Russian 'Democrats' Recruited to Conservative Revolution
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Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 23, Number 40, October 4, 1996 �TIrnStrategicStudies Russian 'democrats' recruited to Conservative Revolution by Roman Bessonov Part 2 of a series on "The Anti-Utopia in Power. " descended on Russia during the break-up of the Soviet Union. Organizations such as the Mont Pelerin Society's London "How easily the party bureaucracy has betrayed us to the based Institute for Economic Affairs and the U.S. National capital ...that emerged from the 'shadow economy,' primar Endowment for Democracy's International Republican Insti ily from the distribution sector. That is where the thieves' tute (lRI), sought recruits who would readily assimilate the capital had been accumulating, to make its demand for the construct, that the test for "democracy" is adherence to the 'free market' !" doctrines of economic deregulation and free trade. This precise description of what happened in the Soviet The relevant selection techniques had already been prac Union in the mid- 1980s came from neither a politician nor a ticed for many years. The Thatcherites of the IRI and kindred Sovietologist. It appeared in a letter to the editor from a organizations were able to build on a recruitment effort within worker in Ryazan, published in summer 1992 in the newspa the Soviet elite, launched by the Anglo-American establish per Den. Filmmaker Stanislav Govorukhin later labelled that ment long before the dissidents were set free. process "The Great Criminal Revolution." The new, flourish ing criminal sector of the economy stemmed from the middle Conversion of the Marxists link of the Soviet economy's centralized distribution system, Such institutions of the "world nomenklatura" as the which had been colonized for purposes of illegal profiteering International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. since the early 1960s, by Russian organized crime kingpins, (IIA SA), near Vienna, and the Club of Rome were outposts who were freed from the Gulag' along with political prisoners. of a decades-long operation to convert members of the Soviet On balance, the Khrushchov-era thaw favored the wheeler scientific community and propaganda apparatus to globalist dealers of the shadow economy, even more than it did the Malthusian views. They interacted with an older generation modernist paintersand writers. of the Soviet nomenklatura, including "nobility" such as These two layers, together with the "grandsons" genera Aleksei Kosygin's son-in-law Dzherman Gvishiani, Pravda tion of the Soviet elite,2 were what the "democracy" promot editor Ivan Frolov, and top journalists such as Otto Latsis, ers of the Thatcher-Bush period had to work with, when they Vladlen Karpinsky, and Yegor Yakovlev. The latter regarded themselves as shestidesyatniki, men of the 1960s, or as "chil dren of the Twentieth Party Congress," the meeting in 1956 I. Soviet prison camps in the Stalin period came under the Glavnoye uprav where Nikita Khrushchov begaw destalinization. The post /eniye lagerei (M ain Directorate of Camps). hence the abbreviation Gulag, made famous to the world by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in his Arkhipelag Twentieth Congress !haw was positive for the liberation of Gulag (The Gulag Archipelago, Harper & Row, 1974). the mind, but it cobtcided with the consumerist shift iii' 2. R. Bessonov, "The IRI's Friends in Russia: The Anti-Utopia in Power," official Soviet ideology ("goulash communism"), and when EIR, Sept. 6, 1996 (part I of this series) introduced the "grandsons." the thaw-makers were allowed to take over the country's 52 Strategic Studies EIR October 4, 1996 © 1996 EIR News Service Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission strictly prohibited. The Russian Parliament in October 1993, after Boris Yeltsin's shelling of it. A new "democratic" elite came to power after the showdown, with the backing of foreign interests. But their former colleagues, the former prisoners of conscience of the Soviet regime, were left searching in the hospitals, trying to estimate the real number of victims of Yeltsin's massacre. strategy during the Gorbachov period, the outcome was well tional material," as Lenin's or Stalin's teachings had been in expressed in the last title in Progress,Publishers' perestroika years past. series-Sinking in the Quagmire. Recently, Latsis admitted Von Hayek's writings were published in Leningrad in in one of his Izvestia columns, that for these "children," 1989, in a paper called Literator, issued by the "democratic" the least important question was statehood, the identity and wing of the local Writers' Union. Literator was also the trib survival of the nation. une for Prof. Vadim Chubinsky, deputy director of the Lenin In 1989, Otto Latsis and Yegor Gaidar celebrated a victory grad Higher [Communist] Party School, who repented of his at the editorial board of Kommunist magazine, the theoretical creed but saved his chair, as head of the renamed Academy organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. They of Administration. managed to oust Academician Aleksei Sergeyev, who advo Other high-positioned Marxist scholars who were to be cated imitation of the German economic recovery in the come part of the new "democratic" establishment rose due 1950s, as the basis for economic reform in the Soviet Union. to their organizational, rather than intellectual, leadership. Thus the ideas of dirigist economic development were ampu- Within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, there was J tated from economic science during perestroika. Instead, the so-called Democratic Platform of the CPSU, out of which Kommunist began to promote projects for "regional sustain Moscow Higher Party School head Vyacheslav Shostakovsky able economies," starting with a regionalization project in split the new Republican Party in 1990. The new "party build Estonia. A second line of research was to review agricultural ers" confessed that they plagiarized the name from the U.S. policy in the Soviet period, under the pretext of criticizing Republican Party ("we could have taken another name, but Stalin's collectivization policy; in this context, Latsis tried to the Democratic Party of Russia already exists," one party prove the necessity of a free market in real estate. activist told me). At nearly the same time, another highly convertible Com Gavriil Popov was incorporated into the leadership of the munist Party leader, political economy teacher Gavriil Popov, Movement for Democratic Reforms, which CPSU Politburo became the editor of the monthly Voprosy Ekonomiki (Ques member Aleksandr N. Yakovlev planned to establish as the tions of Economics), published by the Soviet Academy of new ruling party. This project was still-born, when the same Sciences. This journal quickly passed from "studying eco Popov, together with another ex-professor of scientificMarx nomic alternatives," to open promotion of Friedrich von ism-Leninism, Gennadi Burbulis, founded a new entity called Hayek's ideas, recommending the latter as "necessary educa- the Democratic Russia movement. This mass organization EIR October 4, 1996 Strategic Studies 53 was really strong in the short period of 1990-91, when it ing the state leadership of their superiority. Artyom Tarasov, helped to promote Boris Yeltsin to the Russian Presidency. pioneer of Russian flight capital operations, reacted to the The subsequent fate of that movement showed, however, that authorities' intent to arrest him, in a most modem way: He Burbulis and Popov were less than sincere in their commit declared that Gorbachov was about to sell the southern Kurile ment to building a workable multiparty political system in Islands to Japan. In other words, "You are no less a thief Russia. than I am !" (Tarasov may really have been in possession But, what about the non-Communist "democrats"? of information dangerous to Gorbachov, for he managed to emigrate safely and take up residence in London, where he Ivan Denisovich and Lev Markovich founded a special PR firmcatering to "progressive business From the beginning, there was something in common men" who have problems with the law.) among the highly qualifiedthieves, sorted out by the selection "Economic dissidents" were eagerly promoted by such process in the Gulag, and some of the so-called "progressive heralds of the new thinking as Ogonyok magazine and the creative intelligentsia." In Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's A Day Moscow News. The only detail absent from their admiring in the LifeIvan Denisovich, the famous novella on the prison articles about former junior scientists, such as Konstantin camps published in 1962, the worker-convict Ivan Deniso Borovoy, and Komsomol (Young Communist League) func vich is portrayed alongside a specific type of privileged con tionaries like Konstantin Zatulin and Valery Pisigin, was how vict, representing the "progressive intelligentsia," but well these gentlemen had made their firstfortunes. In 1992, one of adapted to the criminal milieu as well. This "Lev Markovich" the founders of the Moscow Commodities Exchange revealed neither organized resistance, nor helped the less-protected that the future billionaires, being informed in advance of the prisoners to survive in the camp; he just made others respect impending decontrol of prices, were able to make huge bulk him as somewhat special, and enjoyed this difference which purchases of goods at state-regulated prices and then market placed him above the others. Such persons were commonly them for profit after prices were "liberated." People under labelled as blatnoy, i.e., included on a special list (from the stood that the barrierbetween criminality and state policy had German-Yiddish word Blatt). been broken. Real "Ivan Denisoviches," such as the poets Varlam After the coup attempt and demise of the Soviet Union Shalamov and Boris Chichibabin, never made political for in August 199 1, the moral orientation of "Enrich yourself !" tunes from the tragic period of their life, rejecting advice from adopted by Gorbachov and fostered by his and Yeltsin's their friends and from journalists,both domestic and Western, Westernadvisers, eclipsed any loyalty to "democratic" ideals to do so.