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The Legion of the Archangel Michael: the Past and Present Appeal of Decentralized Fascism
Providence College DigitalCommons@Providence History & Classics Undergraduate Theses History & Classics Fall 2020 The Legion of the Archangel Michael: The Past and Present Appeal of Decentralized Fascism Andrew Bennet Gillen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.providence.edu/history_undergrad_theses Part of the Cultural History Commons, European History Commons, and the Political History Commons The Legion of the Archangel Michael: The Past and Present Appeal of Decentralized Fascism By Andrew Bennet Gillen HIS 490 History Honors Thesis Department of History Providence College Fall 2020 ii CONTENTS INTRODUCTION. NEW APPEAL ………………………………… 1 CHAPTER 1. IDEAOLOGY OF THE IRON GUARD……………...13 CHAPTER 2. FITTING IN: 1931-41…………………………………37 CONCLUSION. COMPARISONS……………………………………52 BIBLIOGRPAHY……………………………………………………...69 iii INTRODUCTION: NEW APPEAL In August of 2017, far right groups of the United States of America, such as the Proud Boys, Christogenea, Vanguard America, and the Global Crusader Knights, among others, gathered in an unprecedented fashion at Charlottesville, Virginia.1 These groups believed that they were given the power to avert the changes of more liberal forces in the country. One of the organizers of the event, Matthew Heimbach, wore a shirt depicting Corneliu Codreanu.2 Codreanu was the charismatic founder, and to some extent heart and soul, of the Legion of the Archangel Michael (LAM), or the Iron Guard, as it was frequently referred to in the English speaking world,the main fascist force in Romanian politics -
Images of Town Life in the Writings of Ion Călugăru, Isac Peltz and Ury Benador
Romanica Cracoviensia 12 / 2012 10.4467/20843917RC.12.020.0737 Gabriela Gavril-Antonesei Alexandru Ioan Cuza University Iaşi IMAGES OF TOWN LIFE IN THE WRITINGS OF ION CĂLUGĂRU, ISAC PELTZ AND URY BENADOR. ASPECTS OF THEIR RECEPTION1 CONTEXT Isac Peltz, Ion Călugăru, Ury Benador – and other important writers, particularly M. Sebastian, who will not be discussed in this paper, though – published their most representative work in the fourth decade of the last century. At the time, Romania faced a strong surge of nationalistic political movements, which led to multiplied and intensified anti-Semitic acts. More and more voices of the time2 – among them some public figures of a rather liberal line, and representatives of the church – were requesting the “cleansing” of Romania of its Jews and even the review and annulment of the citizenship granted to them in 1923. Under the party name of “Totul pentru Ţară” (“Everything for the Country”), the Garda de Fier (Iron Guard) obtained in the 1937 elections 16.5% of the votes of the electorate, thus becoming the third political power in the country. When the PNC (Goga-Cuza) government came to power in 1937, they imposed an anti-Semitic legislation that deprived more than 200 000 Jews of their civil rights.3 The media campaigns for a “Romanisation” of society – as pursued by Pamfil Şeicaru in Curentul, Nicolae Iorga in Cuget clar and Neamul Românesc – are proof that the anti-Semitic ideas and language were common in many circles.4 In December 1 A version of this paper was presented at the Conference “I Am a Romanian: the Bucharest – Tel Aviv Route”, organized by The Romanian Cultural Institute in Tel Aviv, in partnership with the “Ben Gurion” University in Beer Sheva, 29.03–1.04.2011. -
God, Mythology, Nationalism and Romanian Identity
GOD, MYTHOLOGY, NATIONALISM AND ROMANIAN IDENTITY: THE POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY by Kenneth Allen Adams A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies Spring 2016 Copyright 2016 Kenneth Allen Adams All Rights Reserved Pro Que st Num b e r: 10156501 A ll rig hts re se rve d INFO RMA TION TO A LL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will b e no te d . Also , if m a te ria l ha d to b e re m o ve d , a no te will ind ic a te the d e le tio n. Pro Que st 10156501 Pub lishe d b y Pro Que st LLC (2016). Co p yrig ht o f the Disserta tio n is he ld b y the Autho r. A ll rig hts re se rve d . This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. Pro Q u e st LLC . 789 East Eisenho we r Pa rkwa y P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arb o r, MI 48106 - 1346 GOD, MYTHOLOGY, NATIONALISM AND ROMANIAN IDENTITY: THE POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY by Kenneth Allen Adams Approved: __________________________________________________________ D. Heyward Brock, Ph.D. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee Approved: __________________________________________________________ Jeffrey L. -
The 'Regime-Model' of Fascism: a Typology
02_Articles 30/1 19/11/99 11:10 am Page 77 Aristotle A. Kallis The ‘Regime-Model’ of Fascism: A Typology Introduction In recent years there has been a revival of interest in the nature of generic fascism. This renewed search for a paradigmatic model of fascism originated as a reaction to the trend of overstating specificity, of studying fascist phenomena in the longue durée and of using their individual differences to underscore the futility of grand theories of fascism. A large part of the blame for the dis- crediting of comparative approaches is borne by the erratic and often mystifying sample of the studies themselves. Lack of clarity about the nature and content of fascism resulted in a number of comparative studies, whose insufficiently justified sample of case studies left the concept of ‘fascism’ in disarray. The ‘totalitarian’ approach focused on the political features of fascism as regime (i.e. Italy and Germany), but then subjected it to a broader definition which dovetailed with aspects of such a disparate socio-political phenomenon as communism.1 Nolte’s Three Faces of Fascism provided an insightful account of the ideological similarities between the Italian and German regimes, only to obfuscate his paradigm by including Action Française in his analysis.2 The ideological affinities notwithstanding, the weak- nesses of his generic definition are obvious. If ‘fascism’ is a broad ideological phenomenon, then why are other case-studies ex- cluded (Austria, Britain, etc.)? If, on the other hand, ‘fascism’ is both ideology and action, movement and regime, then why is Action Française comparable to the Italian and German regimes? Even the recent account by Roger Eatwell has focused on a curious combination of two major interwar regimes (Italy, Germany) and a plethora of disparate movements (most of which achieved limited, short-lived appeal and none of which ever European History Quarterly Copyright © 2000 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Domesticating Viragos. the Politics of Womanhood in the Romanian Legionary Movement
fascism 5 (2016) 149-176 brill.com/fasc Domesticating Viragos. The Politics of Womanhood in the Romanian Legionary Movement Mihai Stelian Rusu Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Romania [email protected] Abstract Building on the basic premise that the attempt to create a New Man was one of fas- cism’s master-ideas, this article focuses on the feminine underside of this program of political anthropogenesis. The article centers on the image of the New Woman and the politics of womanhood within the Romanian Legionary movement. It argues that the Legion’s trademark rhetoric of martial heroism and martyrdom led to an essential tension between a virile model of womanhood (patterned upon the masculine ideal type of the martyr-hero) and a more conservative domestic model. A third, reconcilia- tory hybrid model, which mixed features borrowed from the two antagonistic types of Legionary womanhood was eventually developed to defuse this tension. Keywords gender politics – fascist femininity – New Man – New Woman – Romania – Iron Guard – women The Gender Politics of Fascist Movements Prompted by an upsurge of scholarly interest in the relationship between women and fascism, in recent decades a valuable corpus of scholarship has emerged from the intersection of gender and fascist studies.1 The scholarship 1 Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Society (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1975); Leila J. Rupp, ‘ Mother of the “Volk”: The Image of Women in Nazi Ideology,’ Signs 3 (1977): 362–379; Ale xander de Grand, ‘Women under Italian Fascism,’ The Historical Journal 19 (1976): 947–968. © Rusu, 2016 | doi 10.1163/22116257-00502004 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 4.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 4.0) License. -
European Fascism Since 1919
PAPER 20. EUROPEAN FASCISM SINCE 1919 Introduction Fascism was the most consequential political invention of the twentieth century. Its challenge to the liberal, capitalist order of Europe was more momentous – and murderous – than that of communism. The terror and destruction unleashed by the major fascist regimes have left an indelible mark on the course of modern history and our collective memory. The symbols and imagery of fascism remain instantly recognizable, while its ideas have seen a remarkable renaissance in the past twenty years. Despite this enormous impact, fascism has proved strangely elusive as an object of historical analysis. Since 1945, it has been frequently explained away as a political pathology: a horrific, but fleeting deviation from Europe‟s path to modernity. Marxist commentators in particular have downplayed its significance by reducing it to a mere reflection of the „disintegrating bourgeois state‟. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, German (as well as Italian) historians insisted that „their‟ brand of fascism was so much more (or less) extreme than other variants that comparative interpretations were morally reprehensible (or lacking in heuristic value). Today, after a decade of renewed academic interest in „generic fascism‟, prompted by the works of Roger Griffin, Stanley Payne and Zeev Sternhell, there is still considerable scholarly hostility to the notion that fascism represented a serious alternative to parliamentary democracy and the free market on the one hand and communism on the other. Paper 20 takes fascism seriously. It provides a sober, scrupulous recharting of the fascist „third way‟, beyond the ira et studium of the anti-fascists and the pieties of the Sonderweg theorists. -
Carstocea Finalspalsh
Heirs of the Archangel? The ‘New Right’ Group and the Development of the Radical Right in Romania Author(s): Raul Carstocea Source: eSharp , Special Issue: Reaction and Reinvention: Changing Times in Central and Eastern Europe (2008), pp. 22-48 URL: http://www.gla.ac.uk/esharp ISSN: 1742-4542 Copyright in this work remains with the author. _________________________________________________________________ eSharp is an international online journal for postgraduate research in the arts, humanities, social sciences and education. Based at the University of Glasgow and run by graduate students, it aims to provide a critical but supportive entry to academic publishing for emerging academics, including postgraduates and recent postdoctoral students. [email protected] eSharp Special Issue: Reaction and Reinvention Heirs of the Archangel? The ‘New Right’ Group and the Development of the Radical Right in Romania Raul Carstocea (School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London) Introduction The collapse of communism brought to Eastern Europe not only the long-awaited processes of democratization of the political space and liberalization of the economy, but also the reappearance of radical discourses in the public space. While significant academic contributions to the debate on the role that radical movements and parties play in post-communist Eastern Europe have already been made, research on recent developments among such groups is still in an incipient stage. This is possibly due to the fact that these developments are considered marginal, as they do not command sufficient political support to represent a serious threat to democracy. Also, the fact that they differ to some extent from similar occurrences in Western Europe and display specific country or regional features, makes them all the more difficult to study from a theoretical perspective. -
Executive Summary
FINAL REPORT of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania Presented to Romanian President Ion Iliescu November 11, 2004 Bucharest, Romania NOTE: The English text of this Report is currently in preparation for publication. © International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. All rights reserved. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY HISTORICAL FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS HISTORICAL FINDINGS Statement of Fact and Responsibility The Holocaust was the state-sponsored systematic persecution and annihilation of European Jewry by Nazi Germany, its allies, and collaborators between 1933 and 1945. Not only Jews were victimized during this period. Persecution and mass arrests were perpetrated against ethnic groups such as Sinti and Roma, people with disabilities, political opponents, homosexuals, and others. A significant percentage of the Romanian Jewish community was destroyed during World War II. Systematic killing and deportation were perpetrated against the Jews of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Dorohoi County. Transnistria, the part of occupied Ukraine under Romanian administration, served Romania as a giant killing field for Jews. The Commission concludes, together with the large majority of bona fide researchers in this field, that the Romanian authorities were the main perpetrators of this Holocaust, in both its planning and implementation. This encompasses the systematic deportation and extermination of nearly all the Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina as well some Jews from other parts of Romania to Transnistria, the mass killings of Romanian and local Jews in Transnistria, the massive execution of Jews during the Iasi pogrom; the systematic discrimination and degradation applied to Romanian Jews during the Antonescu administration—including the expropriation of assets, dismissal from jobs, the forced evacuation from rural areas and concentration in district capitals and camps, and the massive utilization of Jews as forced laborers under the same administration. -
Models of Womanhood in the Romanian National Legionary State
DOSIER Cuadernos de Historia Contemporánea ISSN: 0214-400X http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/chco.71887 Fascist Femininities: Models of Womanhood in the Romanian National Legionary State Mihai Stelian Rusu1 Recibido: 15 de junio de 2020 / Aceptado: 11 de julio 2020 Abstract. This paper aims at discerning the models of fascist femininity endorsed by the Romanian National Legionary State. It consists in a quantitative content analysis performed on articles published in the regime’s official newspaper, Cuvântul, in a permanent column addressed to women. The findings point out the prevalence of the traditional model of “domestic womanhood” over the masculinized model of “warrior femalehood.” This quantitative approach grounded on content analysis is complemented by a qualitative approach based on a visual analysis of women’s depiction in the Legion’s printed press. Visual commercials, product advertising featuring women and other depictions of female figures reveal a third, heterodox, type of womanhood that we suggest calling “Legionary chic.” Based on these findings, the study concludes by pointing out the heterogeneity of the National Legionary State’s politics of womanhood. Keywords: gender roles; feminine fascism; New Woman; politics of womanhood; Romanian Iron Guard. [es] Feminidades fascistas: modelos de mujer en el Estado Nacional Legionario de Rumanía Resumen. Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar los modelos de feminidad fascista respaldados por el Estado Legionario Nacional rumano. Consiste en un análisis cuantitativo de contenido realizado sobre artículos publicados en el periódico oficial del régimen, Cuvântul, en una columna permanente dirigida a las mujeres. Los resultados señalan la prevalencia del modelo tradicional de “feminidad doméstica” sobre el modelo masculinizado de “feminidad guerrera”. -
Nazis, Mythology, and Totalitarian Minds in Kurt Vonnegut's <I>Mother
Volume 26 Number 1 Article 14 10-15-2007 Nazis, Mythology, and Totalitarian Minds in Kurt Vonnegut's Mother Night Gilbert McInnis Grenfell College, Newfoundland Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.swosu.edu/mythlore Part of the Children's and Young Adult Literature Commons Recommended Citation McInnis, Gilbert (2007) "Nazis, Mythology, and Totalitarian Minds in Kurt Vonnegut's Mother Night," Mythlore: A Journal of J.R.R. Tolkien, C.S. Lewis, Charles Williams, and Mythopoeic Literature: Vol. 26 : No. 1 , Article 14. Available at: https://dc.swosu.edu/mythlore/vol26/iss1/14 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Mythopoeic Society at SWOSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mythlore: A Journal of J.R.R. Tolkien, C.S. Lewis, Charles Williams, and Mythopoeic Literature by an authorized editor of SWOSU Digital Commons. An ADA compliant document is available upon request. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To join the Mythopoeic Society go to: http://www.mythsoc.org/join.htm Mythcon 51: A VIRTUAL “HALFLING” MYTHCON July 31 - August 1, 2021 (Saturday and Sunday) http://www.mythsoc.org/mythcon/mythcon-51.htm Mythcon 52: The Mythic, the Fantastic, and the Alien Albuquerque, New Mexico; July 29 - August 1, 2022 http://www.mythsoc.org/mythcon/mythcon-52.htm Abstract Discusses the Nazi appropriation and mythologization of Darwinian evolutionary theories in Kurt Vonnegut’s Mother Night. Additional Keywords Evolution (scientific theory); Race and racism; Vonnegut, Kurt. Mother Night; World War II This article is available in Mythlore: A Journal of J.R.R. -
Romania from Fascism to Communism in the BBCM Reports
Romania from Fascism to Communism in the BBCM Reports Dan Stone, Royal Holloway, University of London During the years 1938–1948 Romania went through a series of remarkable changes. From a parliamentary democracy and monarchy to a fascist regime-cum-military dictatorship to a communist satellite of the Soviet Union, Romania was not simply caught between the machinations of the superpowers, as many historians of the country like to put it. Certainly the Romanian decision to ally itself with Nazi Germany — taken before Ion Antonescu came to power — was made out of fear that this represented the only chance of retaining some independence and having the possibility of regaining lands ceded to the USSR (Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia) and Hungary (Northern Transylvania) in June and August 1940 respectively. But the fact that the choice was Hitler’s Germany rather than Stalin’s Soviet Union tells something about the country’s political culture: monarchist, nationalist, xenophobic, antisemitic and, despite Bucharest’s interwar cosmopolitanism, by 1938 moving decisively into Germany’s orbit. In short order, the country lost a third of its territory, following which King Carol II, under German pressure, was forced to offer dictatorial powers to General Antonescu and then to abdicate in favour of his son Mihai. At first Antonescu shared power with the Iron Guard, with the Guard’s leader, Horia Sima, appointed Deputy Prime Minister when the ‘National Legionary State’ was declared on 14 September 1940. After a few chaotic months, characterised by Iron Guard violence, culminating in the Bucharest pogrom of January 1941 in which 120 Jews were murdered, Antonescu dissolved the National Legionary State on 14 February and established a new government which offered less wayward rule, a more stable partnership with Germany, and, in Antonescu’s eyes at least, a stronger likelihood of regaining northern Transylvania. -
Holocaust in Romania: Uncovering a Dark Chapter
The Holocaust in Romania: Uncovering a Dark Chapter By: Iulia Padeanu Advised by: Professor Donald Dietrich The Holocaust in Romania: Uncovering a Dark Chapter Introduction In 1934 the Jewish population of Romania was 700,000. Today, fewer that 9000 remain. Outside of Nazi Germany the Romanian Holocaust was the most brutal and most deadly. Yet this chapter remains one of the darkest and most unexplored in Romanian history. What happened? The Holocaust in Romania remains to this day one of the most controversial aspects of the country’s history. Negationist theories run rampant throughout the country. Some ‘scholars’ claim the Shoah did not happen at all, others that it is all a Jewish conspiracy, many other scholars lay the blame solely on Germany, and others still profess that Romania actually saved its Jews. Whatever the theories may be, the last few years have fortunately shown tremendous accomplishments in unveiling the truth behind this dark chapter of Romania’s past. Spearheading the movement towards acceptance was Elie Wiesel, a Romanian of Jewish background who was forced to emigrate from Romania with his family during the Shoah. Along with a team from the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, they produced the Final Report International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. It was the first document of its kind, and brought out to light, for the first time, the real atrocities of the Romanian Holocaust. The brutal program of terror was a political maneuver on the part of the fascist government, and especially of Romania’s leader during WWII - the military dictator Marshal Ion Antonescu.