DOCSLIB.ORG

Fm 2 45 to DEPARTMENT of STATE E 1 C

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Fm 2 45 to DEPARTMENT of STATE E 1 C Dl \K1MI ' 'i RtP A F FOR RM USE ONLY ' / m E. = A-26 UNCLASSIFIED N E A c u HANDLING INDICATOR fm 2 45 TO DEPARTMENT OF STATE E 1 C L F 5C X .STHiZUTlON A G R COM FRB FROM AmConsul Porto Alegre DATE: 1 N T L A B TAR SUBJECT (SPECIAL) WEEKLY SUMMARY No. 22 T R XM« A!R < REF ARMY CI A MAW r I J" The Consulate recommends that this document not be disseminated o SO US' i outside the U.S. government offices. Preparation of the following summary was motivated by the unusual nature of the first item. The regularly scheduled summary, with Political and Psychological sections, will be forthcoming next week. 1. The Scratching of Operation "Goldfinch"; ITo Brazilian Christmas For Leonel Brizola 2. Justino and lido Accused of Tampering With Military Justice 3. "Colonial Roads": A New USAID Operation 1. The Scratching of Operation "Goldfinch"; No Brazilian Christmas For Leonel Brizola On or about 1500 hours on the afternoon of Thursday, November 26, a Varig "Coro'nado" (Convair 990) plane bearing the identification letters PP-VJG was warming up at Porto Alegre's Salgado Filho airport, about to take off (supposedly) for Buenos Aires. Suddenly, the pilot received or< from the control tower to taxi back to the terminal. Once the plane hs.C returned the door was flung open and stern-looking burly security men sc.' a good-looking, clean-cut passenger and. dragged him struggling down to t airstrip. They were well advised in doing so, for he was none other t) ex-Air Force captain Alfredo Ribeiro Daudt, who had been drummed out of service as a subversive in the post-revolutionary purges. On this part:' ,3 occasion, he was apparently bound for Montevideo, rather than B.Ac, and intention was to lay before ex-federal deputy Leonel Brizola (PTB-Guanal a) a plan of death and destruction which included, the taking-over of military garrisons in Porto Alegre and Sao Leopoldo, the blowing-up of/ an army J UNCLASSIFIED FffiR DEPT. USE ONLY DS-323 1 In • Out Drafted by: Contents and ClassTfication Approved by: TJDuffield:gb Clearances: UNCLASSIFIED 2 AIRGRAM A-26 PORTO ALEGRE ammunition dump, the assassination of figures most prominently identified with the '^arch-April Revolution, and last but not least, the bombing by small air• craft of three primary targets, with the objective of sowing panic and confusion in the ranks of the military and of civilian security forces. The plan was drawn up in traditional military manner, with only the D of D-Day to be filled in - presumably by Brizola himself. The elements to carry it out would be the famous "groups of Five" - successors of the pre-Revolution "groups of Eleven". In honor of the air portion of the plot, the latter was given the name - it is not clear by whom - of Operacao Pintassilgos (Operation Goldfinch). • The above represents a consensus of the reports carried by the various papers, and unclassified information obtained elsewhere. There is some difference of opinion as to whether the plane was about to take off, whether it was not in fact bound for Montevideo all the time, rather than ostensibly for Buenos Aires, whether Daudt was in the plane or in the terminal bar when he was seized, whether the plans were in his suitcase or on his person, vrtiether he did or did not roll them into a ball which he dropped surreptitiously, not sufficiently, however, to escape the eagle eye of a security man. It seems well established, however, that the plans were in fact discovered and that Daudt was the man who was carrying them. The only unusual local news which appeared in the following morning's papers was that Joao Caruso, a former PTB deputy well identified with the Brizola line, had once again been taken into custody by the police. Actually, some 220 persons, representing a Who's Who of the PTB in the Bad Old Days, together with like-minded ex-Army officers, a surprisingly large representation of past and present officers of the Brigada Militar (state constabulary)and of civilians of various degrees of subversion - curiously enough omitting certain political figures who come mighty close to being downright Cornmunists were reported taken into custody by various security forces. Brizolaphiles. Wilson Vargas and Sereno Chaise, both cassado PTB state deputies, were being sought for arrest, but it is not clear wh< "1 or not they were ever found. Their lawyers, with admirable foresight, are said to have requested their habeas corpus before they were even booked. Folha da Tarde, afternoon tabloid, carried the first report of the plot, an< subsequent papers have added a wealth of detail and speculation, linking it up wit] the Goi^s troubles and with evil intentions of persons elsewhere in Rio Grande do Sul, elsewhere in Brazil and elsewhere in South America. Speculating in a strictly unclassified manner, the Consulate can only note i coincidence between the date the news was released - November 27, and the arinivt sary of the Communist intentona (frustrated coup) of 1935, and point out that v. > rest was growing in consequence of the Goia*s affair and even more so on account of the steady rise in the cost of living, the latter having prompted two statements from General Justino Alves Bastos, CG III Army (See Weekly Summary No. 20-21, A-25, UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED 3 AIRGRAM A-26 PORTO ALEGRE November 2k), It is also interesting to note the large number of Brigada Wtlitar personnel -who were taken into preventive arrest. While existence of the plot must be recognized, was it absolutely necessary to make so many arrests on the basis of the documents discovered? How shrewd a plotter boards a plane for Montevideo - or even for Buenos Aires - with complete operational plans in his possession? While road-blocks were set up on the two main highways giving access to the city (following the arrest of Captain Daudt), why should the attitude of the persons searching the halted vehicles have been careless or at the best perfunctory? The conclusion the Consulate would draw - on the.basis of no "inside" in• formation - is that discovery of the planned terrorist action came at a time when the authorities were anxious to remind the public that the Revolution had been directed against some pretty evil people, who would have done Brazil no end of harm if they had been able to carry out their nefarious schemes, and that the fangs of these reptiles had by no means been completely pulled. A temporary rise in the cost of living and such incidents as the intervention in Goia"s were a small price to pay in return for the continued vigilance of the authorities in thwarting the plans of these vipers. On the alarmist side, it is indeed frightening to think that even Brizola could plan or accede to plans which might have resulted in plenty of fire and blood• shed, but which - surely - Would have ended in a Last Stand, possibly on Porto Alegre's Praca da Alfandega, near the monument containing the text of the late Getillio Vargas' carta-testamento. It is even worse to think that less exalted persons than Brizola might have had reason to believe that there would in fact be no Last Stand, and that the plot would have touched off a successful counter• revolution. At any rate, if it had been Brizola's plan, as some have suggested, to sp . Christmas I96I+ in Porto Alegre, against a background of crackling flames, with the bodies of General Justino and Governor lido dangling from the symbolic Petrobras "rig" in the above mentioned Praca da Alfandega, it looks as if the "Valiant of the Pampas" would have to make other holiday arrangements. 2. Justino and lido Accused of Tampering With Military Justice While General Alves Bastos and Governor Meneghetti may have been spared fj the rope, knife or bullet of the assassin, they are co-defendents against a ch; rge brought before them by the presiding magistrate of the 1st Military Court of Justice of the Jvd Military Region, Dr. Lauro Schuch, and addressed to the px.- siding magistrate of the Superior Military Tribunal, Rio de Janeiro, GB. Not a military man, Dr. Schuch is better known as the President of the Association of Cooperatives (ASCOOPSR) and as a landowner. In his capacity as a cooperative jurist, he recently attended a meeting in Washington of his counterparts from UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED If AIRGRAM A-26 PORTO ALEGRE other American countries. Dr. Schuch's complaint against the General is that the latter had attempted to intimidate him, against his better judiciary judgement, into ordering the arrest and holding for prosecution of persons vho had been caught trying to organize "groups of Eleven". Schuch did not claim that the work of these groups did not constitute subversive activity. Ms point, however, was that the offense against national security did not fall solely within the jurisdiction of the military courts, but could also be dealt with by a regular criminal court, depending on the identity and status of the person accused. General Justino, however, had. apparently openly expressed his displeasure over such pettifoggery, and when Schuch tried to see him in order to tell his side of the story, he was told that the General "had his belly full" (estava com o saco cheio) and refused to receive him. Hopefully, the judge pointed out in his message to his superior that the penalty for threatening or using violence against a magistrate was punishable by up to 8 years imprisonment.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Tradição Trabalhista” No Rio Grande Do Sul
    Bases Sociais e Intérpretes da “Tradição Trabalhista” no Rio Grande do Sul Igor Gastal Grill s narrativas de consagração do trabalhismo efetuadas por prota- A gonistas políticos encarregados e interessados na eternização da “tradição política” são elementos de fixação de identidades e de expli- citação de rivalidades e alinhamentos. As estratégias de ativação, apropriação e transmissão de valores, ícones e símbolos que conferem sentido à idéia de continuidade constituem importantes veículos de formação de uma comunidade afetiva (Halbwachs, 1994), mas revelam também o processo de disputas e negociações relativas ao uso da me- mória política (Pollak, 1989). O foco deste artigo está centrado nas dis- putas, invenções e reinvenções da “tradição trabalhista” no Rio Gran- de do Sul. A utilização do passado trabalhista na política contemporânea gaúcha pós-regime militar não pode ser caracterizada simplesmente como um trabalho de memória institucional e oficial (integrante da memória consagrada pelo Estado), nem tampouco como uma memória subter- rânea silenciada durante décadas que emerge em um novo cenário his- tórico. Porém, essa utilização da memória possui elementos que apro- ximam duas modalidades de enquadramento da memória identifica- das por Pollak (idem). Por um lado, o “legado getulista” – e, por conse- qüência, a apropriação trabalhista feita dele – contém fatores de identi- ficação que remetem à construção da memória nacional por meio da DADOS – Revista de Ciências Sociais, Rio de Janeiro, Vol. 48, no 3, 2005, pp. 525 a 557. 525 Igor Gastal Grill consagração, nos discursos oficiais, do dirigente político e estadista. Por outro, tais elementos se fundem, no Rio Grande do Sul, com as nar- rativas de lutas e resistências que atravessaram o século XX, produzin- do “heróis” que ascenderam politicamente, enfrentando eleitoral e mi- litarmente inimigos políticos.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism of the Twenty-First Century” Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C
    DRAFT—PLEASE CITE ONLY WITH PERMISSION Prepared for the conference “Populism of the Twenty-First Century” Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C. October 8, 2009 Populism in Brazil: from Getúlio to Lula Leslie Bethell Oxford University In Latin America (and elsewhere) populism has been, and continues to be, an elusive concept, notoriously difficult to define, and highly contested, both in the study of political history and contemporary politics. It has often been said that more has been written about definitions of populism than about populism itself. Populism is perhaps best and most simply defined as encompassing those political movements/parties and, above all, those ‘charismatic’/personalist/ opportunistic/demagogic politicians, self-styled ‘outsiders’ (though mainly from the elite), who reach power (usually, though not always, through elections), exercise power and retain power through some kind of direct or quasi-direct, unmediated relationship and identification with previously politically unorganized, politically excluded, sections of the population which are politically mobilized for the first time – that is to say, mobilized by ‘populists’ from above. For the so-called ‘classical populists’, from, say, the 1930s to the 1960s, and the beginnings of mass politics in Latin America, it was the new and newly enfranchised urban working class and public sector white-collar urban lower middle class that was available for political mobilization. (The mass of the rural poor were largely ignored since they had no vote - often a consequence of illiteracy - or their votes were delivered to local landowners and political bosses.) The so-called ‘neo-populists’, of both Right and Left, emerged from the late 1980s, in conditions of economic and social crisis, after many political scientists and sociologists had announced the end of populism in Latin America.
    [Show full text]
  • Speude Bradeus
    1 Ideas in Motion: Angst and Hope in the Theory of Dependence Theotonio dos Santos, Political scientist and economist (Summer, 2013) Ivani Vassoler-Froelich and J. A. Treviño-Cantú Born in the city of Carangola in the Brazilian countryside, in 1936, Theotonio dos Santos is an internationally renowned scholar for his seminal contribution to the Theory of Dependence, one of the pillars of Latin America´s political and economic thought. Presently he is among the main intellectuals involved in the Theory of World Systems. A political scientist and economist, dos Santos taught at several universities in Brazil and abroad. He is an emeritus professor at the Universidade Federal Fluminense (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil) and currently is professor and researcher on Global Economics and Sustainable Development at the United Nations University. He is the author of 38 books, published in different languages, and of almost 100 academic articles. Theotonio dos Santos and his family live in Rio de Janeiro. Source : Videos at the website of Theotonio Dos Santos: http://theotoniodossantos.blogspot.com.br/ What is your original disciplinary training and what was the dominant intellectual debate in your time as a student? I did my undergraduate studies in the faculty of economic sciences, where we took courses in sociology, public policy and administration, so that I had a very broad training in the social sciences in the areas of sociology, anthropology, history and political economy. The study of these areas is linked to the problems of development because in that moment, in the decade of the 1950s, development was the central topic of discussion in the social sciences in Latin America.
    [Show full text]
  • Leonel Brizola E Os Setores Subalternos Das Forças Armadas Brasileiras: 1961-1964
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL INSTITUTO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA LEONEL BRIZOLA E OS SETORES SUBALTERNOS DAS FORÇAS ARMADAS BRASILEIRAS: 1961-1964 CÉSAR DANIEL DE ASSIS ROLIM PORTO ALEGRE 2009 2 UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL INSTITUTO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA César Daniel de Assis Rolim LEONEL BRIZOLA E OS SETORES SUBALTERNOS DAS FORÇAS ARMADAS BRASILEIRAS: 1961-1964 Dissertação apresentada ao PPG em História da UFRGS como requisito para a conclusão do Curso de Mestrado em História, na linha de pesquisa Relações de Poder Político-Institucionais. Orientadora: Prof ª. Dra. Carla Brandalise. Porto Alegre 2009 3 CÉSAR DANIEL DE ASSIS ROLIM Leonel Brizola e os setores subalternos das Forças Armadas Brasileiras: 1961-1964 Dissertação apresentada ao PPG em História da UFRGS como requisito para a conclusão do Curso de Mestrado em História, na linha de pesquisa Relações de Poder Político-Institucionais. Aprovada com indicação para publicação em 6 de novembro de 2009. BANCA EXAMINADORA: Prof.ª Dra. Maria Lúcia Moritz (PPG-Ciência Política/UFRGS) – Conceito A Prof. Luiz Alberto Grijó (PPG-História/UFRGS) – Conceito A Prof.ª Maria Luiza Filippozzi Martini (PPG-História/UFRGS) – Conceito A Orientadora: Prof ª. Dra. Carla Brandalise. Porto Alegre 2009 4 Para minha mãe, Suely, pelo exemplo de obstinação e incentivo permanente. 5 AGRADECIMENTOS Desejo nessa página manifestar meu agradecimento a todos que contribuíram decisivamente para minha formação e para a construção do presente trabalho. Registro primeiramente a minha gratidão a Carla Brandalise, minha professora orientadora. Agradeço por suas orientações, conversas, críticas e permanente incentivo à pesquisa e estudos.
    [Show full text]
  • The Utopian Darcy Ribeiro Archive
    The utopian Darcy Ribeiro archive HEYMANN, Luciana Quillet. The utopian Darcy Ribeiro archive. História, Ciências, Saúde – Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro, v.19, n.1, jan.-mar. 2012. The utopian Disponível em: http://scielo.br/hcsm Darcy Ribeiro archive Abstract The project in memory of anthropologist, writer and politician Darcy Ribeiro is analyzed, with emphasis on the relationship he had with his personal archives and the creation of the Darcy Ribeiro Foundation, established to give continuity to his ‘legacy.’ It highlights the influences present in the formation of his archive and presents an ethnography that seeks to restore the historicity of the archive. It reveals the significance attributed to it by the creator himself, and after his death, by those responsible for his memory. From this study, an attempt is made to evaluate the analytical return from socio-historical approaches to the archives. Keywords: personal archive; memory; institution of memory; Darcy Ribeiro (1922-1997). Luciana Quillet Heymann Associate Professor at the Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil/Fundação Getulio Vargas. Praia de Botafogo, 190/14o andar 22250-900 – Rio de Janeiro – RJ – Brazil [email protected] Received for publication on February 2011. Approved for publication on July 2011. Translated by Derrick Guy Phillips. v.19, n.1, jan.-mar. 2012, p.261-282 1 Luciana Quillet Heymann I had wanted the glory to remain after me, for a long time, riding in the memory of the grandchildren of the son I never had. Remain? But how? I do not know. Darcy Ribeiro In the field of archivology, one of the first thoughts to occur with regard to personal archives, or, more precisely, to draw attention to the personal process of archiving records can be found in a piece by Sue McKemmish published in 1996 in the magazine Archives and Manuscripts.
    [Show full text]
  • Marcha E Os Exilados Brasileiros No Uruguai: a Oposição À Ditadura Militar Através Da Imprensa
    Revista Territórios e Fronteiras V.2 N.1 – Jan/Jun 2009 Programa de Pós-Graduação – Mestrado em História do ICHS/UFMT ∗ Teresa Cristina Schneider Marques ∗∗ MARCHA E OS EXILADOS BRASILEIROS NO URUGUAI: A OPOSIÇÃO À DITADURA MILITAR ATRAVÉS DA IMPRENSA Resu mo: O aparato repressivo montado pelos Abstract: The repressive apparatus militares forçou centenas de cidadãos ao exílio. mounted by the military forced hundreds of Esperava-se que o afastamento do país citizens to exile. It was hoped that the trouxesse como conseqüência a desarticulação distance of the country would brought as a da oposição, contudo, os exilados procuraram result the dismantling of the opposition, but denunciar os crimes cometidos pela ditadura the exiles aimed to denounce the crimes através da imprensa dos países de acolha. No committed by the dictatorship through the Uruguai, o periódico que representou um press of the host country. In Uruguay, the importante instrumento de oposição foi o newspaper that represented an important semanário esquerdista Marcha , que contou instrument of opposition was the leftist com o apoio do grupo exilado em Montevidéu weekly newspaper Marcha , which had the entre 1964 e 1968. Assim, este artigo objetiva support of the group that was exiled in analisar esse periódico para compreender as Montevideo between 1964 and 1968. Thus, diversas maneiras através das quais a imprensa this article aims to analyze this newspaper to foi utilizada no exílio enquanto um understand the various ways through which instrumento de oposição à ditadura. the press was used in exile as an instrument to opose the dictatorship. Palavras-chave: exilados, oposição, Keywords: exiles, opposition, press.
    [Show full text]
  • Perfis Parlamentares – Leonel Brizola
    DISTRIBUIÇÃO GRA TUITA PERFIS PARLAMENTARES LEONEL BRIZOLA Perfil, discursos e depoimentos (1922 – 2004) 51ª LEGISLATURA (2003 – 2007) MESA DIRETORA (2004) Deputado Vieira da Cunha Presidente Deputado João Fischer Deputado Márcio Biolchi 1º Vice-Presidente 2º Secretário Deputado Manoel Maria Deputado Sanchotene Felice 2º Vice-Presidente 3º Secretário Deputado Luis Fernando Schmidt Deputado Cézar Busatto 1º Secretário 4º Secretário B8621 Brizola, Leonel de Moura Leonel Brizola: Perfil, discursos, depoimentos (1922/2004) / Leonel de Moura Brizola; coord. Kenny Braga, João B. de Souza, Cleber Dioni e Elmar Bones. – Porto Alegre: Assembléia Legislativa do RS, 2004. 626 p.: il. – (Perfis Parlamentares). 1. Brizola, Leonel de Moura. 2. Discursos - Leonel de Moura Brizola. 3. Políticos gaúchos. I. Braga, Kenny. II. Souza, João Borges de. III. Dioni, Cleber. IV. Bones, Elmar. V. Série. VI. Título. CDU 342.534 (81) “1922/2004” (CPI – Catalogação na fonte: Carlos L. de Moraes – CRB 10/867) ASSEMBLÉIA LEGISLATIVA ESTADO DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL PERFIS PARLAMENTARES LEONEL BRIZOLA Perfil, discursos e depoimentos (1922 – 2004) Projeto MEMÓRIA DO PARLAMENTO Departamento de Relações Institucionais ASSEMBLÉIA LEGISLATIVA DO ESTADO DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL Superintendente-Geral: Álvaro Alvares Superintendência de Comunicação Social Superintendente: Marcelo Villas Bôas Departamento de Relações Institucionais Carlos Roberto Coelho Expediente Pesquisa, textos e edição Kenny Braga João Borges de Souza Cleber Dioni Elmar Bones Foto da capa Brizola, em 1959, governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul Reprodução NUPERGS/UFRGS Capa e editoração Andres Vince Revisão Lorena Schneider Parahyba Pesquisa e texto auxiliar Fernando Brito e Paulo Vasconcellos Revisão de conteúdo Liberato Figueiredo Vieira da Cunha Antônio de Pádua Ferreira da Silva Produção JÁ EDITORES Perfis Parlamentares.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.A Herança Trabalhista No Rio Grande Do Sul: Parentesco, Carisma
    Sociedade e Cultura ISSN: 1415-8566 [email protected] Universidade Federal de Goiás Brasil Grill, Igor A herança trabalhista no Rio Grande do Sul: parentesco, carisma e partidos Sociedade e Cultura, vol. 7, núm. 2, julho-dezembro, 2004, pp. 225-236 Universidade Federal de Goiás Goiania, Brasil Disponível em: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=70370208 Como citar este artigo Número completo Sistema de Informação Científica Mais artigos Rede de Revistas Científicas da América Latina, Caribe , Espanha e Portugal Home da revista no Redalyc Projeto acadêmico sem fins lucrativos desenvolvido no âmbito da iniciativa Acesso Aberto A “herança trabalhista” no Rio Grande do Sul: parentesco, carisma e partidos IGOR GRILL* Resumo: A pesquisa examina a dinâmica de constituição de um patrimônio político e as modalidades de sua transmissão e apropriação. As dimensões de estudo privilegiadas referem-se às alianças e às redes subjacentes à fixação de uma genealogia simbólica, o “trabalhismo gaúcho”, bem como às estratégias empregadas pelos agentes de valorização e de “resgate” da tradição política, de reprodução do capital político, de celebração de seus “fundadores”, de gestão da memória e de uso do “legado”. Palavras-chave: heranças políticas, memória, elites, recrutamento, transmissão. A morte de Leonel Brizola ativou a discus- seus porta-vozes em associar os ícones dessa são no meio político e jornalístico sobre a “heran- “tradição” (Getúlio Vargas, Alberto Pasqualini ça” do “legado trabalhista”, possibilitando tam- e João Goulart) à história política gaúcha, logo bém a discussão sobre a construção, os condicio- em concretizar uma “genealogia” que se conso- nantes sociais de afirmação dos intérpretes e lidou como “idéias” e “marcos objetivos” (datas, sucessores, os usos e as reinvenções de uma gerações, monumentos, eventos, memória etc.) “tradição política” como um objeto de estudo e dela retirar lucros simbólicos.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil's President-Elect Dilma Rousseff Faces Challenge To
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 11-12-2010 Brazil's President-elect Dilma Rousseff aF ces Challenge to Maintain Outgoing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's Popularity José Pedro Martins Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation Pedro Martins, José. "Brazil's President-elect Dilma Rousseff aF ces Challenge to Maintain Outgoing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's Popularity." (2010). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13919 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 078068 ISSN: 1060-4189 Brazil's President-elect Dilma Rousseff Faces Challenge to Maintain Outgoing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's Popularity by José Pedro Martins Category/Department: Brazil Published: Friday, November 12, 2010 Brazil's President-elect Dilma Rousseff, the country's first woman president, faces many challenges, and one will be to hang on to the enormous popularity of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The latest opinion polls indicate that Lula will leave office on Jan. 1, 2011, with an approval rating above 80%, a record for Brazilian presidents. Lula's popularity is primarily a result of Brazil's good economic indicators, despite the serious global economic crisis during the past two years. Brazil's economy grew 4.5% a year between 2004 and 2007, the longest period of growth since the 1970s.
    [Show full text]
  • Leonel De Moura Brizola Biografia
    1 Ano 4 - Nº 107 – 28 de junho de 2004 LLeeoonneell ddee MMoouurraa BBrriizzoollaa 11992222 -- 22000044 Editorial Na semana passada, testemunhamos multidões saindo às ruas, no Rio de Janeiro e no Rio G rande do S ul, para rev erenc iar L eonel de M oura B riz ola. T rata-se, sem dú v ida, de um fato polític o e soc ial q ue merec e uma reflex ã o mais aprofundada. E ste é o ob jetiv o do b oletim IHU On-Line desta semana. C om g rande c ompetê nc ia, a eq uipe de c omunic aç ã o do Instituto H umanitas U nisinos, mudando a pauta preparada anteriormente, b usc ou aux iliar na c ompreensã o de um período importante da v ida polític a b rasileira: o período V arg as, Jang o G oulart, a c adeia da leg alidade, o trab alhismo, o c hamado populismo. Nesta tarefa, nos ajudam as entrev istas c om historiadores e soc ió log os c omo Jorg e F erreira, G unter Ax t da P U C -RS , M aria C elina D ‘Araujo, da U F F e do C P D O C /F G V , Joã o T rajano S ento-S é da U F F , L uiz Alb erto M oniz B andeira e C ristov am B uarq ue. T amb é m entrev istamos os jornalistas F lá v io T av ares e P aulo M ark un, alé m de outras pessoas q ue c onv iv eram c om B riz ola c omo S ereno C haise, F lá v ia S c hilling e Joã o Av eline.
    [Show full text]
  • Uma Segunda Legalidade Por Jango: Porto Alegre, 1º De Abril De 1964 a Second Legality by Jango: Porto Alegre, April 1St of 1964
    UMA SEGUNDA LEGALIDADE POR JANGO: PORTO ALEGRE, 1º DE ABRIL DE 1964 A SECOND LEGALITY BY JANGO: PORTO ALEGRE, APRIL 1ST OF 1964 Luciano Aronne de Abreu Doutor em História - PUCRS Professor PPGH - PUCRS [email protected] RESUMO: Entre os dias 1 e 3 de Abril de 1964, em Porto Alegre, Leonel Brizola liderou a chamada Segunda Campanha da Legalidade, movimento de resistência à deposição do Presidente João Goulart pelos militares. Tal movimento, conforme o discurso dos seus próprios líderes, tinha claramente por referência a Campanha da Legalidade de 1961, inclusive em suas estratégias de mobilização militar e popular, com a formação de uma Segunda Cadeia Radiofônica da Legalidade. Descrever e compreender este movimento, destacando suas possíveis relações políticas regionais e nacionais são os objetivos centrais deste estudo. Os jornais Correio do Povo, Diário de Notícias, Folha da Tarde e Última Hora, de Porto Alegre, se constituíram nas suas fontes de pesquisa. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Legalidade. Leonel Brizola. João Goulart. Ildo Meneghetti. Golpe Militar. ABSTRACT: In 1964, between 1st and 3rd of April, Leonel Brizola lead the so called “Segunda Campanha da Legalidade” (Second Legality Campaign), the resistance movement against the deposition of President João Goulart by the military. This movement, according to its own leaders, had the “Campanha da Legalidade” (Legality Campaign) of 1961 as a reference, including its strategies to military and popular mobilization, creating the Segunda Cadeia da Legalidade (Second Legality Radio-Stations Network). The main objective of this study is to describe and understand this movement, pointing out its possible regional and national politics relations. The newspapers Correio do Povo, Diário de Notícias, Folha da Tarde and Última Hora, of Porto Alegre city, are the sources for this research.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Varieties of Nationalism
    Varieties of Nationalism: A Half Century of Brazilian-American Relations by Lincoln Gordon, Guest Scholar, Brookings Institution (paper prepared for Brazilian Embassy/Woodrow Wilson Center conference, June 4, 2003) * * * * * In one form or another, nationalism has been the keynote of Brazilian attitudes toward the United States since the first Vargas presidency, 1930-45. In the Old Republic (1889-1930), the classic policy lines laid down by the Baron of Rio Branco, and warmly supported in Washington, amounted to a brotherly partnership of the Hemisphere’s two giants.1 The United States was pro- gressively displacing Great Britain as the main purchaser of coffee, Brazil’s chief export com- modity, and the main supplier of manufactured goods. Brazilian and American diplomats shared a somewhat supercilious view of Spanish America, apart from Argentina and Chile, as a melange of unstable ministates subject to frequent coups d’etat and rule by pompous caudillos. Both nations were wary of European imperial designs on Latin America. Brazilians were not dismayed by the expulsion of Spain from Cuba. The Panama Canal was a boon to Brazil, greatly shortening the sea routes to the West Coast of North America. In World War I, Brazil, like the United States, maintained neutrality until 1917 and then declared war against Germany after several merchant ships were sunk by German submarines. In the Paris peace negotiations, the United States supported Brazil’s role as spokesman for all of Latin America in the newly launched League of Nations. The Brazil of the 1920s seemed to show two faces to the world. The domestic face was a society and economy dominated by rural barons (even though no longer with titles of nobility): the coffee planters and cattle raisers of São Paulo and Minas Gerais.
    [Show full text]