DOCSLIB.ORG

1988Vol8no.6

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

JB BY-ELECTION THE PEOPLE'S VERDICT The Giant Stumbles ... 2; A Communal Twist . 7: The Task Ahead ... 9 ; JB Voters vs Mahathir's 3Ms ... 10 ; Election Rumba-ba ... 13; Letters ... 14; New Kenyan Law to Make it Easier to Sack Judges ... 32; £1 Bil. Anns Deal Nearer ... 33; CracKdown: One Year After ... 35. Doctor for Justice? ... 38; NZ MPs' Petition: The PM Replies ... 39; "Our Petition Was Not Filed At the Request of David" . 42; Rasuah: Tiada Azam Politik Untuk Menghapuskannya ... 43: Current Comment ... 44; The Marathon Task of Multi-ethnic Living . 48. Dewan Jubli lntan, JB, where the counting of votes determined for the Barisan its ' worst defeat in history. TH p v Dl ' Many Malaysians rejoiced in the uutcome of the JB by-election. Here, Aliran member S.P. SUBRAMANIAM writes that it was more than glee over the triumph of an underdog over the big bully, but a definite vote of protest against growing authoritarianism. Shahrir trium hs over BN in JB E I STU L s he Johor Baru (JB) by-election on Aug 25, Heated Campaign 1988 may turn out to be a watershed in Three candidates contested in the by-election. s~·!> Malaysian politics. The ruling Barisan Mas'ud Abdul Rahman, PSRM's Abdul Razak Ahmad Nasional (BN) candidate was trounced in and Shahrir Samad, who contested as an independent what had until then been considered a BN candidate. Long before the nomination day. Aliran stronghold. In this article, we will first examine the called for a straight fight between a candidate asl.OCiated campaign issues briefly. Then we will analyse the with the authoritarian trend of the Mahathlr regrrne and election results in some detail. Finally, we will look into another opposed to it. It suggested that Shahrir v.as in some of the repercussions that may arise from the the best position to represent the latter. In a Press outcome of the JB by-election. statement issued on Aug 3, I 988, Aliran said that .. the 2 man in I he street, it appears, wants !he by-election 10 be the Press nor the electronic media. Instead. the media a straight fight between Umno Baru and Shahrir". DAP. exaggerated the numbers attending B ceramahs and which initially wanted to contest the by-election, downplaycd the siLe ol the crowds at ShaJ1rir's apparently heeded lhe message. However, PSRM did not ceramahs. and sadly, its candidate, Abdul Ra7ak lost his deposit Another example of media manipulation by the BN for ignoring the senliments of the ordinary voters of JB. Government was the abuse of TV by Mahathir to a !tack As far as BN was concerned, the main issue was one Datuk Musa Jess than 48 hours before the election. In his of continued development. It claimed that the economic speech whtch was televised on both TV3 and RTMl. Dr boom currently experienced by JB was largely due to Mahathir made a vitriolic and personal attack on Datuk the efforts of the ruling party. It tried to entice voters Musa, accusing him ol spreading lies and falsehoods. In by promising the JB-Singapore Causeway. Highway tolls particular. he challenged Datuk Musa to swear on the and rentals on some Government Oats were reduced. BN Koran as w the truth of some of the claims made against leaders also warned that If an opposllton candidate won, him (Mahathlr). The challenge was greatly highlighted in the economic boom would come to an end since the medta. which totally ignored Datuk Musa's investors from Singapore would be scared off. acceptance of the challenge. J le said he was prepared to Shahrir and his supporters countered this argument swear on the Koran in any mosque that everything said by asserting that investors from Singapore come to in his video tape was true. Fortunately, ShaJuir's Johor because of low exchange rates and c~eaper land supporters were able to dislnbute copies of Datuk and labour. Musa's acceptance of the challenge among the voters, To Shahrir's group, there was only one issue: t11c thus effectively nullifying Dr Mabathir's efforts to leadership of Dr Muhathir Mohamad. They strongly discredit his former deputy. criticised Mahathir for destroying the independence of RTM showed Its biasncss even when it came to the Judiciary by removing the Lord President and announcing the results. AI about 2.30 am on 1he suspending five Supreme Court judges. The split in morning of Aug 26. when it became clear thar BN was Umno and sUbsequent demise of UMNO Lama was heading for one of its worst defeats 111 history, RTM attributed to Dr Mahathir's dictatorial tendencies. suddenly slopped trammission without announcing the ln his campaign effort, SbaJ1rir was supported by results. What was even more ridiculous was that the 4.30 Tengku Razaleig11 and other Umno leaders from Team B. am radio news on the nationaJ network failed to In addition. Tunku Abdul Rahman personally went to mention anything about the by-election. The results JB to campaign for Shahrir. He was there in his were only announced on the 6.30 am news in one single wheelchair on nomination day to address a huge sentence, somewhere during the middle of the news. gathet ing of ShaJuir's supporters. Former deputy Prime Contrast this treatment with the hype and hoopla Minister Datuk Musa Hitam also supported Shahrir's that surrounded the coverage of the by-election before campaig~ by producing a video tape highly criticaJ of the results were in! Imagine how the reporting would Dr. Mahathir's style of administralion. This video tape have been if BN had won!! was widely circulated in JB. Another source of support However, it is doubtful whether the average for Shahrir's group was DAP. which urged its supponers Malaysian really believes everything that he or she reads to vo.te for Shah rit. in the newspapers and sees on TV. The BN controlled media is rapidly losing whatever little credibility it had. -· ~~ c Election day saw the lowest turnout in the history of Media coverage of the campaign was incredibly one­ the JB constituency with only 61.5 per cent of the sided and distorted. The distortion spewed out by the registered voters cast in~ their ballots (Table I). Two BN controlled media extended from nomination day important points that have to br made of the result: right until the results were announced. In reporting the the siLe of the BN's defeat and the multi-ethnic nature nomination day procession. the New Straits Times of the protest vote. (NST) claimed that the B\/ procession had 10,000 supporters while Shahrir's supporters numbered only about 7 ,000. According to reliable eye-witness reports, Shahrir's procession had more than 20,000 supporters, more than twice the size of the reported BN crowd. The NST gave lhe lion's share of coverage to BN. even PSRM's Razak was given more space than Shahrir. So, if someone had depended on the NST, RTM or 1V3 to forecast the results, he or she would naturally have concluded that the BN candidate was going to win with PSRM doing fairly well. The actual results were just the opposite! During campaign, BN leaders themselves admitted that attendance at BN ceramahs was very poor. This was in sharp contrast to Shahiir's ceramahs, where the halls The usuaJ road re-surfacing works failed to hoodwink were packed with people. Yet this was not highlighted in the people. 3 \ 8:\ leaders admitted their ceramahs could nor draw the CfO\\d~ B . The loss suffered by BN was not a .. small defeat'' as put by MCA president Dr Ling Liong Sik the next day. It was one of the worst defeats BN suffered in history. Ma'sud Abdul Rahman obtained only 29.8 per cent of the total valid votes cast. In the 1982 general elections, tht're was not a single Parliamentary constitl!ency in Marina Yusuf speakmg at a o;;.ell-auendcd ceramah. Malaysia, where BN got a percentage lower than that. Even in the 1986 general elections, where the Opposition did better, there was only one constituency in Peninsular Malaysia, where a BN candidate got less than 30 percent of the valid votes cast. {This was in Bukit Bintang where Lhe candidate Yap Fook Ming got only 16.2 percent of the popular votes in contrast to 83.8 percent obtained by DAP's L~c Lam Thye). BN has performed better even in DAP strongholds like Kinta Vallt'y, Penang, Malacca and the federal Territory. The defeat is all the more serious for BN given the following three factors wruch were in Its favour. First, traditionally in Malaysian by-elections, BN had I performed better 'than in general elections in any constituency. Thls was due to its ability to concentrate the entire resources of the party, as well as of the State. in a single constituency. They bring in all their Ministers and other big-wigs to bribe, cajole, persuade and even threaten voters. The magnitude of their resources was clearly illustrated in JB. Unfortunately tor them, this was one of the rare instances when BN's well-rehearsed techniques of intimidation and bribery failed. Let us hope this is the beginning of a new trend among Malaysian voters. Secondly. Johore Raru and Johor State in general, Waiting for the election result "'hi.::h R1 M sudden I} has, traditionally been a BN stronghold. For instance, fa1led to trammit 4 Table 1 : JB by-election results (6. 1%) Voter tumout DAP's perfom1ance in the urban areas of Johor has not by UMNO Baru leaders to claim that Shahrir's victory been as good as its performance in other large urban was largely due to the support from Chinese voters.
Recommended publications
  • Muslim Father's Rights in Determining His Minor Child's Conversion to Islam in Malaysia

    Muslim Father's Rights in Determining His Minor Child's Conversion to Islam in Malaysia

    ISSN 2411-9563 (Print) European Journal of Social Sciences May-August 2015 ISSN 2312-8429 (Online) Education and Research Volume 2, Issue 3 Muslim Father’s Rights in Determining His Minor Child’s Conversion to Islam in Malaysia Dr Zuliza Mohd Kusrin ([email protected]) Senior Lecturer of Department of Shariah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The National University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Comparative Family Law and Constitutional Human Rights Associate Professor Dr Salasiah Hanin Hamjah ([email protected]) Associate Professor of Department of Dakwah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The NationaI University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Islamic Counselling Associate Professor Dr Fariza Md Sham ([email protected]) Associate Professor of Department of Dakwah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The NationaI University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Dakwah Psychology among Adolescents Abstract Freedom of religion is guaranteed by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. For children, their rights to freedom of religion are mentioned in Article 12(4) of the Federal Constitution. However, there is conflict of law, i.e. between the civil law and Sharia Law, in some cases involving the child’s conversion to Islam, following the conversion of his or her parents. This article aims to discuss on provisions of the Federal Constitution on the child’s right to the freedom of religion. The discussion also elucidate on the father’s right in determining his minor child’s conversion to Islam. The methodology used in gathering relevant data is content analysis. Data was gathered from Sharia Laws, legal provisions, law journals and reported cases relevant to the issue.
  • 1988 Crisis: Salleh Shot Himself in the Foot? Malaysiakini.Com Apr 23, 2008 P Suppiah

    1988 Crisis: Salleh Shot Himself in the Foot? Malaysiakini.Com Apr 23, 2008 P Suppiah

    1988 crisis: Salleh shot himself in the foot? Malaysiakini.com Apr 23, 2008 P Suppiah The personalities involved in the entire episode are as follows: * The then Yang Di Pertuan Agong (the King), now the Sultan of Johor * Tun Salleh Abas, who was then the Lord President * The prime minister (Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who was then Datuk Seri Dr), * The then attorney-general, Tan Sri Abu Talib Othman, now Suhakam chief. The whole episode started with Salleh writing a letter to the King dated March 26, 1988, copies of which were sent to the Malay rulers. On May 27, 1988 the prime minister in the presence of high-ranking government officials informed Salleh that the King wished him to step down (to retire as Lord President) because of the said letter. Salleh on May 28, 1988 sent a letter of resignation: the next day he withdrew it and subsequently held a press conference. On June 9, 1988 the prime minister made a second representation to the King alleging further misconduct on the part of Salleh based on his undignified use of the press to vent his grievances – such as requesting for a public hearing of the tribunal and asking for persons of high judicial standing to sit on the tribunal. On June 11, 1988, members of the tribunal were appointed pursuant to the Federal Constitution by the King. On June 14, 1988, Salleh was served with the list of charges against him. On June 17, 1988, Salleh was served with a set of rules to govern the tribunal procedure.
  • FAUZILAH SALLEH V. UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA TERENGGANU HIGH

    FAUZILAH SALLEH V. UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA TERENGGANU HIGH

    Fauzilah Salleh v. [2012] 4 CLJ Universiti Malaysia Terengganu 601 A FAUZILAH SALLEH v. UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA TERENGGANU B HIGH COURT MALAYA, KUALA TERENGGANU MOHD YAZID MUSTAFA J [CIVIL SUIT NO: 22-02-2009] 16 OCTOBER 2011 C ADMINISTRATIVE LAW: Rules of natural justice - Right to be heard - Breach of - Revocation of Master’s Degree by University due to allegation of plagiarism - Whether there was a violation of the university’s constitution - Whether University partly contributed to commission of plagiarism - Whether plaintiff accorded right to be heard D The plaintiff was awarded a Master’s Degree in Marketing Science from the defendant University. She was then offered by the defendant University a three-years PhD course commencing on 23 July 2006 and ending on 22 July 2009. On 22 January 2007, an inquiry was held by the Jawatankuasa Penyiasatan (‘the E inquiry’) where the plaintiff appeared as a witness before a committee. After a lapse of one year, the plaintiff received a letter dated 22 January 2008 from the Registrar of the defendant University informing her that the Chancellor of the defendant University, on the recommendation of the board of the University, F had revoked her Master’s Degree under cl. 57(1)(b) and cl. 2 of the constitution of the defendant university on the ground that she had committed plagiarism. Aggrieved, the plaintiff filed the present suit claiming that the revocation of her Master’s Degree by the defendant University was in violation of cl. 57 of the said G constitution and the principle of natural justice. She also asked for a declaration that the revocation was invalid and an order for the return of the degree to her, damages, interests and costs.
  • Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary

    Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary

    Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary Speech delivered by Arthur Moses SC, President, Law Council of Australia at the Australian High Commissioner’s Residence, Kuala Lumpur. 11 January 2019 Telephone +61 2 6246 3788 • Fax +61 2 6248 0639 • Email [email protected] GPO Box 1989, Canberra ACT 2601, DX 5719 Canberra • 19 Torrens St Braddon ACT 2612 Law Council of Australia Limited ABN 85 005 260 622 www.lawcouncil.asn.au Good evening. Thank you, Your Excellency, for your hospitality in hosting tonight’s reception to mark the Opening of the Legal Year 2019. It is a great honour to be here in Kuala Lumpur and to deliver this address on behalf of the Law Council of Australia. I am delighted to acknowledge here this evening The Right Honourable Tan Sri Datuk Seri Panglima Richard Malanjum, Ministers, President of the Malaysian Bar, and distinguished guests and colleagues. Thank you for welcoming me so warmly to your beautiful city. The legal professions of Malaysia and Australia enjoy a strong relationship that has developed over decades. This friendship is anchored in our mutual respect for the rule of law, and our shared commitment to promoting and upholding the rule of law both within and across our borders. As President of the Law Council of Australia, I look forward to working with you in the year ahead to continue to strengthen the bond between our professions, to serve and to advance the administration of justice throughout our region. I am humbled to have been invited to Malaysia as my first official engagement.
  • The Practice of Public Accounts Committee in the Parliament of Malaysia Siti Fahlizah Padlee*

    The Practice of Public Accounts Committee in the Parliament of Malaysia Siti Fahlizah Padlee*

    The Practice of Public Accounts Committee in the Parliament of Malaysia Siti Fahlizah Padlee* Abstract The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of Malaysia is a permanent committee made up of members from Malaysia’s House of Representative, the Dewan Rakyat, and has grown in function since its establishment in 1959. The PAC initially served as a financial oversight body to check the financial procedures and performance accountability of executive bodies. Then, it started to pursue a series of reforms to make it more effective and accountable. Therefore, this research explores the current practices of the PAC in the Parliament of Malaysia pertaining to the appointment of its Chairman. It also analyses the implementation of two types of new meetings and identifies the relationship between the PAC with other stakeholders. The research employed a case study with an exploratory, descriptive approach using data collected from published reports of PAC meetings from 2017 to 2020, the PAC’s official website, interviews with a parliamentary officer-in-charge of handling the PAC, as well as international and local newspapers such as The Straits Times and The Edge. The research found that changes in the appointment of the Chairman have not affected the PAC reports as the core task of a Chairman is to set the committee’s agenda with consultation from the committee and Auditor General, as well as to ensure that the reports are released. The two new types of meeting (i.e. verification meeting and response reporting meeting) are crucial to enhance the PAC performance. Furthermore, the seven ex-officio possess prominent roles to provide and check the validity of data.
  • New MH370 Search Ops May Cost RM296

    New MH370 Search Ops May Cost RM296

    New MH370 search ops may cost RM296 MALAYSIA may fork up to US$70 million (RM296 million) in new search missions for missing Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370. Deputy Transport Minister Datuk Ab Aziz Kaprawi said the government, through the MH370 response team, was in talks with international subsea exploration company Ocean Infinity on the use of latest technology to search for the plane. Negotiations with the United State company include the cost of conducting the search for the Boeing 777 aircraft. “The government is in the process of evaluating fees to be paid for search missions. Ocean Infinity has offered to provide search missions on a ‘no cureno pay’ basis (payment depends upon success and the recovery of property),” Ab Aziz said. He said the negotiations touched on other aspects, including payment terms and schedule, such as whether fees would be paid after the wreckage of the plane was found. He said it was required that the wreckage be certified as MH370 by the plane’s manufacturer, Boeing. “These details are being looked into as the cost is high,” he said in a reply to Dr Tan Seng Giaw (DAP-Kepong) during the minister’s question and answer session at Dewan Rakyat. Tan had asked if the government embarked on new efforts to locate the aircraft. Ab Aziz said Malaysia, Australia and China, in line with the spirit of tripartite cooperation, would consider further search operations should there be new, credible leads. He said the final report of investigations was being prepared. The report will be issued within one year from the suspension of the search operation, which was announced on July 22 last year.
  • A Study on Interruptions by the Chairperson in the Dewan Rakyat

    A Study on Interruptions by the Chairperson in the Dewan Rakyat

    ACCOUNTABILITY IN THE PARLIAMENT OF MALAYSIA: A STUDY ON INTERRUPTIONS BY THE CHAIRPERSON IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn vorgelegt von Nor Azura binti A Rahman aus Johor, Malaysia Bonn 2021 Gedruckt mit der Genehmigung der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Zusammensetzung der Prüfungskommission: Prof. Dr. Stephan Conermann (Vorsitzende/Vorsitzender) Prof. Dr. Christoph Antweiler (Betreuerin/Betreuer und Gutachterin/Gutachter) Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs (Gutachterin/Gutachter) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 26 November 2020 i ABSTRACT The election of the chairman of the House of Representatives, a chamber of the Malaysian parliament, has always been determined by the ruling party. The centralization of executive power has also absorbed the function of the chairman, so that the chairman acts partisanly in parliamentary debates. Also, the chairman has developed into an institution that carries out agenda-setting within the framework of the parliament. This raises the conceptual question of whether legislation in Malaysia is still performed independently by the parliament. The observed patterns require an attempt to re-conceptualize the roles as well as the assigned meaning of various expressions of parliamentary routine, including those that are unwritten and informal, for instance those which can also be termed “subjective forms of rule” at one's own discretion. In my doctoral thesis, I apply an interdisciplinary analytical framework that relates to accountability studies, as well as micro- sociological direct interaction, the interpretations of procedural interactions in conversation, as well as studies of political discretion in parliamentary operations. My main research question asks how the Speaker of Parliament fulfils his responsibilities by disrupting ongoing parliamentary debates.
  • Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol

    Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol

    his three volume publication includes the constitutional documents of all Tcountries in Southeast Asia as of December 2007, as well as the ASEAN Charter (Vol. I), reports on the national constitutions (Vol. II), and a collection of papers on cross-cutting issues (Vol. III) which were mostly presented at a conference at the end of March 2008. This collection of Constitutional documents and analytical papers provides the reader with a comprehensive insight into the development of Constitutionalism in Southeast Asia. Some of the constitutions have until now not been publicly available in an up to date English language version. But apart from this, it is the first printed edition ever with ten Southeast Asian constitutions next to each other which makes comparative studies much easier. The country reports provide readers with up to date overviews on the different constitutional systems. In these reports, a common structure is used to enable comparisons in the analytical part as well. References and recommendations for further reading will facilitate additional research. Some of these reports are the first ever systematic analysis of those respective constitutions, while others draw on substantial literature on those constitutions. The contributions on selected issues highlight specific topics and cross-cutting issues in more depth. Although not all timely issues can be addressed in such publication, they indicate the range of questions facing the emerging constitutionalism within this fascinating region. CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Volume 2 Reports on National Constitutions (c) Copyright 2008 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors Clauspeter Hill Jőrg Menzel Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: +65 6227 2001 Fax: +65 6227 2007 All rights reserved.
  • 'DAP's Opposition of Malaysia As an Islamic State'

    'DAP's Opposition of Malaysia As an Islamic State'

    Political Managements and Policies in Malaysia ‘DAP’s Opposition of Malaysia as an Islamic State’ R. Sivaperegasam P. Rajanthiran Abstract e brave and controversial declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state by YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on the 29 September 2001, was vehemently opposed by the DAP. is paper analyses and explores the justifi cation of the said declaration as well as the pattern and rationale for DAP’s oppositionism. e DAP had specifi cally highlighted and protested via its “929” campaign that YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state was unconstitutional, undemocratic and arbitrary. e DAP party stalwarts maintained that Malaysia was a secular state since Independence and ought to continue remaining so in the best interests of a pluralistic Malaysia. e primary focus of this paper therefore is to identify and discuss the fl aws in the DAP’s said claim, and instead highlight the fact that Malaysia is rightfully an Islamic state from Independence and beyond. YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir’s declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state is the climax of the Islamisation policy conducted throughout to put Malaysia back on the world map as a reputable Islamic state just as how it had been during the days of the pre- colonisation era. Malaysia was declared as an Islamic state by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on the 29 th September, 2001 at the Gerakan national 39 th delegates’ conference with the consensus of all other BN component parties present. ! is brave and controversial declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state by Tun Dr.
  • Apa Yang Media Umno-Bn Tak Laporkan

    Apa Yang Media Umno-Bn Tak Laporkan

    www.roketkini.com DITUBUHKAN PADA 1966 FITNAH BANGLO GUAN ENG DI KUALA LUMPUR EDISI & ISU TAMAN MANGGIS: APA YANG MEDIA BM UMNO-BN TAK LAPORKAN PERCUMA > 8 & 9 KDN PP11732/12/2012 (032229) UNTUK AHLI SAHAJA facebook.com/roketkini twitter.com/roketkini [email protected] MEI 2016 2 | MEI 2016 BERITA Beli kain RM55 juta di Jakel: DAP minta polis siasat Najib Oleh SYAZANA HASANUDIN kurang dari RM1 juta setahun. isteri bekas Presiden Filipina yang dikecam “Wang dibelanjakan untuk membeli rakyat kerana perbelanjaan mewahnya dan KUALA LUMPUR: Wakil DAP membuat kain adalah lebih banyak dari gajinya. memiliki 3,000 pasang kasut,” katanya. laporan polis menggesa siasatan dilakukan Perkara ini tidak masuk akal dan Syefura yang juga dikenali sebagai ke atas Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib menimbulkan persoalan dari mana dia Razak – kali ini berhubung pendedahan dapat wang sebanyak itu,” katanya kepada akhbar Wall Street Journal (WSJ) bahawa The Rocket Edisi BM. Wang dibelanjakan untuk membeli beliau memindahkan lebih AS$14 juta Sementara itu, Ronnie ketika dihubungi (RM 55 juta) kepada peruncit pakaian berkata, laporan polis itu dibuat bagi kain adalah lebih banyak dari gajinya. Jakel Trading dari 2011 hingga 2014. menggesa polis dan pihak terlibat seperti Ahli Parlimen Segambut, Lim Lip Eng Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia Perkara ini tidak masuk akal dan bersama veteran DAP Selangor, Ronnie (SPRM), Bank Negara dan Lembaga Hasil Liu Tian Khiew dan Ahli Jawatankuasa Dalam Negeri (LHDN) menyiasat akaun menimbulkan persoalan dari mana DAP Selangor, Young Syefura Othman, Najib secara terperinci. membuat laporan polis berkenaan di IPD “Selepas pendedahan WSJ, kini Najib dapat wang sebanyak itu.
  • 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be Prime Minister 287–8, 298 Abdul

    50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be Prime Minister 287–8, 298 Abdul

    Index 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot be mega-projects 194, 313–14, Prime Minister 287–8, 298 320–1, 323 successor 126, 194, 307–9, 345 Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin 298 Proton 319–21 Abdul Aziz Taha 158 Abdullah Majid 35, 36 Abdul Daim Zainuddin see Daim Abdullah Mohamed Yusof 133 Zainuddin Abu Bakar Ba’asyir 228–9 Abdul Gani Patail see Gani Patail Abu Sahid Mohamed 176 Abdul Ghafar Baba see Ghafar Baba affirmative action programme (New Abdul Khalid Sahan 165 Economic Policy/NEP) 30–1, 86, Abdul Qadeer Khan 313 87, 88–9, 96, 98, 101, 103–4, Abdul Rahim Aki 151, 152 110–13, 142, 155, 200, 230, 328, Abdul Rahim Bakar 201 329, 348 Abdul Rahim Noor see Rahim Noor Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Abdul Rahman Putra see Tunku Abdul Organization 23 Rahman agriculture 88–9, 104, 111 Abdul Rahman Aziz 227 Ahmad Zahid Hamidi see Zahid Hamidi Abdul Razak Hussein see Razak Ali Abul Hassan Sulaiman 301 Hussein Aliran (multiracial reform movement) Abdul Wahab Patail see Wahab Patail 66, 70, 324, 329 Abdullah Ahmad 4, 26, 27, 32, 35–6, Alliance 17 38, 128, 308, 319 government 18–19, 24–5, 53, 126, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi see Abdullah 218 Badawi see also National Front Abdullah Badawi 235–7, 268, 299 Alor Star 3, 4–5, 11, 14–15, 16, 130 2004 election 317–18 MAHA Clinic (“UMNO Clinic”) 13, anti-corruption agenda 310–12, 191 317–18, 319, 327–8, 330–1 Mahathir Mohamad’s relocation to Anwar Ibrahim case 316 Kuala Lumpur from 31 corruption and nepotism Alternative Front 232, 233 allegations 312–13, 323 Anti-Corruption Agency 90, 282, 301, economic policies 194, 313–14 311,
  • The Chinese Education Movement in Malaysia

    The Chinese Education Movement in Malaysia

    INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIAL MOBILIZATION: THE CHINESE EDUCATION MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA ANG MING CHEE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2011 i 2011 ANG MING CHEE CHEE ANG MING SOCIAL MOBILIZATION:SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND THE CHINESE EDUCATION CHINESE MOVEMENT INTHE MALAYSIA ii INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIAL MOBILIZATION: THE CHINESE EDUCATION MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA ANG MING CHEE (MASTER OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UPPSALA UNIVERSITET, SWEDEN) (BACHELOR OF COMMUNICATION (HONOURS), UNIVERSITI SAINS MALAYSIA) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2011 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My utmost gratitude goes first and foremost to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jamie Seth Davidson, for his enduring support that has helped me overcome many challenges during my candidacy. His critical supervision and brilliant suggestions have helped me to mature in my academic thinking and writing skills. Most importantly, his understanding of my medical condition and readiness to lend a hand warmed my heart beyond words. I also thank my thesis committee members, Associate Professor Hussin Mutalib and Associate Professor Goh Beng Lan for their valuable feedback on my thesis drafts. I would like to thank the National University of Singapore for providing the research scholarship that enabled me to concentrate on my thesis as a full-time doctorate student in the past four years. In particular, I would also like to thank the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences for partially supporting my fieldwork expenses and the Faculty Research Cluster for allocating the precious working space. My appreciation also goes to members of my department, especially the administrative staff, for their patience and attentive assistance in facilitating various secretarial works.