St. Louis City Hospital Interne," by Dr. Samuel Smith Stewart; and "The First International in St. Louis," by David T. Burbank.

Civil War History, December, 1961: "A Missouri Waltz: Civil War Version," by Alan W. Farley.

Kansas Historical Quarterly, Winter, 1961: "Kansas Before 1854: A Revised Annals, [Part Four, 1819-1825]" compiled by Louise Barry.

Missouri Archaeologist, December, 1961: "The Pom me De Terre Reservoir in W7estern Missouri Prehistory," by W. Raymond Wood; "Archaeological Research in the Proposed Joanna Reservoir Missouri," by Dale R. Henning.

Missouri Parent-Teacher, February, 1962: "Phoebe Apperson Hearst," by Mrs. O. W. Wilkinson. Museum Graphic, Winter, 1962: "Oriels in Old Saint Joseph," by Bartlett Boder.

Museum News, December, 1961: "How to Turn a Jail Into a Historical Museum," by W. Howard Adams. [Jackson County Jail].

, January, 1962: "Anglo-American Furniture in Missouri, 1804-1880," by Charles van Ravenswaay.

Nebraska History, December, 1961: "Nebraska's Missouri River Frontier, 1854- 1860," by Norman A. Graebner.

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly, July-December, 1961: "Orion Clemens, 1825-1897, A Biography," by Effie Mona Mack.

The Ozarks Mountaineer, February, 1962: "Historical Markers Now Decorate Every Missouri County," by Ruby M. Robins; "The Ozarks Expose Millions of Years of the Earth's History," by Lee Collier; " New-Fangled Aluminum Soles Gave Uncle Zeb a Case of Hot Feet," by Warren Cook.

Pony Express, December, 1961: " Mark Twain—1835-1910 (Centennial of Arrival at Carson)."

Tradition, December, 1961: "Christmas in the Everglades," by H. W. Caygill.

The Trail Guide, December, 1961: "The Man Who Made a Folk-God Out of Jo Shelby and Created a Legend for Jesse James," by Ray Lavery.

The Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, September, 1961: "A California Gold Rush Letter from Bernard J. Reid," edited by James D. Van Trump and Alfred D. Reid, Jr.

The Westerners, 1961: "George Catlin, A Memoir," by Peter Decker.

The Wi-Iyohi, South Dakota Historical Society, September, 1961: "War in the West: Wilson's Creek." K j&K&J Qnj

St. Louis University THE PIUS XII MEMORIAL LIBRARY The Pius XII Memorial Library at St. Louis University comple­ ments serious scholarship by providing modern research facilities and an atmosphere conducive to intellectual endeavor. Its wealth of materials not only reflects the demands of the University curri­ culum but also provides a valuable center for manuscript research. The spacious and attractive six-level building, with 17 miles of shelving and a total capacity of 1,000,000 volumes, houses the core of the University's holdings brought from Europe by Father Peter De Smet in the 19th century, since augmented to form a rich and varied collection of 250,000 volumes. Nearly all of these, in addition to 1,500 of the 3,038 periodicals currently received are shelved on open stacks, readily available to readers. Facilities include convenient reading areas equipped with study tables and informal chairs and sofas; a browsing area supplied with paper-back editions; a music room containing six soundproof listen­ ing compartments; seminar and typing rooms; study carrels; admin­ istration offices; a film laboratory; and a reception room containing a concealed projection screen, sound equipment, and catering kitchen. A special feature is The Knights of Columbus Vatican Film Library. Recorded on 873,000 feet of microfilm representing 11 million handwritten pages is the collection of the Vatican Manuscript Library in Rome, a primary source of information on the history of Western thought. It comprises approximately 600,000 manuscripts ranging in age from the 5th to the 19th centuries, and is one of the richest in the world for the study of theology, philosophy and the writings of Renaissance humanists. It is the only depository in the Western Hemisphere for the Vatican Collection. Another highlight is the St. Louis Room housing 4 major collec­ tions: a rare book collection rich in early Americana but also containing important editions in philosophy and theology, the Greek and Latin classics, and Renaissance works; the Archives of the Missouri Province of the Society of Jesus containing materials related to Midwestern Jesuit activities since 1823; the St. Louis Archdio- cesan administrators records since 1826; and the Jesuitica Americana collection of 900,000 microfilmed pages relating to the Jesuits in the New World. FAMOUS

PERSONAGES OF

THE CIVIL WAR

IN MISSOURI

Joseph O. Shelby Of Missouri's Civil War figures the aura of romance hovers closely around the name of Joseph Orville Shelby. Possessing all the characteristics suited to capture the imagination, Jo Shelby had the blessings of the fates in being born into a prominent, wealthy, and aristocratic Southern family — a Kentucky clan connected to such dynasties as the Blairs, Bentons, Gratzes and Clays. He inherited a bold optimism, a rugged constitution, and he had those crowning touches—good looks and the magnetism that made all love him. As a young man Shelby moved from Kentucky to Missouri locating at Waverly where steamboating, farming and rope manu­ facturing made him one of the wealthiest slave and land owners of Missouri. In these years of prosperity young Shelby—he was only 30 when the war came—had his first experiences in the role that was to win him fame. When the Kansas-Missouri border blazed with agitation in the mid-1850's Shelby found himself a leader of the pro-slavery faction. Heritage and hot temper, not to speak of economic interests, propelled him to this position. At the outbreak of hostilities in 1861 his cousin Frank Blair offered Shelby a Federal Commission. Doubtless he would have been little inclined to accept in any case but his witnessing of what he considered the outrage of Camp Jackson sent him storming out of St. Louis and into the arms of the Confederacy. Throughout the war Shelby and his cavalry performed brilliantly. During Price's ill-starred but exciting raids through the state the fearless and flamboyant young centaur gained the reputation of leading the van of every attack and covering the rear of every retreat. A Dixie Minstrel of the time memorialized his fame this way: Shout Boys, Make a noise, the Yankees are afraid That something's up and hell's to pay when Shelby's on a raid. At the final curtain of our national tragedy General Shelby added a flourish that gave a touch of pathos to his reputation. Shelby could not easily accept defeat. From his last base in Texas "Fighting Jo" turned his men southward, buried his battle flag in the Rio Grande, and went on to become involved in the strife of an unhappy Mexico. Soon, however, he returned from the heady atmosphere of Maximilian, and settled down in Missouri to champion the cause of Bourbon Democracy—a suitable activity for the "last of the Caveliers"—until his death in 1897.