TORONTO ARRESTS: 18 FACE TERROR CHARGES Introduction “Homegrown Terror
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2008 Hate Crime Survey
2008 Hate Crime Survey About Human Rights First HRF’s Fighting Discrimination Program Human Rights First believes that building respect for human The Fighting Discrimination Program has been working since rights and the rule of law will help ensure the dignity to which 2002 to reverse the rising tide of antisemitic, racist, anti- every individual is entitled and will stem tyranny, extremism, Muslim, anti-immigrant, and homophobic violence and other intolerance, and violence. bias crime in Europe, the Russian Federation, and North America. We report on the reality of violence driven by Human Rights First protects people at risk: refugees who flee discrimination, and work to strengthen the response of persecution, victims of crimes against humanity or other mass governments to combat this violence. We advance concrete, human rights violations, victims of discrimination, those whose practical recommendations to improve hate crimes legislation rights are eroded in the name of national security, and human and its implementation, monitoring and public reporting, the rights advocates who are targeted for defending the rights of training of police and prosecutors, the work of official anti- others. These groups are often the first victims of societal discrimination bodies, and the capacity of civil society instability and breakdown; their treatment is a harbinger of organizations and international institutions to combat violent wider-scale repression. Human Rights First works to prevent hate crimes. For more information on the program, visit violations against these groups and to seek justice and www.humanrightsfirst.org/discrimination or email accountability for violations against them. [email protected]. Human Rights First is practical and effective. -
We Have Names, We Have a Homeland the National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing
We have Names, We have a Homeland The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims Human Rights Center and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing We have Names, We have a Homeland Second edition Editorial Team: Salem Khilleh – National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing, General Coordinator Issam Aruri – Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, Director Ikhlas Quran – Ju’beh, JLAC Husssein Abu Arra, JLAC Fatima AbdulKarim, JLAC Attorney Haitham Al-Khatib, JLAC Stories by: Samih Mohsin Faleh Atawneh Mulki Suleiman Issam Aruri Khaled Batrawi Ghassan AbdelHamid Ghazi Bani Odeh Momen Adel Awadallah Laila AlModallal Issa Qaraqe’ Tayseer Mheisen Mohannad AbdelHamid Tahseen Elayan Khaled Sabarneh Translation Editing and Proofreading Carol Mukarker Issam Aruri, Samih Mohsin and Salem Khilleh (Arabic) Fatima AbdulKarim, Mai Farsakh, Nadia Warrayat and Elizabeth Utting (English) Cover Photo Book Photos Fadi Arouri Fatima AbdulKarim, Hussain Abu Arra, Atef Safadi and Fadi Arouri Special thanks to Volunteers Suhair Shaarawi Samira Jabaly Reema Taweel Jihan Mansour Texts signed with their own writer’s names do not necessarily reflect the view of Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center 2 For further information, contact: The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center Ramallah, AlMasayef Kamal Nasser str., Millennium building 6th floor P.O Box: 1560 Ramallah T: +97022987981 F: +97022987982 Email: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 3 Dedication- First edition When one’s hopes are bitter-sweet… During the composition of this book, Mohamed Issa Ishqukani (Abu Issa) the father of the late ‘Amer Ishqukani (who was killed on may 25, 2002 and whose body remains were detained in Israeli Custody) passed away on October 28 of 2009. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
Date: 20131223 Docket: T-447-09 Citation: 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Zinn BETWEEN: 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION (CAF) Applicant and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT [1] This is an application for judicial review by the Canadian Arab Federation [CAF] of a decision by The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, then Jason Kenney [the Minister], not to enter into a funding agreement under the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada [LINC] program for the year 2009-2010. This decision was made by the Minister despite the fact that Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] had previously entered into similar funding arrangements with CAF for many years; the most recent of which expired March 30, 2009, just days after the decision under review was made. Page: 2 [2] The reasons for the Minister’s decision are set out in a letter to CAF dated March 18, 2009, from the Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of CIC to Khaled Mouammar, President of CAF at that time: As you are also aware, serious concerns have arisen with respect to certain public statements that have been made by yourself or other officials of the CAF. These statements have included the promotion of hatred, anti-semitism [sic] and support for the banned terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) The objectionable nature of these public statements – in that they appear to reflect the CAF’s evident support for terrorist organizations and positions on its part which are arguably anti-Semitic – raises serious questions about the integrity of your organization and has undermined the Government’s confidence in the CAF as an appropriate partner for the delivery of settlement services to newcomers. -
Volume X, Issue 2 April 2016 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 2
ISSN 2334-3745 Volume X, Issue 2 April 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 2 Table of Contents Welcome from the Editor 1 I. Articles ‘Gonna Get Myself Connected’: The Role of Facilitation in Foreign Fighter Mobilizations 2 by Timothy Holman II. Special Correspondence to Perspectives on Terrorism Why Has The Islamic State Changed its Strategy and Mounted the Paris-Brussels Attacks? 24 by David C. Rapoport III. Research Notes Analysing the Processes of Lone-Actor Terrorism: Research Findings 33 by Clare Ellis, Raffaello Pantucci, Jeanine de Roy van Zuijdewijn, Edwin Bakker, Melanie Smith, Benoît Gomis and Simon Palombi Analysing Personal Characteristics of Lone-Actor Terrorists: Research Findings and Recommendations 42 by Jeanine de Roy van Zuijdewijn and Edwin Bakker Evaluating CVE: Understanding the Recent Changes to the United Kingdom’s Implementation of Prevent 50 by Caitlin Mastroe In Conversation with Mubin Shaikh: From Salafi Jihadist to Undercover Agent inside the “Toronto 18” Terrorist Group 61 Interview by Stefano Bonino IV. Resources Bibliography: Terrorism Research Literature (Part 2) 73 Compiled and selected by Judith Tinnes V. Book Reviews Counterterrorism Bookshelf: 30 Books on Terrorism & Counter-Terrorism-Related Subjects 103 Reviewed by Joshua Sinai ISSN 2334-3745 i April 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 2 VI. Notes from the Editor Op-Ed: Competing Perspectives on Countering ISIS 118 by Hashim Al-Ribaki Conference Announcement and Call for Proposals 120 About Perspectives on Terrorism 122 ISSN 2334-3745 ii April 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 2 Welcome from the Editor Dear Reader, We are pleased to announce the release of Volume X, Issue 2 (April 2016) of Perspectives on Terrorism at www.terrorismanalysts.com. -
595 an Empirical Study of Terrorism Prosecutions in Canada
EMPIRICAL STUDY OF TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS IN CANADA 595 AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS IN CANADA: ELUCIDATING THE ELEMENTS OF THE OFFENCES MICHAEL NESBITT* AND DANA HAGG** It has now been over 15 years since Canada enacted the Anti-Terrorism Act, codifying what we think of today as Canada’s anti-terrorism criminal laws. The authors set out to canvass how these provisions have been judicially interpreted since their inception through an empirical analysis of court decisions. After exploring how courts have settled initial concerns about these provisions with respect to religious and expressive freedoms, the authors suggest that courts’ interpretations of Canada’s terrorism offences still leave us with many questions, particularly with respect to the facilitation and financing offences. The authors explore these questions and speculate about future challenges that may or may not be successful with the hopes of providing guidance to prosecutors and defence lawyers working in this area. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 595 II. TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS TO DATE ............................ 599 III. JUDICIAL INTERPRETATIONS OF THE ELEMENTS OF TERRORISM OFFENCES .................................... 608 A. DEFINITIONS (SECTION 83.01)............................. 608 B. OFFENCES ............................................ 620 IV. CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ....................... 647 I. INTRODUCTION It has now been over 15 years since Canada expeditiously enacted the Anti-Terrorism -
How Anwar Al-Awlaki Became the Face of Western Jihad
As American as Apple Pie: How Anwar al-Awlaki Became the Face of Western Jihad Alexander Meleagrou-Hitchens Foreword by Lord Carlile of Berriew QC A policy report published by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) ABOUT ICSR The International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) is a unique partnership in which King’s College London, the University of Pennsylvania, the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya (Israel), the Regional Center for Conflict Prevention Amman (Jordan) and Georgetown University are equal stakeholders. The aim and mission of ICSR is to bring together knowledge and leadership to counter the growth of radicalisation and political violence. For more information, please visit www.icsr.info. CONTACT DETAILS For questions, queries and additional copies of this report, please contact: ICSR King’s College London 138 –142 Strand London WC2R 1HH United Kingdom T. +44 (0)20 7848 2065 F. +44 (0)20 7848 2748 E. [email protected] Like all other ICSR publications, this report can be downloaded free of charge from the ICSR website at www.icsr.info. © ICSR 2011 AUTHOR’S NOTE This report contains many quotes from audio lectures as well as online forums and emails. All of these have been reproduced in their original syntax, including all spelling and grammatical errors. Contents Foreword 2 Letter of Support from START 3 Glossary of Terms 4 Executive Summary 6 Chapter 1 Introduction 9 Chapter 2 Methodology and Key Concepts 13 Social Movement Theory 13 Framing and -
2020 Canliidocs 495 I
EMPIRICAL STUDY OF TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS IN CANADA 595 AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS IN CANADA: ELUCIDATING THE ELEMENTS OF THE OFFENCES MICHAEL NESBITT* AND DANA HAGG** It has now been over 15 years since Canada enacted the Anti-Terrorism Act, codifying what we think of today as Canada’s anti-terrorism criminal laws. The authors set out to canvass how these provisions have been judicially interpreted since their inception through an empirical analysis of court decisions. After exploring how courts have settled initial concerns about these provisions with respect to religious and expressive freedoms, the authors suggest that courts’ interpretations of Canada’s terrorism offences still leave us with many questions, particularly with respect to the facilitation and financing offences. The authors explore these questions and speculate about future challenges that may or may not be successful with the hopes of providing guidance to prosecutors and defence lawyers working in this area. TABLE OF CONTENTS 2020 CanLIIDocs 495 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 595 II. TERRORISM PROSECUTIONS TO DATE ............................ 599 III. JUDICIAL INTERPRETATIONS OF THE ELEMENTS OF TERRORISM OFFENCES .................................... 608 A. DEFINITIONS (SECTION 83.01)............................. 608 B. OFFENCES ............................................ 620 IV. CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ....................... 647 I. INTRODUCTION It has now been over 15 years since Canada expeditiously -
Violent Radicalization Jamie Bartlett a & Carl Miller a a Violence and Extremism Programme , Demos, London, UK Published Online: 06 Dec 2011
This article was downloaded by: [UVA Universiteitsbibliotheek SZ] On: 16 March 2015, At: 07:25 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Terrorism and Political Violence Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ftpv20 The Edge of Violence: Towards Telling the Difference Between Violent and Non- Violent Radicalization Jamie Bartlett a & Carl Miller a a Violence and Extremism Programme , Demos, London, UK Published online: 06 Dec 2011. To cite this article: Jamie Bartlett & Carl Miller (2012) The Edge of Violence: Towards Telling the Difference Between Violent and Non-Violent Radicalization, Terrorism and Political Violence, 24:1, 1-21, DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2011.594923 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2011.594923 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
CTC Sentinel Vol 2, Issue 12
DECEMBER 2009 . VOL 2 . ISSUE 12 COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT CTC SEntinEL OBJECTIVE . RELEVANT . RIGOROUS Contents The Danger of Prison FEATURE ARTICLE Radicalization in the West 1 The Danger of Prison Radicalization in By James Brandon the West By James Brandon REPORTS 5 LIFG Revisions Posing Critical Challenge to Al-Qa`ida By Paul Cruickshank 8 Assessing the Progress of Pakistan’s South Waziristan Offensive By Rahimullah Yusufzai 12 The Internet and its Role in Terrorist Recruitment and Operational Planning By Sajjan M. Gohel 16 Prisons in Iraq: A New Generation of Jihadists? By Myriam Benraad 18 Developing Regional Counterterrorism Cooperation in South Asia By Alistair Millar 21 Singapore’s Approach to Counterterrorism By Gavin Chua Hearn Yuit ince sayyid qutb wrote Milestones consequently more terrorist convictions) 24 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity Along the Road in an Egyptian than any other Western country. 28 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts prison almost 50 years ago, Extremists whose paths toward terrorism prisons have become widely began in European or U.S. prisons include Srecognized as important incubators of numerous high-profile terrorists. In the jihadist thought.1 In Muslim-majority United Kingdom, they include Richard countries, a number of prominent Reid, the 2001 “shoe-bomber,” and jihadists were radicalized, at least in Muktar Ibrahim, the leader of the July part, in prison, including Ayman al- 21, 2005 London bomb plot.2 In France, Zawahiri and Abu Mus`ab al-Zarqawi. Safe Bourada, an Algerian originally -
Canada V. Asad Ansari: Avatars, Inexpertise, and Racial Bias In
Canada v. Asad Ansari : Avatars, Inexpertise, and Racial Bias in Canadian Anti-Terrorism Litigation ANVER M. EMON AND A A Q I B MAHMOOD * ABSTRACT This chapter examines the litigation against Asad Ansari, who was charged with terrorism offences as part of the Toronto 18. The authors examined the litigation files held in the archives of the Ontario Court of Appeals. Through close readings of trial transcripts and judicial decisions on evidentiary motions, the chapter illustrates that systemically embedded in the features of Canada’s adversarial legal system and Criminal Code are legal dynamics that enable racialized, Orientalist readings of Islam and Muslims, and echo the medieval dynamics of religious inquisitions. Keywords: Islam; Muslims; Islamists; Terrorism; Extremism; Expertise; Orientalism; Religious Inquisition; Anti-Terrorism; Systemic Bias * Anver M. Emon is the Canada Research Chair in Islamic Law and History and Director for the Institute of Islamic Studies at the University of Toronto. Aaqib Mahmood received his BA Honors and MA from York University in Criminology and Socio-Legal Studies, respectively. Aaqib is also a graduate from the combined JD/MBA program at the University of Toronto. He is a cited contributor in legal reports published by Human Rights Watch and PEN America and is the co-author of an incumbent journal article that analyzes international borders during the COVID- 19 pandemic. 256 MULTI-DISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVES ON THE TORONTO 18 TERRORISM TRIALS I. INTRODUCTION his chapter examines the case of Asad Ansari, who was 25 years old at the time of his trial, as part of the so-called Toronto 18. Through a close examination of certain aspects of his case, this chapter will T 1 show that rather than Asad Ansari himself being on trial, it was two competing avatars of Ansari on trial, both of which took shape through the explicitly inexpert and implicitly racially structured litigation of Islam itself. -
The Toronto 18
The Toronto 18 Official account On June 2, 2006, Canadian counter-terrorism forces raided homes in and around the Greater Toronto Area resulting in the arrest of 15 people,1 which with the addition of three others detained earlier or later, comprised what became the “Toronto 18”. The large majority of the detainees were in their early twenties or in their late teens, all of them Muslim men. Their names were as follows (in descending age sequence): Abdul Qayyum Jamal, 01-Apr-63 Pakistan/Canada Shareef Abdelhaleem (Abdelhaleen), 01-Jan-76 Egypt/Canada Steven Chand aka Abdoul Shakur, 02-Mar-81 Canada/Canada Yasin Abdi Mohamed, 06-Nov-81 Ethiopia/Canada Jahmaal I. Francis aka Jahmaal James, 16-Apr-83 Canada/Canada Ali Dirie, 10-Aug-83 Somalia/Canada Fahim Ahmad, 10-Aug-84 Afghanistan/Canada Ahmad Ghany, 27-Sep-84 Canada/Canada Asad Waqar Ansari, 08-Mar-85 Pakistan/Pakistan Zakaria Amara, 18-Aug-85 Jordan/Canada Amin Durrani, 17-Jun-86 Pakistan/Canada Saad Khalid, 12-Aug-86 Saudi Arabia/Canada Ibrahim Alkhale Aboud, 15-Sep-86 Iraq/unknown Saad Gaya, 17-Nov-87 Canada/Canada Nishanthan Yogakrishnan, 12-Jan-88 Sri Lanka/Canada Zakir Ahmed Mohiuddin, 19-Jan-88 Saudi Arabia/unknown (Source: Wikileaks) Suhaib Asrar Mohammad, 22-Nov-88 UAE/UAE (Source: Wikileaks) Nikhil Kirtikumar Sarhad, 04-Jul-90 Malaysia/unknown (Source: Wikileaks) The men were suspected of planning a large-scale terrorist attack in southern Ontario that included the detonation of truck bombs at least three locations, and opening fire in a crowded area. They also were accused of planning to storm various buildings such as the Canadian Broadcasting Centre and the Canadian Parliament building, and take hostages.