William J. Keyes MANILA SCA VENGERS: the STRUGGLE for URBAN SURVIVAL

William J. Keyes MANILA SCA VENGERS: THE STRUGGLE FOR URBAN SURVIVAL U Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION It is characteristic of 16w income and particularly squatter urban communities that a certain per6entage of the poor support themselves by scavenging. Whether in Manila, Calcutta, or Rio de Janeiro, the scavenger is sure to be present. Emerging from the heart of the slum area, the scavenger, often accompanied by his family, pushes his cart into the "respectable" areas of the city. Challenging traffic, upsetting garbage cans, he becomes an object of admiration to a few, of pity or repulsion to most. The few see in him a man of courage and boldness, industry and enterprise', beyond shame, and uncaring 'of what people think of his trade. In contrast, most better off urban dwellers feel in- stinctively repelled by the unpleasantness of what they see--dirty, undernourished people in tattered clothes handling mounds of refuse. Would-be reformers sometimes attempt to eradicate this blight on the urban scene by outlawing or severely restricting the scavenger's attempts to stay alive in the city. - The Present Study Manila has a "scavenger problem." In every town and munici- pality comprising Metro Manila, there are scavengers. No one really knows how many there are. The police precincts have no re- cords; and estimates offered by dealers, factory heads, scavengers themselves, and even representatives of a scavenger association vary considerably. Judging from these estimates, there may be around 2,500 families supporting themselves in this way. Government, in relating itself to the scavengers, has been restric- tive, viewing them primarily as menace to traffic and neighbor- 2 Keyes: Manila Scavengers hood cleanliness. Yet, little is known about scavengers from an "insider's" viewpoint. Also, little appreciation is given to their role in the larger economic system in which they play a significant part. Purpose of the study The purpose of this paper is to understand these familiar figures in our urban environment, embodying as they do the state of ur ban poverty. Specifically, it seeks answers to a series of questions focusing on the three major components of the system: (1) the individual scávenger; (2) the middleman; and (3) the factory. At the individual level, these questions apply: Who is the scavenger? What is he like? How does he live? How much does he earn? What are his feelins about what he does fora living? Is he conscious of the filth in which he is steeped? Ishe ashamed of his occupation? How did he get involved in this work and why does he stay in it? Does he have any real altrnative? How does he view society's distaste for and even hostility towards his work? How does he see his future? - Inquiries at the middleman and factory levels attempt to focus primarily on the economic aspects of the industry: in which the scavenger plays a part: the range of buying-and selling prices, the dynamics of supply and demand, the gross volumes involved, and the percentages of profitability. Hypotheses In attempting to present a socioeconomic profile of the scavenger, the study examines the foIlokiing hypotheses: 1. The scavenger earns per hour considerably less than the legal minimum wage of P1 an hour. 2. The scavenger's share of the total value of what he gathers is proportionately quite small when compared with the shares of the middlemen and the factory. 3. The scavenger has little job mobility and does not view other forms of employment as feasible alternatives. The Philippine Poor I: Two Monographs 3 4. Although not unconscious of the demeaning conditions asso- ciated with his work, the scavenger's perception of his occupation focuses on the positive economic benefits arising from his activities rather than their negative aesthetic features. 5. Scavenging contributes significantly to the industrial process of certain industries. These industries are, in fact, dependent on the regular receipt of recycled raw materials collected by scavengers. Methodology The study on scavenging is part of a larger study on urbaniza- tion, poverty, and population policy, and is the responsibility of a single researcher who spent over a month in the field. • Interviewing procedure. The scavengers involved are residents of Barrio Maligamgam, Sampaloc, Manila. After a period of pre- liminary contact with the community, the researcher chose 15 scavengers for longer interviews. Nonscavenger members of the community were also asked questions in the broader social survey to elicit their attitudes towards the scavengers in their midst. Information on the bodega level was gathered through interviews with three bodega operators in the area and with several others around the city. A considerable amount of time was spent in one bodega in order to observe the activities of the day and gradually to learn more from its operator. On the dealer level, interviews were conducted outside the Barrio Maligamgam area since there are no dealers in the area. Although emphasis was given to the dealers who are supplied by Maligamgam, others were also visited. Once general attitudes were formed, depth interviews were conducted with one of the dealers previously contacted Interviews with factory personnel were conditioned by varying degrees of willingness to cooperate. Several factories were visited, both those dealing with scrap material and one dealing with pri- mary sources. Two factories offered excellent cooperation even to the extent of making company documents available to the researcher. 4 Keyes: Manila Scavengers The case studies presented in the report portray real situations. Names are disguised to provide a degree of anonymity to the respondents. .. .. Instruments. An interview schedule fOr scavenger respondents was prepared in order to elicit basic demographic, economic, and attitudinal data. I Nwformal instrumentswere used in the interviews at the bodega and factory levels. "V 7 - -' .4. Chapter 2 PROFILE OF THE SCAVENGER The profile is divided into two sections. The first section draws on interview results to formulate a general image of the scavengers in the Maligamgam area: who they are, how much they earn, their attitudes towards their work, and other descriptive materials. The second section gives more biographical data on certain scavengers with whom the author had more prolonged association. Three biographies are given, judged to be somewhat typical of the scavengers in general. In this manner, the composite image of the first section can be seen in more detail through the three brief histories. Scavengers as a group Scavengers in the Maligamgam area are a heterogeneous group. Sixty percent of those interviewed were born in Manila.' Just over half are male, married and with children, and in their midtwenties. But boys as young as eight or nine also scavenge, usually in groups of two or three. Several families go out together--husband, wife, and children. There are women, too, who scavenge on their own, being the only breadwinners in the family. In response to the question "How long have you been scavenging?" the most frequent response was, "Matagal na," but when pressed to be more specific the respondents reported a median length of time of five years. None of those interviewed prefer scavenging to other occupations; but they resort to it simply be- cause they do, not see any other means by which to earn a liveli- hood. Most have never held any permanent salaried job. Some were once construction workers or government casuals. Most adult scavengers work alone and ply their trade six or seven days a week. There is a natural cycle to scavenging. The carts go out in the early morning, returning about 10:00 a.m., and then Keyes: Manila-Scavengers leave again about 6:00 p.m., turning in around midnight. The sun's heat along with patterns of garbage disposal make midday scavenging unattractive and unprofitable. At midday carts lie idle un- less borrowed by the younger boys. During the course of the study, a government anti-scavenging drive resulted in the impounding and burning of carts. Scavengers had to take turns using whatever carts remained as fewer and fewer of them were available, thus considerably curtailing operations. Reports on earnings show considerable variation. A low income rate of P3 a day was reported by half of the répondents; however, the modal range appears to be P4 to P6. Reaons given for the variation include access to'a suki,2 good fortune, physical stamina, and the availability of carts. - - Since there was reason to suspect that respondents might have been understating earnings out of a presumption that the research would be an instrument of almsgiving, a secondary cheôk wès made by prolonged observations at the weighing scale at the bodega. The following breakdown is presented as typical of what a man earns on a successful night's collection. Personal profiles Apolinario Santos - His real name is Apolinario -Santos but everyone calls him "Junior." He is 31 years old, married with five children, four of whom are boys. The eldest, Mario,is now 11 years old. - In one regard, JuniOr is no typical scavenger. He has extraordi- nary academic attainment by Maligamgam standards, having finish- ed three years -of college! He studied commerce at Araneta Uni- versity, supported by his grandmother -who was receiving U.S. veterans' benefits. When she died, Junior; who wanted to get married anyway, left school. He could not find steady employment for three years. His first job was in construction work in Olongapo where, as an unskilled laborer, he received less than the minimum wage. After six months, the project having been completed, he was laidi off. He did not find employment again for several more years, and he livedwith The Philippine Poor I: Two Monographs Table 1.

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