DOCSLIB.ORG

The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War University of Kentucky UKnowledge European History History 1982 Comintern Army: The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War R. Dan Richardson Roanoke College Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Richardson, R. Dan, "Comintern Army: The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War" (1982). European History. 22. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_european_history/22 COMINTERN ARMY The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War R. Dan Richardson THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF KENTUCKY Copyright© 1982 by The University Press of Kentucky Editorial and Sales Offices: Lexington, Kentucky 40506-0024 Li'brary of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Richardson, R. Dan, 1931- Comintem Army. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Spain-History-Civil War, 1936-1939-Foreign participation. 2. Spain-History-Civil War, 1936-1939-Foreign participation-Russian. 3. Communist International. I. Title. DP269.45.R53 946.081 80-5182 ISBN: 978-0-8131-5446-6 AACR2 For Mary Alyce This page intentionally left blank Contents Introduction 1 1 Spanish Politics and Comintem Strategy 3 2 Popular Front Militias 16 3 The Comintem Raises an Army 31 4 The Defense of Madrid 47 5 The XIII, XIV, and XV Brigades 68 6 A Military Overview 81 7 Comintem Politics 90 8 The Political Commissar 119 9 Comintem Propaganda Instrument 136 10 Dissidence, Desertion, and the Terror 159 Conclusion 177 Notes 181 Bibliographical Essay 217 Index 224 This page intentionally left blank Introduction When the first units of the International Brigades marched through the wind-swept and sparsely peopled streets of besieged Ma­ drid in the early morning hours of November 8, 1936, a myth was born. This myth focused on the appealing idea that the men of those first International contingents, and the thousands who were to follow them into the whirlwind of civil war in Spain, represented the re­ sponse of world democracy to the threat of fascism. These Interna­ tional volunteers were, so the theme ran, a band of modem Lafayettes and Garibaldis, the "cream of the progressive youth of the age" and "premature antifascists" who embarked on a "great crusade" to make the world safe for democracy. The facts fail to support the myth. But since this myth meshed so neatly into the larger one that cast the Spanish Civil War as a clear-cut struggle between "democracy" and "fascism," so widely held at the time, it has exhibited remarkable staying power. Actually the Spanish conflict was, as many have shown, anything but a simple and straight­ forward contest between democracy and fascism. Both sides in the civil war represented a varied amalgam of mutually incompatible ideologies. To say that all who fought for the Loyalists were demo­ crats is to stretch that term beyond meaningful definition. To say that all who fought for the Nationalists were fascists is to do the same. Once this is understood it becomes unnecessary to hold-as the myth within a myth would have it-that the foreigners who fought for the Loyalists were, by definition, fighting for democracy. In fact, when civil war and revolution exploded simultaneously in Spain in July 1936, the explosion was the result of long-brewing and uniquely Spanish developments and had its roots deep in that dis­ tracted country's past. But because of the ideological power struggles then smoldering in Europe the Spanish conflict quickly assumed an international significance out of all proportion to its intrinsic impor­ tance outside of Spain itself. Spain had the misfortune to suffer a civil war at a time when it suited powerful states and fanatical ideological forces to use that war for their own purposes. Thus Spain, a land usually self-contained and remote from the dynamic forces of history north of the Pyrenees, became the arena in which the violent political passions of the time came to grips. Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union intervened actively in the war, using Spain not only as a pawn in their game of power politics 2 INTRODUCTION but as a proving ground for their respective military and political techniques. The Soviet Union and its international apparatus, the Comintern, pursued a policy in Spain of organizing, unifying, and directing the Loyalist forces, both militarily and politically, while at the same time seeking to enlist the sympathy and support of a broad spectrum of world opinion for what they called the "defense of democracy" and "antifascism." That the Soviet-Comintern leader­ ship saw fit to involve itself in the Spanish affair as it did resulted from a unique confluence of the stream of Spanish history with the larger currents swirling about Europe and the world in the tumultuous decade of the 1930s. It was that confluence also which spawned the International Brigades and accounted for a Comintern army fighting in a Spanish civil war. The fame of the Brigades stems primarily from their military ex­ ploits, exploits certainly of significance and deserving of the recogni­ tion they have received. The Brigades were among the most effective military units on their side of the barricades and quite possibly made the difference between survival and defeat for Loyalist Spain during the critical winter of 1936-1937. But the Brigades were much more than simply a military force. They were a significant political, ideolog­ ical, and propaganda instrument which could be-and was-used by the Comintern for its own purposes, not only inside Spain but on the larger world stage. No realistic understanding of the significance of the Brigades is possible without an appreciation of their intrinsically political nature and role, nor of the fact that they were, from begin­ ning to end, an integral part of that interlocking directorate which was the Soviet-Comintern apparatus in Spain. 1 Spanish Politics and Comintern Strategy On July 17, 1936, elements of the Spanish army raised the banner of revolt against the government of the Republic. The pronun­ ciamiento, however, was not a complete success. Had it been so, the ministry would have resigned and a military junta would have as­ sumed governmental powers. 1 What happened instead was the deto­ nation of dual revolutions and a full-scale civil war in which each side sought not only the destruction of the other but the destruction of the Spanish Republic and the abortive experiment in "bourgeois democ­ racy" which it represented. The government against which the Spanish army rebelled was de­ pendent upon the Frente Popular, an electoral coalition of leftist parties which had narrowly won the elections of February 1936. The cabinets that had held the executive power of the state since the Popular Front's victory in February had been composed entirely of left republicans because both the Socialist and the Communist parties refused to participate in a "bourgeois government." This reflected the fact that the "bourgeois republican" regime was supported only grudgingly, if at all, by those very proletarian political forces that accounted for the bulk of the Popular Front's electoral strength. Thus the left republican governments had been forced to walk a tightrope while performing a political juggling act in a frantic effort to keep their erstwhile political allies from pursuing a too blatantly revolutionary program while at the same time attempting to keep these same forces in harness behind the regime. Success in the former would jeopardize the latter. But failure in the latter would mean the political bank­ ruptcy of a bourgeois republic dependent on the support of Marxist Socialists, Communists, and Anarchists. 2 Perhaps the most immediate and obvious manifestation of the es­ sential frailty of the Popular Front coalition as a base upon which to govern the Republic was the precipitous and vociferous radicalization of the Socialist party of Spain, the party that was the essential key­ stone of the coalition. The left wing of the party, led by the then-styled "Spanish Lenin," Francisco Largo Caballero, was demanding the Bolshevization of the party and the revolutionary road to the "dicta­ torship of the proletariat." Largo Caballero and his supporters had 4 CoMINTERN ARMY made it clear from the beginning that their adherence to the Popular Front was simply a matter of electoral expediency and implied no commitment to support the bourgeois republic. "With the Republic established, our duty is to bring about Socialism," said Largo Cabal­ lero. "I speak of Marxist Socialism ... of revolutionary Socialism.... Our aspiration is the conquest of political power. Method? That which we are able to use. It [the Popular Front] is a circumstantial coalition, for which a program is being produced that is certainly not going to satisfy us. " 3 One of Largo Caballero's chief intellectual lieutenants, Julio Al­ varez del Vayo, put it bluntly. The Popular Front, he said, was "an intermediate stage of common labor, in which the republicans dissolve the Fascist centres and purge the armed forces, so that the Socialists may soon install the dictatorship of the proletariat." In a speech in February 1936, Luis Araquistain, another of the Socialist intellectu­ als, poignantly pointed out the similarity between the revolutionary situation of Spain in 1936 and that of Russia in 1917. The weakness of the Republic, he concluded, set the proper condition for Spain to become the second country "where the proletarian revolution tri­ umphs."4 Presumably Manuel Azalia, the president of the Republic, was cast to play Kerensky to Largo Caballero's Lenin.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • George Brown (1906- 1937)
    LIDIA BOCANEGRA BARBECHO Referencia Recurso Didáctico Bocanegra Barbecho, Lidia; O’Riordan, Manus; Commemoration for George Brown (1906- 1937). Inistioge, Co. Kilkenny (Ireland)en Guerra Civil española y exilio republicano (Sección: Brigadas Internacionales), 2008, disponible en: http://www.lbocanegra.eu/?id=gb&sez=bi Commemoration for George Brown (1906- 1937). Inistioge, Co. Kilkenny (Ireland) • George Brown and the defence of the Spanish Republic by © Manus O'Riordan • Poster Commemoration • Press: Commemorating a truly international volunteer army, published by © Waterford Today, 25/06/2008: Download file [.pdf] • Press: Honouring an heroic history on the memorial ceremony for brigadier George Brown, published by © Pauline Fraser to Morning Star, 23/07/2008: Download file [.pdf] • Press: Spanish war hero remembered by Damien Tiernan correspondent, © RTÉ News, 30/06/2008: http://www.rte.ie/news/2008/0628/6news.html • Commemoration Photos George Brown and the defence of the Spanish Republic by Manus O’Riordan, Executive Member for Ireland International Brigade Memorial Trust and SIPTU Head of Research. Download file [.pdf] The 1st George Brown Memorial Lecture delivered in St. Mary’s Church of Ireland Inistioge, Co. Kilkenny 27 June 2008 INTRODUCTION On 27th and 28th June 2008 the Inistioge George Brown Memorial Committee held a weekend of commemorative events in that South Kilkenny village that lies between Thomastown and New Ross, Co. Wexford. Six months previously, on 30th December 2007, the Committee had dedicated an Olive Grove in Woodstock Gardens and unveiled the following Memorial Plaque: 1 LIDIA BOCANEGRA BARBECHO NO PASARÁN THIS OLIVE GROVE IS DEDICATED TO THE KILKENNY MEMBERS OF THE 15TH INTERNATIONAL BRIGADE WHO FOUGHT IN DEFENCE OF THE SPANISH REPUBLIC 1936-1939: GEORGE BROWN (KILLED IN ACTION MADRID 7-7-37) MICHAEL BROWN MICHAEL BRENNAN SEÁN DOWLING UNVEILED 29-12-07 BY PÁDRAIG Ó MURCHÚ, INISTIOGE.
    [Show full text]
  • Redescubriendo a Arturo Barea
    PERGOLA 5 Tele- Redescubriendo viddio 2 las dos y media de la madrugada a Arturo Barea pongo en marcha el televisor portátilA y espero que aparezca en la pantalla el presentador rtu ro Barca na­ de la corbata floreada. Me ció en Badajoz el 20 mira a los ojos hoy y sonríe de septiembre de como perdonándome la vida. 1897, en el seno de Se ha permitido incluso el A una familia pobre. Poco des­ atrevimiento de guiñarme el pués de nacer, murió su padre. ojo. Ese pobre hombre no Creció en Madrid, donde su ma­ sabe lo que le espera. Se dre se había trasladado tras en­ aclara la voz y empieza a leer viudar. Pudo estudiar, en un co­ la lista de los últimos legio privado, gracias a la gene­ artilugios eróticos que han rosidad de un tío adinerado, pe­ aparecido en el mercado. ro sólo hasta que dicho familiar Entonces desconecto el murió, cuando él tenía 13 años. televisor, me lo cargo al A esa edad, se puso a trabajar: hombro y tuvo diversos empleos. Su ser­ bajo a la calle. vicio militar incluyó servicio Cruzo la calzada y entro en activo en la guerra de Marrue­ el solar que está justo delante cos. Republicano autoprocla- de mi casa. Pongo otra vez el mado, abandonó España en fe­ televisor en marcha y lo brero de 1938, por cuestiones deposito en el fondo de la políticas y ante la inmimente zanja. El presentador no se ha derrota de las tropas que en la dado todavía cuenta de mis guerra civil luchaban por man­ maniobras.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
    Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread.
    [Show full text]
  • La Raíz Rota De Arturo Barea: Destiempo Ficcionalizado Y Autobiografía Figurada
    Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis No 3837 ESTUDIOS HISPÁNICOS XXVI . Wrocław 2018 DOI 10.19195/2084-2546.26.3 ELŻBIETA BENDER ORCID: 0000-0002-1136-2539 Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie Correo: [email protected] La raíz rota de Arturo Barea: destiempo ficcionalizado y autobiografía figurada Palabras clave: La raíz rota — Arturo Barea — destiempo — autobiografía figurada — ficción. Las lecturas y relecturas de la obra de Arturo Barea, que llevan inevitable- mente a comparar sus libros con los de otros republicanos exiliados, terminan en una constatación desesperanzadora: Barea parece ser el único exiliado a quien, a pesar de la nueva política histórica que cede la palabra a los vencidos, no le quieren reivindicar ni los vencedores —lo que al fin y al cabo se entien- de perfectamente por la militancia socialista del escritor—, ni los republicanos —lo que queda aclarado gracias a la lectura de su trilogía autobiográfica La forja de un rebelde—. En el tercer tomo de este libro, La llama, el escritor cuenta sinceramente lo que vivió durante el sitio de Madrid, permaneciendo en la zona republicana durante la Guerra Civil. Su testimonio es estremecedor porque revela las atrocidades cometidas por ambos bandos del conflicto. En consecuencia, Barea es un escritor incómodo para los partidarios de cualquier ideología, un hombre que rechaza la confrontación por ideas políticas y que lucha incondicionalmente por los ideales humanistas. Del último tomo de su autobiografía, La llama, sabemos que Barea, afectado por las luchas inter- nas en el bando republicano y personalmente amenazado por las sospechas comunistas, pierde su entusiasmo socialista y, al parecer, llega a cuestionar la validez de ideología política alguna.
    [Show full text]
  • Crucibles of Virtue and Vice: the Acculturation of Transatlantic Army Officers, 1815-1945
    CRUCIBLES OF VIRTUE AND VICE: THE ACCULTURATION OF TRANSATLANTIC ARMY OFFICERS, 1815-1945 John F. Morris Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2020 John F. Morris All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Crucibles of Virtue and Vice: The Acculturation of Transatlantic Army Officers, 1815-1945 John F. Morris Throughout the long nineteenth century, the European Great Powers and, after 1865, the United States competed for global dominance, and they regularly used their armies to do so. While many historians have commented on the culture of these armies’ officer corps, few have looked to the acculturation process itself that occurred at secondary schools and academies for future officers, and even fewer have compared different formative systems. In this study, I home in on three distinct models of officer acculturation—the British public schools, the monarchical cadet schools in Imperial Germany, Austria, and Russia, and the US Military Academy—which instilled the shared and recursive sets of values and behaviors that constituted European and American officer cultures. Specifically, I examine not the curricula, policies, and structures of the schools but the subterranean practices, rituals, and codes therein. What were they, how and why did they develop and change over time, which values did they transmit and which behaviors did they perpetuate, how do these relate to nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century social and cultural phenomena, and what sort of ethos did they produce among transatlantic army officers? Drawing on a wide array of sources in three languages, including archival material, official publications, letters and memoirs, and contemporary nonfiction and fiction, I have painted a highly detailed picture of subterranean life at the institutions in this study.
    [Show full text]
  • Stradling, R. A., "Battleground of Reputations: Ireland And
    Chapter Title: Battleground of Reputations: Ireland and the Spanish Civil War Book Title: The Republic Besieged Book Subtitle: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939 Book Editor(s): PAUL PRESTON and ANN L. MACKENZIE Published by: Edinburgh University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrrgf.9 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Edinburgh University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Republic Besieged This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:51:29 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 5 Battleground of Reputations: Ireland and the Spanish Civil War R. A. STRADLING I Representation In a recent feature-film set in the Spanish War, a young scouser, Dave Carr — a generic working-class hero who embodies the wish-fulfilment of so many leftist writers — arrives at the Aragon front with a batch of new POUM recruits. Moving in single file up a hillside towards their trenches, they disturb a couple taking advantage of the fleeting absence of war in order to make love under a tree. The male section of this partnership turns out to be the leader of Dave's platoon — Pat Coogan, ex-IRA, dedicated enemy of Fascism and British Imperialism, as reckless in the passions of love as in those excited by political commitment and the heat of battle.
    [Show full text]
  • Jessica Mitford
    Jessica Mitford: An Inventory of Her Papers at the Harry Ransom Center Descriptive Summary Creator Mitford, Jessica, 1917-1996 Title Jessica Mitford Papers Dates: 1949-1973 Extent 67 document boxes, 3 note card boxes, 7 galley files, 1 oversize folder (27 linear feet) Abstract: Correspondence, printed material, reports, notes, interviews, manuscripts, legal documents, and other materials represent Jessica Mitford's work on her three investigatory books and comprise the bulk of these papers. Language English. Access Open for research Administrative Information Acquisition Purchase, 1973 Processed by Donald Firsching, Amanda McCallum, Jana Pellusch, 1990 Repository: Harry Ransom Center University of Texas at Austin Mitford, Jessica, 1917-1996 Biographical Sketch Born September 11, 1917, in Batsford, Gloucestershire, England, Jessica Mitford is one of the six daughters of the Baron of Redesdale. The Mitfords are a well-known English family with a reputation for eccentricity. Of the Mitford sisters, Nancy achieved notoriety as a novelist and biographer. Diana married Sir Oswald Mosley, leader of the British fascists before World War II. Unity, also a fascist sympathizer, attempted suicide when Britain and Germany went to war. Deborah became the Duchess of Devonshire. Jessica, whose political bent ran opposite to that of her sisters, ran away to Loyalist Spain with her cousin, Esmond Romilly, during the Spanish Civil War. Jessica eventually married Romilly, who was killed during World War II. In 1943, Mitford married a labor lawyer, Robert Treuhaft, while working for the Office of Price Administration in Washington, D.C. The couple soon moved to Oakland, California, where they joined the Communist Party. In California, Mitford worked as executive secretary for the Civil Rights Congress and taught sociology at San Jose State University.
    [Show full text]
  • Lorne Bair :: Catalog 21
    LORNE BAIR :: CATALOG 21 1 Lorne Bair Rare Books, ABAA PART 1: AFRICAN-AMERICAN HISTORY & LITERATURE 2621 Daniel Terrace Winchester, Virginia USA 22601 (540) 665-0855 Email: [email protected] Website: www.lornebair.com TERMS All items are offered subject to prior sale. Unless prior arrangements have been made, payment is expected with order and may be made by check, money order, credit card (Visa, MasterCard, Discover, American Express), or direct transfer of funds (wire transfer or Paypal). Institutions may be billed. Returns will be accepted for any reason within ten days of receipt. ALL ITEMS are guaranteed to be as described. Any restorations, sophistications, or alterations have been noted. Autograph and manuscript material is guaranteed without conditions or restrictions, and may be returned at any time if shown not to be authentic. DOMESTIC SHIPPING is by USPS Priority Mail at the rate of $9.50 for the first item and $3 for each additional item. Overseas shipping will vary depending upon destination and weight; quotations can be supplied. Alternative carriers may be arranged. WE ARE MEMBERS of the ABAA (Antiquarian Bookseller’s Association of America) and ILAB (International League of Antiquarian Book- sellers) and adhere to those organizations’ standards of professionalism and ethics. PART ONE African American History & Literature ITEMS 1-54 PART TWO Radical, Social, & Proletarian Literature ITEMS 55-92 PART THREE Graphics, Posters & Original Art ITEMS 93-150 PART FOUR Social Movements & Radical History ITEMS 151-194 2 PART 1: AFRICAN-AMERICAN HISTORY & LITERATURE 1. CUNARD, Nancy (ed.) Negro Anthology Made by Nancy Cunard 1931-1933. London: Nancy Cunard at Wishart & Co., 1934.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line * Spain The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist Is Founded Chronology of the Extraordinary Congress of the CEOC First Published: 2007 Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist Is Founded Chronology of the Extraordinary Congress of the CEOC On October 21 and 22 2006, we the communists of the now dissolved organisation CEOC [State Committee of Communist Organisations]* underwent a memorable moment, both for the historic significance of this political step as well as for the possibilities and challenges that are now opened. This is a chronological-summary of these historic days. Saturday October 21 Morning The day began precisely at 10 AM. The comrades designated by the former Permanent Committee of the CEOC called on the comrades who would preside over the Congress, represented in an equal manner by members of the former organizations of the CEOC and by a comrade representing the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations (ICMLPO), a conference that groups our fraternal Parties. The composition of the round table of the Congress was ratified unanimously by the plenary of the delegates. The Round Table opened the Congress by first proposing the name of the Party, which was approved by acclamation: PCE (M-L), Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist).
    [Show full text]
  • WW2-Spain-Tripbook.Pdf
    SPAIN 1 Page Spanish Civil War (clockwise from top-left) • Members of the XI International Brigade at the Battle of Belchite • Bf 109 with Nationalist markings • Bombing of an airfield in Spanish West Africa • Republican soldiers at the Siege of the Alcázar • Nationalist soldiers operating an anti-aircraft gun • HMS Royal Oakin an incursion around Gibraltar Date 17 July 1936 – 1 April 1939 (2 years, 8 months, 2 weeks and 1 day) Location Spain Result Nationalist victory • End of the Second Spanish Republic • Establishment of the Spanish State under the rule of Francisco Franco Belligerents 2 Page Republicans Nationalists • Ejército Popular • FET y de las JONS[b] • Popular Front • FE de las JONS[c] • CNT-FAI • Requetés[c] • UGT • CEDA[c] • Generalitat de Catalunya • Renovación Española[c] • Euzko Gudarostea[a] • Army of Africa • International Brigades • Italy • Supported by: • Germany • Soviet Union • Supported by: • Mexico • Portugal • France (1936) • Vatican City (Diplomatic) • Foreign volunteers • Foreign volunteers Commanders and leaders Republican leaders Nationalist leaders • Manuel Azaña • José Sanjurjo † • Julián Besteiro • Emilio Mola † • Francisco Largo Caballero • Francisco Franco • Juan Negrín • Gonzalo Queipo de Llano • Indalecio Prieto • Juan Yagüe • Vicente Rojo Lluch • Miguel Cabanellas † • José Miaja • Fidel Dávila Arrondo • Juan Modesto • Manuel Goded Llopis † • Juan Hernández Saravia • Manuel Hedilla • Carlos Romero Giménez • Manuel Fal Conde • Buenaventura Durruti † • Lluís Companys • José Antonio Aguirre Strength 1936
    [Show full text]
  • Improving on Nature: Eugenics in Utopian Fiction
    1 Improving on Nature: Eugenics in Utopian Fiction Submitted by Christina Jane Lake to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English, January 2017 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright materials and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approve for the award of a degree by this or any other university. (Signature)............................................................................................................. 2 3 Abstract There has long been a connection between the concept of utopia as a perfect society and the desire for perfect humans to live in this society. A form of selective breeding takes place in many fictional utopias from Plato’s Republic onwards, but it is only with the naming and promotion of eugenics by Francis Galton in the late nineteenth century that eugenics becomes a consistent and important component of utopian fiction. In my introduction I argue that behind the desire for eugenic fitness within utopias resides a sense that human nature needs improving. Darwin’s Origin of Species (1859) prompted fears of degeneration, and eugenics was seen as a means of restoring purpose and control. Chapter Two examines the impact of Darwin’s ideas on the late nineteenth-century utopia through contrasting the evolutionary fears of Samuel Butler’s Erewhon (1872) with Edward Bellamy’s more positive view of the potential of evolution in Looking Backward (1888).
    [Show full text]
  • Female Perspectives in the Dystopian Novel
    Ghent University Faculty of Arts and Philosophy FEMALE PERSPECTIVES IN THE DYSTOPIAN NOVEL Supervisor: Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the Prof. Dr. Marysa Demoor requirements for the degree of 'Master in de Taal- en Letterkunde: Engels-Spaans' by Fran Desmet 2010 Desmet 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgements __________________________________________________________3 Introduction _______________________________________________________________4 1. Utopia, dystopia's ancestor__________________________________________________7 1.1 The utopian project__________________________________________________________ 7 1.2 Utopia and the use of language_________________________________________________ 9 2. Dystopia, a future nightmare _______________________________________________11 2.1 From utopia to dystopia _____________________________________________________ 11 2.2. The rise of the dystopian novel _______________________________________________ 13 2.2.1 Historical and political context _____________________________________________________ 13 2.2.1.1 Science and technology_______________________________________________________ 13 2.2.1.2. The influence of Nietzsche's and Freud's theories __________________________________ 15 2.2.2 Famous dystopias _______________________________________________________________ 19 2.2.2.1 We , Yevgeny Zamyatin (1924) _________________________________________________ 19 2.2.2.2 Brave New World , Aldous Huxley (1932) ________________________________________ 23 2.2.2.3 Nineteen Eighty-Four , George Orwell (1949)______________________________________
    [Show full text]