Maladies of Modernity: Scientism in Politics David Nathan Whitney Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College

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Maladies of Modernity: Scientism in Politics David Nathan Whitney Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2010 Maladies of modernity: scientism in politics David Nathan Whitney Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Whitney, David Nathan, "Maladies of modernity: scientism in politics" (2010). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1970. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1970 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. MALADIES OF MODERNITY: SCIENTISM IN POLITICS A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In The Department of Political Science By David Nathan Whitney B.A. 2004, University of Tennessee M.A. 2008, Louisiana State University December 2010 ©Copyright 2010 David Nathan Whitney All rights reserved ii Dedication I dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my brother, Jerry Whitney, who served as a great source of support and inspiration in my formative years. iii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I must thank my parents for their unwavering support. I could not have asked for more and surely deserved less. I also drew strength from the support of my close friends and family. My nieces and nephews always gave me proper perspective as to what matters most. Academically, I consider myself to be extremely fortunate. The political theory program at LSU is truly a hidden treasure and Sandoz, Stoner, and Eubanks are exemplary scholars who are genuinely concerned about the well being of their students. I am especially grateful to my major advisor, G. Ellis Sandoz, for his constant encouragement and support. Aside from being a tremendous scholar and teacher, Sandoz is simply an exemplary human being, and I consider myself lucky to have studied under his direction. Cecil Eubanks also gave me valuable advice throughout the years and was especially helpful in the development of my pedagogical approach. Jim Stoner provided a positive example through his extraordinary work ethic and helped strengthen my approach to scholarship by asking tough questions. I also owe a debt of gratitude to my minor professor, David Sobek, who graciously oversaw all of my work within my second field. Finally, I must thank the Eric Voegelin Institute for a summer fellowship that allowed me to formulate my prospectus and the Earhart Foundation for providing me with a dissertation fellowship. I would surely still be working on my dissertation if not for their generous financial support. iv Table of Contents Copyright . ii Dedication . iii Acknowledgments . iv Abstract . vi Chapter 1 Introduction: Scientism and the Dogmatics of Modernity . .1 Chapter 2 Francis Bacon and the New Science . 25 Chapter 3 Let There be Light: The Newtonian Age . .53 Chapter 4 Auguste Comte’s Scientistic Politics . .72 Chapter 5 The Evolution of Scientism: Marx, Darwin, and Eugenics . 109 Chapter 6 Towards a New Science of Man . 147 Chapter 7 Conclusion: Scientism in the 21st Century and Beyond . 174 Bibliography . .187 Vita . .192 v Abstract This dissertation explores the complex relationship between science and politics. More specifically, it focuses on the problem of scientism. Features of scientism include the dogmatic faith in the methods of the natural sciences (and the accompanying assumption that those methods can be successfully imported into the social sciences), a materialistic worldview, the rejection of the bios theoretikos, the prohibition of philosophical questions, and an emphasis on immanent fulfillment through the power of science. I seek to demonstrate that scientism is intellectually impoverishing and politically dangerous. Given the lack of full-length studies on the subject, I trace the development of scientism from early modernity to the present day. I begin with Francis Bacon and argue that he stands as the founder, not only of the experimental method, but also of scientism. This is most evident in his presentation of a scientific utopia in New Atlantis. After briefly exploring the works of Isaac Newton and the French Encylopedists, I move on to the other great representative figure of scientism: Auguste Comte. Comte demonstrates the religious fervor that accompanies the scientistic attitude. Continuing on the path set forth by Bacon, Comte argues for a reorganization of society based on the precepts of positive science. I argue that Comte’s founding of the Religion of Humanity serves as a logical progression from his positive philosophy. I then explore the eugenics movements in 20th century America and Germany and argue that they reflect the new worldview that had emerged from Darwin’s evolutionary theory; a theory partially based on scientistic prejudices. I ultimately argue that the solution to scientism lies in a new (or revised) science of politics; the foundation of which is based on the Classical sources that were either discredited or banned outright by the proposals of Bacon and Comte. vi Chapter 1 Scientism and the Dogmatics of Modernity “The damage of scientism is done… the insane have succeeded in locking the sane in the asylum. From this asylum no physical escape is possible. As a consequence of the interlocking science and social power, the political tentacles of scientistic civilization reach into every nook and corner of an industrialized society, and with increasing effectiveness stretch over the whole globe. There exist only differences, though very important ones, in the various regions of the global asylum with regard to the possibility of personal escape into the freedom of the spirit. What is left is hope—but hope should not obscure the realistic insight that we who are living today shall never experience freedom of spirit in society.”1—Eric Voegelin During his Inaugural Address, President Barack Obama vowed to “restore science to its rightful place.”2 This certainly did not come as a surprise to anyone who even casually followed his campaign. The issues of climate change and embryonic stem cell research came up in numerous speeches and debates throughout Obama’s presidential campaign. The foundation had been set several years earlier as former Vice President Al Gore successfully brought the issue of global warming to the forefront of political debate, primarily through his book and subsequent documentary, An Inconvenient Truth. And record high oil prices in the midst of a receding economy all but ensured that the topic would be of utmost concern in the election season. Not even halfway into his first term, Obama has already made good on his campaign promises to push for environmental regulations as well as to aggressively promote embryonic stem cell research. Through these actions, Obama can claim to be making good on his promise to “restore science to its rightful place.” But considering the stakes, we owe it to ourselves to seriously consider what science’s “rightful place” truly is within society. The answer to that question carries serious political consequences and thus deserves our full attention. 1Eric Voegelin. The English Quest for the Concrete. Volume 24 of the Collected Works of Eric Voegelin: History of Political Ideas Volume VI: Revolution and the New Science. Ed. Barry Cooper. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998) pp.214-215 2 http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html 1 The interplay between politics and science is certainly not a new phenomenon, but the unprecedented scientific advances in medicine and technology during the 20th century, and into the first decade of the 21st, have forced us to reconsider that relationship. While advances in medicine and technology led to unprecedented wealth and accumulation of material comforts, man’s increased control over nature also meant that he could destroy his fellow man with greater ease. Thus, in addition to penicillin, vaccinations for crippling diseases such as polio and smallpox, the mass production of the automobile, television, the internet and countless other beneficial inventions, the 20th century saw tens of millions die at the hands of their own governments.3 Atomic energy could provide power for a whole city, but it could also be used to decimate that same city. Therefore, a series of questions must be raised as to the proper relationship between science and politics. Should governments control scientific research agendas? Should they determine what inventions to allow? And if so, how can such determinations be made? Who ultimately decides if a scientific advancement is good or bad for society? The answers to such questions go a long way in determining the role of science within a society. What cannot be disputed in contemporary politics is that science carries great weight. No matter what the issue may be (stem cell research, global warming, militarized weapons, etc.), the importance of having science on “your side” cannot be overestimated. In many cases, both sides will claim to have scientific support for their arguments (this certainly has been the case in the global warming debates). The reason for this is simple: science has produced countless useful innovations, especially within the past century. Nobody has to argue for the power of 3 R. J. Rummel has coined the term “democide” to refer to the killing of citizens by their own governments. Democide accounted for far more deaths than war in the 20th century (including 62 million in the Soviet Union alone). See R. J. Rummel. Death by Government. (New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1994) p.24 2 science or its utility to society, as the evidence is overwhelming. However, that prestige can be abused and exploited to advance political agendas.
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