Familiar Places in Global Spaces: Networking and Place-making of American English

Teachers in Sanlitun, Beijing

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Arts

Clinton Travis Kilgore

August 2011

© 2011 Clinton Travis Kilgore. All Rights Reserved.

2

This thesis titled

Familiar Places in Global Spaces: Networking and Place-making of American English

Teachers in Sanlitun, Beijing

by

CLINTON TRAVIS KILGORE

has been approved for

the Department of Geography

and the College of Arts and Sciences by

Yeong-Hyun Kim

Associate Professor of Geography

Benjamin M. Ogles

Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3

ABSTRACT

KILGORE, CLINTON T., M.A., August 2011, Geography

Familiar Places in Global Spaces: Networking and Place-making of American English

Teachers in Sanlitun, Beijing

Director of Thesis: Yeong-Hyun Kim

Advancements made in communication and transportation technologies that have developed alongside globalization are transforming the migration experience. No longer can we view international migration as a uni-directional process. Many migrants now live transnational lives characterized by multiple border spanning social, economic and political networks. This study employs the theoretical concepts of transnational social space and place-making as a guiding framework to analyze the role of ‘place’ in the community and identities of American English teachers living in Beijing, China. The analysis is based on a qualitative methodological approach involving interviews, textual analysis and participant observations. Results show that Sanlitun is a place where English teachers are carving out new kinds of migrant spaces and often serves as a site where

English teachers gain a sense of belonging and community. In addition, Sanlitun and places within Sanlitun facilitate the transnational being of this migrant group.

Approved: ______

Yeong-Hyun Kim

Associate Professor of Geography 4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my deepest appreciation and gratitude to my advisor for this thesis and throughout my graduate career Dr. Yeong Kim. Throughout these past two years Dr. Kim has been a true mentor both inside and outside of the classroom. I thank the other two members of my thesis committee Dr. Brad Jokisch and Dr. Risa Whitson for their assistance and sound advice during this thesis project. Finally, thank you to the department of geography at Ohio University for providing a sound learning environment and the opportunity for me to further my education and cultivation of knowledge. 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract...... 3 Acknowledgments ...... 4 List of Tables ...... 7 List of Figures...... 8 Chapter 1: Introduction...... 9 Chapter 2: Theoretical Frameworks in the Field of International Labor Migration...... 15 The Transnational Turn in Migration Studies ...... 16 Migrant Transnationalism...... 19 Transnational Social Space...... 24 Migrant Place-making Practices...... 30 Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Study Area ...... 36 Methodology...... 37 Sampling Strategy...... 38 Interview Format and Analytic Approach ...... 39 Participant Observations...... 41 Textual Analysis ...... 44 Sanlitun (三里屯) ...... 45 Sanlitun Backstreet ...... 48 Sanlitun Southstreet ...... 51 Sanlitun Gongti...... 52 Chapter 4: English Teachers in China and their Transnational Social Space...... 55 English Teachers in China...... 57 Qualifications for Teaching...... 59 The English Teacher Transnational Community...... 64 Place-making in Transnational Social Space...... 69 Discussion...... 75 Chapter 5: English Teachers in Sanlitun ...... 78 Diversity Amongst Respondents ...... 80 6

Place-making Practices in Sanlitun ...... 81 Sports ...... 86 Music ...... 91 Movie Nights ...... 95 Sanlitun as a Place for English Teachers...... 98 Discussion...... 102 Chapter 6: The Pub Quiz - New Migrant Spaces ...... 105 The Bookworm...... 106 The Bookworm Pub Quiz...... 109 Discussion...... 115 Chapter 7: Conclusions...... 119 References...... 127 Appendix A: Websites Most Commonly Used By Respondents ...... 136

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LIST OF TABLES

Page

Table 1: English Teachers’ Average Monthly Salaries ...... 64

Table 2: Posts from ‘The Beijinger’ Website ...... 71

Table 3: Most Referenced Sites in Sanlitun ...... 73

Table 4: Examples of Pub Quiz Questions at The Bookworm...... 110

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LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1. Map of Sanlitun District ...... 46

Figure 2. Sanlitun Backstreet (Daytime) ...... 50

Figure 3. Sanlitun Backstreet (Daytime) ...... 50

Figure 4: Sanlitun Backstreet (Nighttime) ...... 51

Figure 5: The Kro’s Nest ...... 54

Figure 6: Job Advertisement for English Teachers in Beijing China ...... 60

Figure 7: Dave’s ESL Café Website ...... 68

Figure 8: The Beijinger Website ...... 68

Figure 9: Review of Tun Bar on the Cityweekend Website ...... 72

Figure 10: Kro’s Komeback News Story...... 85

Figure 11: Luga’s Villa ...... 88

Figure 12: The Bookworm...... 107

Figure 13: The Bookworm: Main Café and Lounge Area ...... 107

Figure 14: Advertisement for the Pub Quiz on The Bookworm’s Website ...... 109

Figure 15: Reviews of The Bookworm Posted on The Beijinger Website ...... 114

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

As the reaches of globalization extend further around the planet, the movement of people has increased alongside flows of goods and capital. International migration is not a new phenomenon. In fact, humans have been moving across the surface of the earth for thousands of years. However, as a result of advances made in transportation and communication technologies, the number and type of individuals involved in international migration has changed significantly over the last three decades. One relatively new type of international migrant which has arisen from global processes is language instructors, particularly, English teachers in non-English speaking countries.

The dynamic nature of globalization is bringing about a new and unprecedented level of interconnectedness among spatially distant individuals. Since the mid-1990s various scholars have attempted to better understand the experiences of international migrants under the context of globalization. In doing so, various theories have arisen which not only seek to explain migrant experiences within host societies, but also to better illustrate the social, political and economic complexity of migrants’ lives and activities which span the borders of nation-states. We can no longer view international migration as a “unidirectional and one-time change in residence from one country to another” (Pries 1999, 3), nor can present day migrants be described as ‘uprooted’

(Schiller 1995). Many are now best characterized as ‘transmigrants’, which take up residence in their new host environment, but maintain multiple ties to their homeland and other places abroad. 10

Prior to the early 1990s, migrants were often thought of as people who had to largely sever ties they had with their former country of residence. Thus, the majority of studies on migrants tended to focus on issues such as assimilation and marginalization in the host society or within political boundaries of a single nation-state. While, prior to advances in communication and transportation technologies, economic success and social status did largely depend on rapid acculturation and entrance into the mainstream host society, at present this is not the case (Portes 1999). In the early 1990s there was a recognition among migration scholars (Glick Schiller et al. 1992, 1) that migrants were often “developing and maintaining multiple relations – familial, economic, social, organizational, religious, and political” spanning national borders of two or more societies and could thus retain a social, economic and political presence in those countries abroad through established networks. Therefore, migration scholars argued that earlier ways of approaching and analyzing the experiences of migrants were no longer sufficient and should take a more ‘transnational’ form, which suggested widening the scope of analytic approaches to be inclusive of the complex nature of migrant activities that take place both locally and transnationally. Since this time, the conceptual and theoretical framework for examining international migration known as ‘transnationalism’ has been of rapidly growing interest and subsequently witnessed the proliferation of academic articles, university seminars and conferences devoted to exploring its nature and contours

(Vertovec 1999).

A transnational perspective for examining international migration phenomena allows for a more diversified conceptualization of migrant communities, activities and 11 identities. In recent years, academics across disciplines such as sociology, anthropology and geography have focused on a variety of elements regarding migrant transnationalism that relate to social, economic and political processes. Those concerned with the social experiences of transmigrants often examine issues such as identity, belonging and the ways in which migrants’ border-spanning networks facilitate their transnational being.

Certain academics now argue that migrants’ lives largely exist and operate inside a form of ‘transnational social space’ (Faist 2000). Transnational social spaces are “pluri- local frames of reference that structure everyday practices, social positions, employment trajectories and biographies, and human identities [that] simultaneously exist above and beyond the social contexts of national societies” (Pries 2001, 69). It is through these transnational social spaces that migrants are often said to be able to maintain and strengthen their sense of community and former identities. However, discussions regarding migrant transnational social space remain largely abstract, lacking a focus on the role of real-world places in the formation and development of migrant transnational spaces, communities and identities (Vertovec 1999).

The connection between migrants and places is often a subject of inquiry in the social sciences and is becoming increasingly urgent in the early 21st century. Places are filled with social meaning and are properties of social life (Appadurai 1995). Because social networks are often ascribed to particular places, academics argue that examining places allows one to observe the various inter-relating social networks of which transmigrants are a part. In recent years, there has arisen a notable amount of literature that examines the ways in which migrants relate to and use places, as well as the role that 12 places play in migrant communities. In places, migrants often attempt to re-establish points of comfort or cultural fit, as well as reassert and connect with former identities and cultural practices. The term ‘place-making’ is now a commonly used term to describe the ways in which migrants, through use of and attaching meaning to places, create

(physically and imaginatively) places in local landscapes for various social, cultural, political and economic purposes. Thus, there is a relationship that exists between transnational social space and migrant places, as the networks to which migrants belong that function within transnational social spaces often materialize in real-world places used or created by migrants. Therefore, this research project seeks to build on existing work in the realm of international labor migration by adding a place lens to the transnational social space framework, so as to forge a deeper understanding of the multi- faceted socio-cultural characteristics of the English teacher community and their identities while living in Beijing.

English teachers have been a growing international migrant demographic over the past two decades. As many countries seek to become more integrated into the global economy, English language remains a key cornerstone in making this happen. Therefore, a demand has been created for English language instructors in non-English speaking countries, especially in emerging economies such as China. In China’s major coastal cities, English as a second language has become as integrated into the academic curriculum as math and science. While there is a vast number of native Chinese who teach English in schools, many parents feel that having a native speaker in the classroom from such countries as the United States or Great Britain gives their child a more 13 competitive edge. Therefore globalization has created a demand for English language instructors and through more efficient communication and transportation technologies is allowing this demand to be met.

Beijing, as the capital city of China, has become one of the largest destinations for

English teachers from western countries, especially from America (Bianco 2009). The demand for English language education in the city was catalyzed by the win for the bid of the 2008 Olympic games in the year 2000. While English teachers from abroad continue to pour into the city, little remains known regarding how they form their own communities as a means of adaptation in the host society, yet at the same time remain connected to their home countries and beyond.

The purpose of this research is to examine the role that a small district called

Sanlitun plays in the creation and maintenance of a transnational community of English teachers currently residing in Beijing. A large number of English teachers who live throughout the city of Beijing often come to this district for a variety of reasons such as watching sports and live music; to dance, drink and see movies; to attend social events and find new employment opportunities; and for new avenues of cultural exploration.

While it is well known that English teachers often frequent this district, little remains known regarding their perceptions of this district and place-making practices there. In order to understand how Sanlitun plays a role in the creation and maintenance of a transnational community of English teachers currently residing in Beijing, the following three research questions were formulated:

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1) What particular sites and activities attract English teachers to Sanlitun? 2) What meanings do English teachers attach to Sanlitun? 3) How do English teachers’ place-making practices in Sanlitun play a role in shaping and reshaping their identities?

This research project is based largely on data gathered from interviews and observations conducted in Beijing during the summer of 2010. However, a third form of data used for this project stems from textual analysis of online communication amongst English teachers. Through comparing and contrasting interview and observational data with information drawn from English teachers’ online communications, a better understanding of the role that Sanlitun and places within Sanlitun play in the English teacher community can emerge. In the end, I conclude that English teachers are carving out new kinds of migrant spaces in Beijing, and that while online networks within transnational social spaces present a means for these individuals to remain transnational, English teachers’ place-making practices in and discourses on Sanlitun show that real-world places in the local setting also remain of vital importance to their transnational existence. 15

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS IN THE FIELD OF

INTERNATIONAL LABOR MIGRATION

This research on American English teachers living in Beijing is situated under the context of international labor migration. Advances made in communication and transportation technologies that have taken place in the age of globalization have subsequently changed patterns and forms of international migration, as well as the types of individuals involved. As these technologies allow for an ever-increasing connectedness between people who are geographically separated, new ways of understanding and conceptualizing migrant experiences have arisen which part from older methods that examined migrant experiences within the political boundaries of the nation-state. These new ways of examining the lives of migrants, whose social, economic and political activities transcend national borders on a daily basis, often take a

‘transnational’ form by looking at the “multiple ties and interactions linking people…across the borders of nation-states” (Vertovec 1999, 447). As a research paradigm for migration, transnationalism facilitates a deeper understanding of the relationship between movement, place and identity in the era of globalization. For this research on American English teachers in Beijing, concepts that stem from the transnationalism paradigm, such as ‘transnational social space’, are used as a way to build on the existing work that takes a transnational perspective on migration. This research recognizes the limitations of more commonly used network-based forms of analysis, such as transnational social space, and thus seeks to incorporate a place lens in order to better understand migrant experiences and communities, particularly for more 16 temporary western migrants in non-traditional host countries. In this chapter, the overarching theoretical frameworks that guide this research will be discussed. The purpose of discussing these theoretical frameworks is to explore the ways in which academics have sought to conceptualize migrant experiences under the transnationalism framework.

The Transnational Turn in Migration Studies

Up until the early 1990s, research concerning migration and the experiences of migrants tended to place a heavy emphasis on such issues as migrant assimilation into the host society, marginalization or social exclusion (Narain 1987), socio-political rights of migrants (Gibson 1986), as well as the economic impacts resulting from increased number of migrants at the household and national levels (Rouse 1989). At this time, the migration literature was characterized by clear-cut spatial boundaries and dichotomies, using terms such as origin and destination, or emigration and immigration (Dunn 2004).

This was due to the fact that migration was still seen as more of a uni-directional process in which people or groups emigrated from one country and settled in a new one, thus having to adapt to new environments (Nelson and Hiemstra 2008). The Chicago School tradition was prevalent in this era, which often claimed that immigrants would over time gradually adopt the dominant culture of the society where they had settled and that the culture of origin would eventually dissipate (Mitchell 1997).

At this time, establishing and maintaining connections to the homeland was often understood as being caused by marginalization from the host society. Thus, migrant 17 transnationalism was a result of the inability to integrate into the host society, whether by fault of the individual or by social exclusion. Under this line of thinking there remained a very uni-linear view of these migrants’ lives, which sought to understand their experiences within a single geographic unit of analysis (the nation-state). While these topics provided detailed insight into migrant experiences in general, the approach to classifying migrant types and conceptualizing international migration in this manner was critiqued as being outdated amidst globalization (Schiller et al. 1995). These scholars were becoming aware of common descriptions of migrant ‘back and forth’ movements, such as Latinos traveling back and forth to the U.S. (Cohen 1979; Chaney 1979) in various works produced on international migration in the late 1970s and 1980s. Their critique was that such movements were often viewed as more of a local-to-local phenomenon, rather than national. Therefore, past descriptions of migrant behavior that could be characterized as transnational had been present in the migration literature, but had yielded no new approach to the study of migration because they lacked a global perspective. Thus, it was felt that migration studies needed to break free of its tendency

‘to approach each society as a discrete and bounded entity’ (Schiller et al. 1992).

It is now widely understood that migrants construct and maintain transnational ties to their homeland, as well as other countries. Transnationalism, as a research framework for migration, describes the multiplicity of involvements sustained by migrants across the geographic, social and cultural borders of more than one nation-state in ‘a single field of social relations’ (ibid). Transnationalism and transnational activities of migrants should thus be viewed as part of the broader phenomenon of globalization 18

(Knox 1994; Knight and Gappert 1989). It is important to note that transnationalism, in the context of migrants forming and maintaining ties with their homeland, is not a new phenomenon. Periodic visits to and communication with the homeland have always taken place amongst participants in diasporas in a number of different countries (Cohen 1997).

However, what is distinguishable about this phenomenon at present is the speed, regularity and mass involvement at which these activities take place (Portes et al. 1999).

In a response to the many contradictory claims and highly fragmented nature of early writings on migrant transnationalism, Portes et al. (ibid, 218) wrote a benchmark article offering a set of conceptual guidelines that sought “to turn the concept of transnationalism into a clearly defined measurable object of research”. The authors suggested that it was necessary to establish and delimit the phenomenon, define the unit of analysis, distinguish between types of transnational activities (economic, political, and socio-cultural), and to identify the conditions necessary for making transnational activities possible. This conceptual ‘reigning in’ of the field was successful in further solidifying transnationalism as a research framework for migration studies. However, this research framework has been subjected to various critiques.

Dunn (2004) outlines five identifiable arguments common amongst critics of transnationalism as a research framework. The first is that activities now called

‘transnational’ have been in place for many years, even going so far as to say that they have existed for over centuries. A notable critic of transnationalism, Foner (1997) stated

“transnationalism is not new, even though it often seems as if it were invented yesterday.” The second critique questions the nature or degree of inter-national 19 movements. This critique, brought forth by Waldinger and Fitzgerald (2004) is that transnational research has been mostly concerned with dual identities, communication and movement between two countries. Therefore, the term should only be limited to discussions of such matter. A third critique, again brought forward by Waldinger and

Fitzgerald (ibid), is that most activities studied are translocal (Appadurai 1996), not transnational. The difference here being that the subject matter often researched relates more to localized phenomena like hometown identities (such as notions of London) rather than national identities (notions of England). A fourth criticism is that levels of transnationalism are directly related to the tolerance of nation-states and civil societies

(Dunn 2004). In this sense, people are only as transnational as states allow them to be, for it is state governments that can quickly regulate people’s movement and communication inside a country. Finally, the fifth critique concerns itself with the risk of normalizing multiple national loyalties. Waldinger and Fitzgerald (2004) argue that “dual or multiple loyalties are still received suspiciously in most countries and by most people” and that

“transnationals can easily become the despised enemies within or the traitors abroad.”

Despite these criticisms, transnationalism as a research framework for migration studies has continued to gain currency.

Migrant Transnationalism

Studies stemming from the transnationalism framework have produced a rich harvest of literature that addresses a wide range of interests. Vertovec (1999, 448) provides an excellent summation of these various works, noting studies on 20

“transnational…communities, capital flows, trade, citizenship, corporations, inter- governmental agencies, non-governmental organizations, politics, services, social movements, social networks, families, migration circuits, identities, public spaces and public cultures.” From this synopsis it becomes clear that the transnationalism framework can be applied to various social, political and economic phenomena. While the number of topics dealing in transnationalism is numerous, for this study on English teachers in

Beijing, discussions regarding transnational communities, social networks, identities and public spaces are most relevant.

It is now understood that many international migrants function within or are part of ‘transnational communities’. According to Portes (1999, 217), such types of migrant communities comprise:

…dense networks across political borders created by immigrants in their quest for economic advancement and social recognition. Through these networks, an increasing number of people are able to live dual lives. Participants are often bilingual, move easily between different cultures, frequently maintain homes in two countries, and pursue economic, political and cultural interests that require their presence in both.

A particular interest that geographers and sociologists have regarding these transnational communities is to try and understand why they create and maintain these transnational networks. One of the more dominant research topics in this realm focuses on economic aspects of transnational migration. The forces of globalization have sparked the massive movements of individuals across national borders, especially those working in low wage labor jobs, which seek to gain greater access to higher wages. In many cases, these individuals migrate for economic reasons and live marginally outside the host society, for their goal is to accumulate capital (a nest egg) and then return home (Smith and Bailey 21

2004). Notable research includes studies on Latinos in the U.S. (Faist 2008) and Filipino house workers in Singapore and Hong Kong (Law 2001) amongst many others. In many cases, these types of workers occupy similar structural situations as they enter into their new host environments. Studies focusing on this type of migrant (from a transnational perspective) have proven insightful as to how these migrants’ transnational networks can serve as agents of development for their countries of origin (see Faist 2008). It is now understood that transnational connections amongst this group of migrants, most often in the form of migrant associations and remittances, prove to be key elements sustaining economic growth in certain towns in Latin America. Therefore, they construct and maintain transnational networks as a means to provide financial support to family and others (Cox 2007).

Before proceeding further to discuss other ways in which scholars analyze transmigrant communities, it is necessary to mention how there has often been a dichotomized approach to international migration in terms of the skill those individuals possess. In recent years there has arisen a sharp critique of transnational studies on migration regarding the distinction between ‘low-skilled’ and ‘high-skilled’ migrants and the discussion of ‘skilled migration’ more generally. Often, the literature discussing ‘low- skilled’ migrants focuses on those working in more low-wage labor jobs, such as construction, agriculture, housekeeping, etc. On the other end of the spectrum, there has been a notable amount of ‘high-skilled’ migrant literature, which often focuses on the elite professional expatriate moving within corporate spheres of influence concentrated on world cities’ such as London, New York, Paris and Hong Kong (Scott 2006). 22

One of the main critiques is that this distinction between low-skilled and high- skilled is too dichotomous and implies that the low-skilled possess few means to be transnationally mobile, which is not the case. It also characterizes international migration within the developed world as ‘skilled’ and international migration within the developing world as ‘unskilled’ (Scott 2004). International migration, as it exists in the 21st century, is too complex to be broken down into simple categories of skilled and unskilled.

Therefore, there has been a call for the opening up of the ‘skilled’ migrant category to be more inclusive of individuals who are somewhere ‘in the middle’ of the characteristic hypermobile elites and those on the lower end of the migration spectrum. This has been called the ‘middling’ of transnationalism (Conradson and Latham 2005). I argue that

American English teachers in Beijing fall into this ‘middle’ category of skilled migrants in that they occupy a more or less middle class socio-economic position in their home country’s national class structure (Smith 2005). In addition, they most often migrate for lifestyle and personal reasons rather than for financial gain or to further their careers, which is similar to other ‘middling’ migrants as discussed by Scott (2006), Conradson and Latham (2007), and Wiles (2008).

International migration is increasingly becoming a middle-class activity rather than something exclusively confined to low wage laborers or an economic elite. Although this is the case, few studies exist that attempt to portray the lived experiences, transnational practices and identities of this group of migrants. These types of migrants are often overlooked or under-researched because they are not viewed as agents of development for their home countries, such as Latino migrants in the United States who 23 send remittances back to their home country to maintain familial and community obligations. They are often viewed more as tourists rather than migrants and also they are not taken quite as seriously as other migrants because they are a somewhat privileged group of international worker. However, I contend that they are a (relatively new) type of migrant and most certainly deserve analytical attention, for although they are somewhat privileged and transient, their numbers are increasing and they are having an impact on local landscapes where they reside.

International migrants construct and maintain transnational networks for a variety of reasons. In general, these networks are constructed for economic, political and socio- cultural reasons. Economic forms of migrant transnationalism have been briefly discussed; however this can also include migrant entrepreneurs who mobilize their contacts across borders in search of suppliers, capital and markets (Portes 1999). There have been a number of studies that focus on international business networks of transmigrant communities (see Woodruff 2007; Miera 2008; Bagwell 2007). Migrants also engage in transnational networks often for political reasons (see Itzigsohn 2001;

Levitt 2004). There are numerous studies that illustrate how hometown associations and migrants living abroad remain transnationally involved in the political realm of their native countries. In a study on Dominicans living in New York, Guarnizo and Diaz

(1991) estimated that 10 to 15 percent of Dominican political campaign funds are raised in New York City by the Dominican community. The fact that many political parties campaign to migrants living in other countries is illustrative of the understood political importance these individuals embody while living abroad. 24

The third realm of analysis regarding transnational networks looks at the socio- cultural formations that they embody. In analyzing the socio-cultural elements of migrant transnationalism, issues of identity, belonging, and attachment take precedence. Often, transnational networks allow for the maintenance of social and cultural ties to the homeland, which can serve to reinforce a collective identity amongst transmigrants. As a way to conceptualize how these migrants are able to maintain transnational identities while living abroad, a few academics argue that migrant communities and networks are part of a conceptually larger ‘transnational social space’ (Faist 2000) or ‘transnational social field’ (Glick Schiller et al. 1992) of social relations. This concept is crucial for this research on English teachers in Beijing and thus deserves a detailed discussion.

Transnational Social Space

One of the main agendas of this research project is to explore English teachers’ identities and communities as they take shape both online (in transnational social space) and offline in real-world contexts. Thus, it is necessary to provide an overview of current conceptualizations and theories about transnational social space, for this is a dominant way to conceptualize how transmigrant communities and identities are shaped. It is the incorporation of spatial elements into analyses that distinguishes much of geographers’ work from that of other social sciences in regards to migration. In order to better understand social processes taking place over great distances, various academics suggest that migrants now live and function in a metaphorical ‘social space’ characterized by networks of relationships that transcend political boundaries of nation-states. Whereas in 25 former times nation-state borders acted as interrupters of interaction, leading to a high density of internal communication and interaction and a significantly lower degree of interaction between nation-states, the dynamic of globalization is bringing about a new and unprecedented level of interconnectedness (Mau et al. 2008). Conceptually, transnational social space is an analytical tool that provides researchers with a more nuanced understanding regarding the activities and lifestyles of international migrants

(Voigt-Graf 2004). A more complex definition has been provided by Pries (2001, 69) in stating that transnational social spaces are “pluri-local frames of reference that structure everyday practices, social positions, employment trajectories and biographies, and human identities [that] simultaneously exist above and beyond the social contexts of national societies.”

Discussions centered on transnational social spaces stress “the existence of social spaces across national boundaries, within which there are flows of commodities, capital, people, and ideas, based on inter-personal relations along kin, ethnic, economic or political lines” (Yeoh and Willis 2002, 554). According to Kong (1999), these spaces created by transnational migration are at once global and local, and constitute an existence that is “both here and there, then and now” (Smith 1992, 516). Migration scholars who engage transnational social space as a research topic have largely focused on people living in different countries who maintain social ties to their homeland, thus forming a transnational community (Al-Ali and Koser 2002). The maintenance of these ties to the homeland plays an integral role in migrant identities. By engaging in frequent communication with those of similar cultural background, migrants are able to maintain 26 and recreate previous identities. The relationship between transnational social spaces and migrant identities has thus become a dominant research topic amongst geographers and sociologists alike and is explored extensively in this research on English teachers in

Beijing.

A notable amount of research regarding migrant transnationalism examines how the formation of migrant communities within the host society facilitates the formation of transnational social space, which can thus shape identities. A prime example of this is found in Lily Kong’s (1999) study on Singaporean transmigrants working in China.

Through interviewing and observing over 30 Singaporean transmigrants in Beijing, she suggests that “Singaporean transmigrants seek to (re)invent traditions, broadly defined, that they are familiar with in Singapore while in China to reproduce memory and experience” (ibid, 578). Kong makes note of how a Singaporean identity is shaped through both formal and informal mechanisms. Formal mechanisms relate to activities and celebrations such as National Day and Mooncake Festival parties often organized by the Beijing Singapore Club. More informal mechanisms relate to how Singaporean identities are shaped and recreated through everyday activities, such as eating distinctive

Singapore foods, socializing with other Singaporeans in mahjong games, shopping trips, visits to attractions, and frequenting local Singapore ‘hangouts’. These activities not only serve to reassert Singaporean identities, but also simultaneously construct both a real and imagined sense of community. Perhaps most central to her study, is the fact that

Singaporeans’ sense of community and identity in Beijing is strengthened due to their inherent awareness of their minority status in Beijing and commonality of shared 27 experience that brings them together. Kong’s research findings are useful in forging a deeper understanding of the connection between transmigrant communities and identity, which is a relationship that is explored in this research project on English teachers in

Beijing. In addition, inherent in Kong’s study are various notions of migrant place- making, which is also a crucial part of this research on English teachers and will be discussed in the next section of this chapter.

There are numerous studies that highlight the role that communication technologies play in the formation of transnational social spaces amongst migrants. One form exists through online communication. The Internet not only allows for individuals to communicate with one another through email and discussion forums, but also provides the tools for one to create a deeper sense of individual identity. This is done so through the use of social networking sites such as Myspace, Facebook and Kaixin in China. One is able to define oneself through profile elements such as interests, hobbies, status updates, as well as through posting pictures, videos, links to news articles and much more. These social networking sites, as well as other websites created specifically for migrant groups living abroad, form a prime example of transnational social space as it exists in the virtual sense. Sometimes, communication amongst transmigrants in this manner is referred to as an ‘online Diaspora’ or ‘virtual community’ (Alinejad 2011).

Some argue that the Internet is capable of creating a sense of immediacy for migrants and of shrinking distances (Helland 2007), which aligns with notions of the

Internet as a floating disembodied sphere (Rheingold 1994). However, recent studies on transmigrants’ use of the Internet point to the limits of disembodiment and 28 deterritorialization (Aouragh 2010; van den Bos 2006). These writings are important for they suggest the Internet not only replicates nation-state boundaries but may even increase their importance, which is contradictory to various writings on transnationalism that stress the diminishing role of the nation-state amidst globalization. Often, discussions that take place online regarding homeland do not imply a rootless subjectivity, but rather suggest that through discussing real-world places online, these specific locations can aid in the formation and maintenance of migrant identities and the community as a whole.

This falls in line with geographers’ call for more located rather than frictionless notions of transnationalism (Collins 2009). Forming an understanding of how online communication amongst transmigrants that exists in transnational social space is connected to local places within the cities where they live is a critical part of this research on English teachers in Beijing and is explored in chapter four.

The concept of transnational social space indeed serves as an effective analytical tool for examining transmigrant phenomena, for one of the most important research tasks in transnationalism studies has been to grasp theoretically the social complexity of migrant transnationalism (Kivisto 2003). However, many discussions of transnational social space are limited in scope in that they rely too heavily on a network approach, which overlooks the importance of places or landmarks in shaping transnational social spaces and communities. Recent criticisms of the transnational social space framework argue that the network-lens approach, which the framework uses, cannot fully conceptualize “the complex ways in which the various social networks to which transmigrants belong (both cross-border and within the new country of residence) interact 29 and interrelate in the migrants’ everyday lives” (Gielis 2009, 272). Gielis, one of the main critics of network-based frameworks in migration studies, further emphasizes that in order “to gain a true picture of how social networks interact in the everyday lives of transmigrants, we need analytical distance to these networks, and it is very difficult to maintain that distance using a network lens” (ibid, 272). Gielis argues that this analytical distance can be gained through use of a place lens of analysis.

New ways to conceptualize space and place in the age of globalization have transformed analytical approaches taken to examining social, political and cultural phenomena. A more in-depth discussion of ‘place’ and a ‘place lens’ form of analysis is reserved for the next section of this chapter on place-making, while the current discussion will remain focused on the role of places in the formation of transnational social spaces.

Kong (1999) states that transnational social spaces often materialize in real-world spaces through the enactment of social events, which bring members of a transnational community or network together. This was illustrated in Wiles’s (2008) study of New

Zealanders in London, where she points to such events as weekly rugby or cricket matches, concerts with New Zealand artists, pub gatherings, and New Zealand food and wine festivals as the materialization of transnational social spaces to which transmigrant

New Zealanders are a part. This idea can be related back to Kong’s (1999) study of

Singaporeans, in regards to the enactment of social events by the Beijing Singapore Club.

Studies such as these, which focus on how places are essential in the formation and functionality of transnational social spaces, are limited in number. Because of this fact, there has been a greater call for the ‘grounding’ of research on transnational social 30 space, such as that from Voigt-Graf (2004, 28) who states, “While spatial terms abound in the transnationalism literature, they are often simply used as metaphors without linking the social spaces to substantive geographical spaces or to new understandings of space…It is time to take up the challenge to put substance to these spatial metaphors and to emphasize the link between the social and the spatial in regard to transnational spaces.”

It is within this critique of the literature on transnational social space that this research on English teachers in Beijing is situated. In order to portray in the most complete sense the experiences of English teachers living in Beijing, it is not only necessary to look at their abstract (virtual) community which operates in transnational social space, but also at how their identities are shaped by the use of places within the city. Therefore, this research seeks to build on existing work in the realm of international labor migration by adding a place-lens to the transnational social space framework, so as to forge a deeper understanding of the multi-faceted socio-cultural characteristics of the

English teacher community and their identities while living in Beijing.

Migrant Place-making Practices

Historically, cultures and identities were thought of as being rooted in space, in stable patterns of interaction where people did the same things in the same places. In the age of globalization though, the world can no longer be so easily divided up into such clearly demarcated and spatially bounded cultural worlds, because, as Rapport and

Dawson (1998, 8) state, “the migration of information, myths, languages, and people 31 brings even the most isolated areas into a cosmopolitan global framework of interaction.”

Mobility has changed the relationship between self and place, including definitions of home in all its manifestations: as a physical place and as a metaphor for belonging

(Butcher 2010). Migrants inevitably adjust and adapt to their new environments. In doing so, they experience new emotional feelings relating to both their new environment and their previous home. Understanding transmigrant identities thus requires examining the ways in which they negotiate a ‘sense of home’ or ‘sense of belonging’ in their new host environment. Often, these feelings are gained through the use of and attachment to particular places.

The relationship between people and place is often a subject of inquiry in the social sciences. As geographers have long recognized, place plays a major role in the ongoing constitution of identity (Bondi et al. 2002; Cresswell 2004; Massey 1998).

Regarding people and place, identity is a co-constructive process wherein people’s identities can be shaped by the use of and through discussions of place, while the identity of a place can also be shaped by those who use it and talk about it. This relationship also holds true for transmigrants.

Concepts of place as being relational and multi-dimensional (Massey 1994) are particularly important for this research on English teachers in Beijing. Places are filled with social meaning (Appadurai 1995, 208) and are often prescribed to particular social networks and activities. Massey (1994, 162) argues that “every place is related to a multitude of places and social processes beyond, and that you can sense the simultaneous presence of everywhere in the place where you are standing.” An understanding of the 32 ways in which transmigrants use places can not only be indicative of what kinds of social relationships exist amongst the migrant community, but also how migrants are able to connect to other parts of the world through the use of place. Appadurai (1995) argues that many migrants now experience places as a kind of ‘translocality’, suggesting that a migrant has the ability not just to experience the social relations that are located in the place where he or she is corporeally standing, but also to experience social relations that are located in places elsewhere. Hence, “the uniqueness of a place is not embedded in the local, rather it is defined by the ways the social relations within the place interact with places and social processes beyond” (Cresswell 2004, 74).

In recent years there has arisen a notable amount of literature that examines the ways in which migrants relate to and use places in the host environment. This ‘place- making’ literature has produced informative works on the relationship between places and migrant livelihoods. This literature often discusses issues such as the ability of places to offer migrants common identities, a means of mobilizing collectively, and also as a means for gaining feelings of home as experienced through notions of belonging in places. While a certain number of studies have focused on more radical issues regarding migrant place-making, such as migrant places as sites of resistance (hooks 1990;

Siemiatycki and Isin 1998; Castles and Davidson 2000), for this research on English teachers in Beijing, the term place-making is employed in a similar manner as ‘home- making’ (Butcher 2010), which centers on the creation of felt dimensions of comfort, familiarity and belonging as experienced through the use of place. 33

Place-making can occur in a number of ways and has been discussed in various literatures (see Gill 2010; McKay 2006; Dyck 2005). Migrants are able to ‘create’ places both in the physical sense and in the imagined sense. The physical sense relates to how migrants change material elements of spaces, as well as through the frequent use and appropriation of places. The abstract sense relates to how migrant discourses on particular places can shape the identity of that place into something that becomes viewed as theirs or implies a certain degree of belonging. Castles and Davidson (2000) for example, link the formation of migrant places to the formation both of ‘home’, meaning a familiar space that is owned in some sense by migrants, and of ‘community’.

‘Home’ and ‘ideas of home’ are a key element in migrant place-making for this research on English teachers in Beijing. Just as places can be socially constructed and in- process, so to can ideas relating to home. Butcher (2010, 23) claims that “the idea that home has become fluid and in process is supported by work (Nowicka 2007; McKay

2006) that indicates there can be tension, ambiguities, contestation, ambivalence, contradictory feelings, and internal debates in attempts to define it.” While there is no formulated manner for how to define home, one common phenomenon that has shown up repetitively in migration research is that ideas of home are often attached to the characteristics, imagined and concrete, of a particular place. Various research has discussed how migrants’ sense of home is tied to specific places.

Vernois’s (2007, 464) article on Latino communities’ real and imagined geographies of belonging in Toronto, argues that the persistence for the creation of a barrio Latino amongst the diverse Latino community “reflects Latin Americans’ longing 34 for community and ‘home’ in Toronto”. She further states that this group of migrants’

‘longing for a ‘home’, is not only material – i.e. to access resources and services, but also symbolic, an expression of their desire to belong and feel ‘at home’ in Toronto.’

Vernois’s findings illustrate the fact that conceptually, ideas of home, belonging, identity, community and place are all interrelated and that these interconnected relationships can be uncovered through examining migrant place-making practices.

Discourses on migrant place-making strategies suggest that embodied social, material, and imaginative practices, as well as the body itself, are implicated in these strategies deployed in an attempt to re-establish points of comfort or cultural fit, which are key attributes that demarcate home (Aycan 1997). Often times, place-making strategies can be understood as a form of identity expression and the need to prioritize mental and physical resources to manage relocation (Appadurai 1996). Therefore, home is more than a material object; it consists of imagination, everyday routine practices, relationship networks, and representation imbued with personal and social meaning, cultural ideals, and values (Faist 2000).

This concept of place-making can thus allow for a unique approach to understanding the structure of migrants’ communities, their identities and use of certain spaces in the city. Thus, this concept of place-making is viewed as an important element in this research on the migrant community of American English teachers living in

Beijing. It is employed as a means for not only uncovering how they maintain transnational connections and identities while living in Beijing, but also as a way to conceptualize how they negotiate feelings of home and belonging in the city. One final 35 important point to note is that investigations into transnational social space and place- making practices of migrants have tended to focus on more long-term rooted migrant communities, such as a Chinatown or Little Italy, leaving much room for inquiry into the experiences of more transient migrants such as English teachers.

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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND STUDY AREA

This chapter addresses the central methodological approaches used in this study of American English Teachers in Beijing, China. Primary data was collected in Beijing from June 14th to August 20th, 2010. During this time I conducted 25 personal interviews and 5 focus group interviews with Americans who were currently employed as English teachers in the city. Alongside these interviews, participant observations were conducted in the district of Sanlitun. In addition, various websites which English teachers use were analyzed both while in America and Beijing. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a detailed explanation of the data collection and analytic methods implemented in this research project and to present an overview of the district where interviews and observations were conducted.

Interest in this research topic stems largely from my experience as an English teacher in China from 2007 to 2009, which is the primary reason for selecting English teachers as research subjects. In Beijing, there now exist a number of different districts in which one can find western music, art, bookstores, restaurants, bars, fashion outlets and even housing styles. Sanlitun is one of these districts. Sanlitun was selected as the study site for this research project because it is a well-known social networking spot for many residents and newly arriving western workers in Beijing, especially English teachers. At present, it is by far the most frequented commercial district that caters to foreigners in the city. Locals often say that people of all nationalities can find a niche in Sanlitun, but during the weekend it is difficult to venture through the district without encountering a group of English teachers. 37

Methodology

In order to answer the three research questions formulated, field research was conducted in a qualitative manner with a focus on understanding the complex relationship between networks, place and identity as has been discussed under such theoretical frameworks as transnationalism and transnational social space. Often these three topics are intertwined as places play an integral role in the identities of transmigrants and for the functionality of transmigrant communities in general. This not only happens in the real physical context where social gatherings and activities occur in places, but also through the discussion of places which happens in online blogs and social networking websites, such has was discussed in chapter two regarding the conceptualization of transnational social space. Therefore, in order to gain the most complete understanding of the role

Sanlitun plays in the identities of American English teachers and their community in general, a methodology was chosen that integrates interviews, participant observation, and textual analysis.

A triangulation of research methods was chosen to secure the most in-depth understanding of the multiple aspects of teachers’ complex lives and their uses of

Sanlitun that this research seeks to explain. It has been argued that qualitative approaches can at times be inherently biased by excluding certain individuals’ stories in order to maintain the overarching argument of the researcher (Fine et al. 2000). Triangulating oral, observational and textual research, as well as selecting a diverse group of respondents was an attempt to minimize stereotypical generalizations and include multiple viewpoints of informants (Winchester 2005). 38

Sampling Strategy

There were multiple ways in which participants were selected for this research project. Before interviews and observations began, a set of eight types of participants to be included in the research was formulated. The American English teacher demographic in East Asian countries such as South Korea, Japan, China, Taiwan and Southeast Asian countries such as Vietnam and Cambodia are predominately made up of young individuals between the ages of 23 - 35 who have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree or equivalent (Bianco 2009). The demographic in Beijing fits these characteristics as well.

Therefore, these two qualities were initial parameters for selecting research participants. I also sought to incorporate both male and female participants, people of different ethnicity, people with varying duration of stay in China, people with varying duration of stay in Beijing, people who lived different distances from Sanlitun, and people located in different social networks. These respondent types were all formulated as part of the greater theoretical sampling strategy (Warren 2002) for recruiting respondents. In order to gain this type of information, an initial round of questions consisting of basic characteristics was given to respondents before interviews began.

Prior to arriving in Beijing, three respondents were located through an English language company’s (Shane English Beijing) website. Once in Beijing, a snowball method (Warren 2002) based on the initial three respondents was used to locate four other respondents. These respondents were all present or former co-workers of the initial three. The remaining eighteen respondents were located using both random and stratified 39 purposeful sampling methods (Miles and Huberaman 1994) in order to add rigor and diversity to the respondent sample.

The eighteen respondents who were not located through association with initial respondents were all located while they were physically present in the district of Sanlitun.

People were approached and initially asked whether or not they are currently or had been an English teacher in Beijing. If the response was “yes”, then I proceeded to introduce myself, make them aware of the research project and then request an interview. Informed consent was gained prior to all interviews. Respondents were also given the option to use an alias if they preferred (Hay 2005), however many did not think it necessary.

Interview Format and Analytic Approach

A total of thirty in-depth personal interviews were conducted in Beijing during the summer of 2010. Twenty-five were one-on-one interviews and five were focus group interviews. All members of the focus group interviews were interviewed individually at different times as well. Interviews took a semi-structured form with many open-ended questions following the method discussed by Bernard (2006). Interviews took place in a number of different locations, which included specific sites in Sanlitun, Wudaokou,

Chaoyang bar street, as well as at three teacher places of residence. Interviewing methods followed Rubin and Rubin’s (1995, 145-146) suggestion that qualitative interviewing

“uses three kinds of questions: main questions that begin and guide the conversation, probes to clarify answers or request further examples, and follow-up questions that pursue the implications of answers to main questions.” 40

Interviews generally lasted between 30 and 45 minutes and focused heavily on

English teachers’ social activities, use of online websites, frequented places in Sanlitun, perceptions of American English teachers in China, and perceptions of Sanlitun. As interviews proceeded, interview questions were constantly reformulated based on previous interviews as suggested by Warren (2002). This proved effective in revealing new social spots, activities and websites used by English teachers. All interviews were digitally recorded and later transcribed during the fall of 2010 at Ohio University. All transcribed interviews were then placed into NVivo81 software for coding and analysis.

Three rounds of coding took place: descriptive, verbatim and process (Cope 2005).

Descriptive codes first designated specific topics being discussed throughout the interviews. This facilitated the coding process in that it broke down each interview into distinct topical segments. For instance, in every interview we talked about restaurants, therefore ‘restaurants’ served as a helpful descriptive code that would allow me to quickly locate verbatim quotes from teachers about specific restaurants.

The second round of coding (verbatim) was used in order to draw out specific quotes. These codes were words or short phrases as stated by the teachers themselves.

Having a set of verbatim codes was very crucial to this research in that it revealed similarities in activities and perceptions amongst different English teachers. For example, many different teachers discussed a place called Kai Bar during interviews. This suggests that due to the frequency of this word in transcriptions, it must be a place in Sanlitun that

1 NVivo8 is qualitative research and data analysis software. It is used by researchers in a broad range of fields including: humanities, social sciences and medical/health sciences. It provides a wide range of tools to help you organize and classify your data in order to better uncover inherent patterns and themes. (http://unimelb.libguides.com/content.php?pid=97179&sid=728190) 41 has some significance for English teachers. Having this two-tiered categorical system of descriptive and verbatim codes greatly facilitated in discerning commonalities in activities and perceptions amongst the research participants.

The final coding technique, process coding, was mostly used for transcriptions of field notes taken during observations. Process coding uses gerunds (“-ing” words) exclusively to connote an action of observable activity (ibid). Having the process codes in field note transcriptions was valuable towards the aspect of research focused on activities that took place in certain places within Sanlitun. Together, the descriptive, verbatim and process coding techniques used in NVivo8 allowed for a swift navigation of both interview and field note data and was effective in uncovering common patterns in both discussions of and activities within Sanlitun.

Participant Observations

The second method chosen for gathering data during this research was participant observation. Over 40 hours were spent observing and interacting with English teachers in

Sanlitun during the months of June, July and August of 2010. While one of the hallmarks of observations has traditionally been its noninterventionism (Adler and Adler 1994), interacting with teachers was crucial for this research as it allowed for a deeper understanding of their perceptions and use of Sanlitun. In conducting observations, the following questions were of most interest: which places are used most by English teachers and at what times of day and week?; what types of activities are taking place 42 amongst groups of English teachers in Sanlitun?; who are teachers interacting with most often in Sanlitun?; and what types of social events draw English teachers to Sanlitun?

In order to understand the full extent of the various uses of Sanlitun by English teachers, it was first necessary to compile a complete list of all restaurants, bars, clubs and shops in the district. This allowed for greater awareness of all possible places that teachers might mention in interviews. Therefore, an entire survey of the area was conducted on foot, which included sketching small maps and noting all locations both outside and inside of buildings. In addition, individual photos of each location were taken. This comprised a total set of 183 places. This survey was completed prior to all interviews and observations.

Before conducting any interviews, one week’s time was used to become familiar with the district in all its facets, which involved conducting the ground survey of places and making initial observations. A number of visits to local establishments were made to inquire the locals about the presence of westerners in the district. These initial observations were conducted in order to discover which parts of the district were commonly used by westerners and would therefore make prime locations for more focused observations after interviews began. More focused observations began taking place after initial interviews began. In order to make the observational aspect of this research more complete, multiple observations were conducted in a number of locations at different times of day and days of the week. Participating in social activities with other

English teachers during the first month of the research allowed a continuous reformulation of items to focus on for other observations. 43

Interview and textual data provided more specific locations of interest for conducting observations. As interviews progressed, more information about particular places of interest for English teachers and the types of activities that drew them there was gained. This information was combined with places discussed throughout various online sources, local newspapers and magazines to continuously fine-tune the choice of observation sites. Places of most significance obtained from these sources will be discussed in the analysis section of this thesis.

My role as a researcher often shifted between a peripheral and active member role

(Emerson 2005). I was close enough with some respondents to be incorporated into group social activities, while with others I could not be seen as anything but a researcher. I was invited out to join certain teachers on a few different occasions as a colleague, however with others our relationship only extended as far as conducting an interview. Although I remained on the social periphery with many respondents, by participating in certain activities with groups of teachers I was able to forge meaningful bonds with some group members. This allowed me to grasp greater depth of those teachers’ lived experience and therefore gain excellent firsthand insight. During times where I was participating with respondents, I would take a small amount of field notes. Most of the field notes about participant observations were written at the end of the day after my encounter with the respondents had finished. Out of all 25 respondents who constituted the research group, I had multiple (at least three) encounters with 12. This allowed for a continuous conversation with the respondents and a deeper understanding of the activities and lifestyles of these English teachers. 44

Textual Analysis

The third form of data collection used for this research was textual analysis. This involved numerous hours of searching through multiple sources of textual information such as online blogs, social networking websites, job forums, advertisements, and Beijing based newspapers and magazines. There were numerous objectives in analyzing information found in these sources. Perhaps most importantly was to find specific references to places located in Sanlitun in online blogs and social networking sites. The initial search for these references began here in America before traveling to Beijing to conduct fieldwork. Often, in online job forums for English teachers in China (such as eslteachercafe)2 there will be specific references to nearby locations that can be viewed as perks for taking that job. These might include places such as parks, shopping malls, public transportation spots, restaurants and various others. Of the utmost interest for this research were references to or discussions of specific places in Sanlitun. Finding such locations was helpful in understanding the identity of these places and how English teachers living in the city perceive and use them.

Certain Beijing based websites, which serve as news, information and blogs for the whole English speaking community in the city, were also analyzed for this research.

Of particular importance were the websites thebeijinger, timeoutbeijing and cityweekend.

These websites, along with certain newspapers and magazines found around Beijing not only provided in-depth descriptions of certain places within Sanlitun, but also information about events taking place in the district. In addition, many expats use these

2 For a full list of websites used by the research respondents see Appendix A. 45 websites as a forum or discussion board to communicate about a variety of topics.

Sources such as these further facilitated an understanding of which places are commonly used and for what purposes. The information gained from all of these textual sources was merged into interview questions and also often served as sources for selecting observation sites.

Having this third source (textual) of information was crucial for this research in that it provided greater insight as to how Sanlitun functions socially for English teachers and westerners as a whole. One of the objectives of this research project is to make some connection between online and offline communities of English teachers in Beijing.

Finding out which websites teachers utilize most and then exploring those websites provided a means for examining how English teachers use and identify with Sanlitun through online mechanisms.

Sanlitun (三里屯)

Sanlitun is a commercial area in the Chaoyang district that contains numerous restaurants, bars and shopping centers which host a variety of both local and international name brand stores. It is frequented both by locals and expatriates, but in recent years is characterized heavily as being an internationally influenced part of the city. The name

Sanlitun is taken from the original smaller urban communities that surround the area.

Sanlitun is located about three miles east and one mile north of the Forbidden City’s north gate. There is no distinct geographic delineation of the Sanlitun district, however it is generally associated with all areas in between the north and south boundaries of 46

Dongzhimen Outer Road and Worker’s Stadium South Road; and the east and west boundaries of Worker’s Stadium East Road and the East 3rd Ring road (See Figure 1).

These boundaries designate a total area of approximately 0.53 square miles.

Figure 1: Map of Sanlitun District. Areas outlined in red – Sanlitun Backstreet, Sanlitun Gongti, Sanlitun Southstreet – are where all observations took place. Specific locations of observation sites are marked in yellow. Sites marked in yellow also represent locations most frequented by respondents.

The growth of Sanlitun into one of Beijing’s most dynamic commercial districts largely relates to its geographic location in the city. Prior to the mid-1980s Sanlitun was a small neighborhood mostly consisting of housing and a few small shops. However, 47 during the 1980s the Beijing government relocated many of the city’s embassies to

Sanlitun (Chen 2001). The first independent establishments in the district originally functioned to meet the needs of the diplomatic population housed around this embassy district. Although some embassies relocated out of this area in the early 2000s, today if one walks west down Sanlitun Dongsi Street, they will still pass a number of embassies representing such countries as Chile, South Korea, Syria, Spain, Mali, Laos, Venezuela and Hungary. Sanlitun’s proximity to Beijing’s Central Business District, also known as the CBD, has also been a major factor in the district’s prosperity. A large number of western workers from such countries as the United States, Canada, Great Britain,

Germany and Spain live in East Beijing around the CBD area. Therefore, it is much more convenient to go to Sanlitun than other international districts such as Wudaokou, which is located in northwest Beijing in the Haidian district.

Development really began to blossom in Sanlitun in the early 1990s. Before the early 1990s there were a few notable establishments in the district. Perhaps the most famous establishment that originally drew westerners to the area was the YaShow market. YaShow Market is a large five-story shopping complex where you can find all sorts of knock off items and cheap goods. There is also a center where custom suits are made for discount prices. Many people selling goods inside have a decent command of spoken English. Due to this fact, it has and continues to be a famous stop off for many western tourists visiting Beijing, as well as locals who are looking to get discount goods through careful bargaining. The increased number of western visitors to the YaShow market since the early 1990s has spawned a number of small businesses in the 48 surrounding area, which cater to this crowd. Since this time, Sanlitun has continued to grow at a phenomenal rate.

Today, Sanlitun can generally be divided into six main areas: Sanlitun Village

North, Sanlitun Backstreet, Sanlitun Village South, Sanlitun Southstreet, Sanlitun Gongti, and Sanlitun Soho (See Figure 1). These areas encompass different aspects of the

Sanlitun experience and cater to different types of people. Those who are seeking to shop will most likely visit Sanlitun Village North and South, and soon to be operational Soho

Sanlitun. These areas receive most of their traffic during the daytime, whereas Sanlitun

Backstreet, Sanlitun Southstreet and Sanlitun Gongti are more associated with nighttime crowds due to the large number of bars, clubs and restaurants found there.

Interviews with English teachers indicated that only three areas of Sanlitun are commonly used by these individuals: Sanlitun Backstreet, Sanlitun Southstreet and

Sanlitun Gongti. This is not surprising in that the Sanlitun Village North and South are luxury shopping areas, and Sanlitun Soho (a soon to be commercial complex of housing, shopping and restaurants) had not yet opened during the summer of 2010. Therefore, descriptions of Sanlitun shall be limited to the three areas most used.

Sanlitun Backstreet

Located in between Sanlitun Village North and South is the most lively nightlife area of Sanlitun. This is where a large majority of participant observations took place.

While the Sanlitun Village commercial areas provide patrons with the opportunity to shop familiar brands, less social interaction amongst respondents took place there 49 compared to Sanlitun Backstreet, Southstreet and Gongti. Sanlitun Backstreet is the oldest portion of Sanlitun. It is where the first establishments catering to the embassy and tourist crowds were located. Here one will encounter a large variety of western style bars, restaurants and nightclubs that contain both indoor and outdoor social environments.

Sanlitun Backstreet (Figures 2, 3, 4) is known for its more moderately priced venues and vibrant street scene. On busy nights, the streets are packed with both locals and foreigners eating and drinking indoors and outdoors. It is often a walking street as no vehicles other than motorcycles or bicycles are allowed to enter. The Backstreet area contains over 80 bars and clubs combined and is site to the recently opened Nali Patio, which is a Spanish style multi leveled mini mall with a courtyard in the middle and a range of restaurants, retail and massage places. Many locations in the Backstreet area were noted by English teachers as favorites. These include Kai Bar, The Tree,

Smuggler’s Den, Luga’s, China Doll, Bar Blu, Fish and Chips, and The First Floor amongst others. More often than not, these bars will be playing music from western countries, serve western style food and also have relatively cheap drinks.

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Figure 2: Sanlitun Backstreet. A view north up Sanlitun Backstreet during an afternoon of observations.

Figure 3: Sanlitun Backstreet. A view south down Sanlitun Backstreet during an afternoon of observations. The northern extent of Sanlitun Village South can be viewed as well in this photo. 51

Figure 4: Sanlitun Backstreet. A photo of Sanlitun Backstreet during the nighttime. A glimpse of the northern extent of Sanlitun Village South, as well as the top of a high-rise in Sanlitun Soho can be seen in the upper left-hand portion of the photo. Photo was taken around 9 p.m. on a Friday night.

Sanlitun Southstreet

Sanlitun Southstreet is located just to the east of the massive Sanlitun Soho commercial complex (See Figure 1) that is currently under construction. It is an older part of Sanlitun as well, but compared to Sanlitun Backstreet, has notably fewer establishments and subsequently receives less patron traffic. Sanlitun Southstreet contains less than twenty bars or restaurants, however a few locations of interest were noted amongst English teachers interviewed: The Bookworm, Nanjie Bar, Tun Bar, Rock and

Roll Bar, Miss Saigon and Salsa Caribe. The ‘scene’ on this street is similar to that of

Sanlitun Backstreet in regards to types of establishments, however there are significantly less people loitering outside of these places, therefore there is not much of a ‘street scene’ 52 or ‘walking street’ feel here. Because Sanlitun Southstreet is less developed than other areas of Sanlitun, many of the places are notably larger in size. Sanlitun Southstreet was found to be the least diverse of the three areas (Backstreet – Southstreet – Gongti) in terms of types of establishments.

One place that is quite distinct in Sanlitun Southstreet is a place called The

Bookworm. The Bookworm will be discussed in much further detail in chapter six, however it is worth mentioning now because there is no other place like it in Sanlitun.

This was the only place found in Sanlitun Southstreet which English teachers stated they used both during the day and night. The Bookworm is a bookstore and coffee shop, but also hosts a bar inside as well as on the rooftop patio, making it a very attractive location for local expats.

Sanlitun Gongti

The third favored area of Sanlitun is located on the western side of the Sanlitun

Soho commercial center. This district is in a much larger public space and is notably more visible than Sanlitun Backstreet or Sanlitun Southstreet. Sanlitun Gongti can be divided up into two separate locations based on the dividing main street, which is

Gongren Ti Yu Chang Donglu (Worker’s Stadium West Street). The eastern side of

Sanlitun Gongti houses various restaurants, bars and coffee houses nested inside larger office complexes. This area is more upscale than Sanlitun Backstreet and Southstreet and often caters to a somewhat older crowd of expats. Only two notable places in this eastern area of Gongti came up in English teachers’ discussions, which were The Den and 53

Dave’s Irish Pub. Both of these establishments are bars/restaurants, which are mostly frequented for the purpose of watching sports.

On the western side of Sanlitun Gongti is the Worker’s Stadium, a notable landmark in this area of Beijing. Many events during the Olympic Games took place here; therefore the general public better knows this area than Sanlitun Backstreet and

Southstreet. In this Worker’s Stadium area, you will find two of Beijing’s largest clubs:

Vics and Mix. On any given night, this is the place in Sanlitun where you will always find the largest conglomeration of luxury cars being valet parked and nights that do not wind down until daylight. However, these two places were not favored amongst respondents. There was only one favorite place mentioned in this Worker’s Stadium area, and from the ways in which English teachers talked about this place, it seemed very important. It is called The Kro’s Nest. The Kro’s Nest (Figure 5) is a restaurant and bar known for its original style pizza that supposedly surpasses all others in Beijing, however the restaurant has come under hard times over the past two years. The Kro’s Nest will be discussed in further detail in chapter five.

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Figure 5: The Kro’s Nest. Located next to the Worker’s Stadium, many English teachers noted The Kro’s Nest as a favorite restaurant and bar. 55

CHAPTER 4: ENGLISH TEACHERS IN CHINA AND THEIR TRANSNATIONAL

SOCIAL SPACE

Today, China is the largest market for English language education and English language instructors from abroad (Bianco 2009). This is exemplified by the overwhelming number of job postings on online job forums, as well as by the number of

Chinese students taking English language placement exams on an annual basis. Every student in China is required to study English up to and through university level, and standards in reading and writing are often very high (ibid). While reading and writing aspects of the language are very rigorous, speaking often falls behind. This is why there is such a high demand for native speakers to teach in China; in order to improve students’ spoken element of the language.

This chapter provides an overview of English teachers as a migrant group in

China. A discussion of the growing presence of English teachers in China and their general motivations for migrating are given. In addition, the various socio-economic characteristics of English teachers are also discussed. The discussion then moves forward to give an overview of English teachers’ online communities and how these online communications constitute a form of transnational social space. Finally, what was found in their online communications regarding Sanlitun and places within Sanlitun is presented. Through this in-depth discussion of English teachers in China, I argue two points: that the socio-economic characteristics which these teachers embody constitute a form of ‘middling’ migrant; and that English teachers’ online communications reflect a certain sense of community that exists offline in Beijing. 56

The demand for English teachers in non-native speaking countries has increased substantially over the past thirty years as a result of globalization (Liu 2010). As many countries seek to become more integrated into the global economy, English language remains a key facilitator in making this happen. This demand has been particularly high in emerging economies such as China’s. In China’s major cities, English as a second language has become as integrated into the academic curriculum as math and science.

While there is a vast amount of native Chinese who teach English in schools, many parents feel that having a native speaker in the classroom from such countries as the

United States or Great Britain will give their child a more competitive edge.

Globalization therefore has created a demand for English language instructors, and through more efficient communication and transportation technologies is allowing this demand to be met.

While the situation for English teachers in Beijing is not representative of the greater mainland, it is necessary to draw cross comparisons to other cities in China in order to gain a more thorough understanding of this group of individuals. Where do these

English teachers come from? What motivations bring them to Beijing? How much training do they have? Where do they live? How much do they earn? The answers to these questions serve to better convey the socio-economic characteristics of these individuals as a migrant class.

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English Teachers in China

English teachers first began making their way into Chinese cities shortly after the

‘open door policy’ reforms enacted by Deng Xiaoping in 1979. Before this time, China had been isolated from the west under the leadership of Mao Zedong and if there were any foreigners in the country teaching English it was very secretive and in a private setting (Dzau 1990). Historical data about when and where the first wave of foreign

English teachers entered post-reform China is virtually non-existent. So, in order to gain a perspective on the relative amount of English teachers in Beijing, I asked a local

Beijing woman (Zheng Yi) at what age Beijing students had their first encounter with a western English teacher. She stated that she remembered having an American English teacher in her public school second grade class when she was six years old, but that she went to one of the more prestigious primary schools in East Beijing and that the majority of schools throughout the rest of the city probably did not have a foreign English teacher at that time, which was 1986. Zheng Yi’s statement implies that foreign English teachers were not very common in China still in the late 1980s. However, Shanghai, due to its more international nature, could possibly being an exception to this. Since the early

1990s though the number of foreign English teachers entering China has increased on an annual basis following a government implemented push for English language education

(You 2010).

The highest demand for English teachers is in China’s eastern coastal region, which is home to the country’s most populous and prosperous cities (ibid). From analyzing online job postings, based on the number of job offers coming from different 58 cities, it appears that there is a direct correlation between city population and demand for

English teachers. Traditionally, at the top of the list for job openings are the cities of

Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Tianjin, Wuhan and Hong Kong3. There are however numerous other cities offering teaching positions located in both central and western China in such cities as Chongqing, Chengdu, Xi’an, Kunming and Ürümqi. One of the reasons why there are more English teachers in cities such as Beijing and Shanghai is because many teachers are brought into China through joint venture language education enterprises, which due to legal restrictions are forced initially to set up office in one of the more affluent cities of the east (ibid). This is understandable due to the fact that ever since the reforms enacted by Deng Xiaoping began, much of the development agenda enacted by the CCP follows somewhat of a trial and error method in which businesses are tested in the eastern coastal zone, reformed if need be and then allowed to make their way into the interior of the country (ibid). The English language education enterprise has followed this path and this is why at present the eastern cities have more private language education businesses, recruiting agencies and number of employment opportunities. Because of this method of operation, there are very few instances of public schools themselves advertising for foreign teachers. Most go through some form of an intermediary agency, which will handle all the legal issues involved in hiring a teacher such as visas, residency permits and health checks (Bianco 2009).

3 Not in order of importance; based on number of job postings out of 200 picked at random from eslteachercafe.com. 59

Qualifications for Teaching

While the types of positions available and salaries vary from city to city there is a similarity in the standard qualifications that one must meet to be hired. In general, one must be a native speaker and have earned a Bachelor’s degree or higher of formal education. In certain cases, having some form of teaching certificate such as a TEFL

(Teaching English as a Foreign Language) is required in addition to the first two. This certificate is also sometimes called a TESL (Teacher of English as a Second Language).

Having a certification such as a TESL might allow one to be more competitive for a position or secure a higher salary. However, many companies offer teaching certification classes as part of the employment package. If one does not have a TEFL of TESL certification, sometimes having prior teaching experience in China will suffice. Out of the twenty-five teachers interviewed for this research, only six held a TEFL certification prior to arriving in Beijing. All had a bachelor’s degree or higher, however only seven said they had any prior teaching experience before coming to China. (Figure 6) below is an excerpt from a typical online advertisement offering employment in a private English language institution in Beijing. 60

Figure 6: Job Advertisement for English Teachers in Beijing China. (Source: eslcafe.com/jobs/china) 61

This advertisement displays the five general qualifications most common for teaching

English in China with the most important being the first three. Notice that the third requirement states that experience is preferred, but not required. This type of qualification usually allows those who are new to the industry to be hired even though they do not have any prior formal training. From this, it becomes apparent that the requirements for acquiring a job in China can be somewhat minimal at times, even in a large city such as

Beijing. When a respondent was asked about his training prior to entering China as an

English teacher, Sean, who is 26 and from Washington D.C. simply stated:

I’m from America and have a bachelor’s degree. That’s all I really need right? – (Excerpt from interview July 2, 2010)

Before moving on further to discuss the various motivations behind why these individuals chose to teach English in China, two respondent profiles are provided below which are the most representative of the entire group of respondents in terms of socio-economic and educational background.

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Respondent Profiles

Karolyn, 26 years old, has lived in Beijing for 10 months.

Karolyn currently teaches at a public school called Shang Di in west Beijing. Karolyn graduated from Vassar University in the spring of 2007. She was born and raised in Dayton, Ohio, where she graduated high school. She grew up in a middle-class family. Her father is a manager at a local Toyota dealership and her mother is a high-school math teacher. She has traveled fairly extensively around the U.S. and has traveled outside the U.S. on two different occasions, once to Guatemala and once to the U.K. In college, she majored in history with a concentration on eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. After graduating, she did one year of independent study at the University of Exeter in England. It was during this time that Karolyn made the decision to teach English in Beijing. When asked why she chose China, Karolyn stated that China was a place she knew little about, but was very interested in. She said that she had a Chinese roommate in college who had told her about life in China, but she could never conceptualize it. In addition, she stated that she loved to travel and China was one of the places she had always hoped to travel to when she was younger. She plans on returning to the U.S. in fall of 2010 to pursue a Master’s degree in history.

Ben, 24 years old, has lived in Beijing for one year and eight months.

Ben currently works for English First Beijing. He graduated from the University of Texas in the spring of 2008 and moved to Beijing shortly after the Olympics that summer. He lived in Houston all of his life until moving to Austin for college. His father is a dentist and his mother has always stayed at home to raise Ben and his brothers. He was a business major in college and said that he had only traveled outside the U.S. on his senior graduation trip to Mexico. When asked why he wanted to become an English teacher in China, he stated that he felt he needed some international experience before pursuing his career in business and that China seemed like the perfect place to take some time off and gain that experience. Also, he said that he had not found a job right away after graduating due to the slowed economy. He had never studied Mandarin before coming to China and knew only one other person who had taught abroad (in South Korea). He said he initially was only intending on staying for one year, but became interested in learning Mandarin, so he decided to stay for an extra year to take classes alongside his teaching. Ben said he intends on returning to the U.S. after he finishes his current school year of Mandarin.

63

The average age of the teachers interviewed for this research was 25 and, as previously stated, all held at least a bachelor’s degree. From these detailed descriptions, it can be seen that many English teachers in Beijing are a fairly young and formally educated. Another important aspect of these descriptions is the reason why they chose to teach English in China. None of the individuals interviewed referred to financial aspects such as salary or the need to earn money. Nor did they mention coming to China as a means for furthering a specific career path, although there were a few who felt that teaching abroad could help them in some form in the future, claiming that “international experience’ always looks good on the resume.” However this was never a primary reason. The majority of reasons were concentrated around socio-cultural elements. The following statements illustrate why many of these individuals came to China:

“I just came to experience China.” (James, 25); “I love traveling and I’d heard that China is a place you have to see, especially because it is developing so rapidly.” (Liz, 23); “I couldn’t find a decent job in America after graduation, so I figured why not take a year off and go to China?” (Sean, 24); “I want to travel around East Asia. Beijing seemed like a great take off point, plus living in China isn’t as expensive as Korea or Japan.” (Mark, 25); “I studied Mandarin for a year in college, so I came here to work on my language” (Kim, 24)

These quotes, as well as the detailed profiles of Karolyn and Ben paint a picture of a very different kind of migrant than has traditionally been discussed in the labor migration literature. These individuals are neither low wage workers migrating to support families or for the greater economic opportunities that the host country has to offer, nor are they the hypermobile business expat class seeking business opportunities in China. They are somewhere in the middle and I argue are representative of a global trend which is seeing the increase in number of this socio-economic ‘middle class’ type of transnational 64 migrant. One final element of this group demographic, which serves to illustrate this

‘middling’ point, is an overview of their salaries, which is listed in (Table 1) below.

Table 1

English Teachers’ Average Monthly Salaries Instructor Hourly Hours Average Average Wage Worked Monthly Amount Per Week Salary (before Saved Per deductions) Month Karolyn $17 18 $1,200 $220 James $14 18 $1,036 $227 Kim $23 22 $1,212 $454 Ben $17 20 $1,333 $606 Liz $18 16 $1,163 $333 Dave $15 18 $1,090 $303 Sean $17 16 $1,066 $150 Rob $18 20 $1,515 $757 Emily $12 17 $775 $150 Anna $13 20 $1,090 $378 Group Avg. $1,150 $380

*Exchange rate is $1 USD = 6.589¥ CNY. All currency data was converted from teachers’ stated salaries in Chinese Yuan. While 25 respondents were interviewed, only 10 revealed this information about their income. (Source: Interview data)

The English Teacher Transnational Community

Once the individual makes the decision to take up a teaching position in China, he or she must then decide which offer to take and where. The majority of jobs are found online through various websites. I argue that it is at this point that their engagement and movement into the transnational community of English teachers often begins. All twenty- 65 five of the teachers interviewed stated they found their job in Beijing “through a website” or “online”. As these individuals search through the multitude of job postings, trying to discern which are good offers and which are not often forces them to want to make contact with others who are experienced and know more about the industry, others who are similar to themselves. There now exist a number of websites that foreign English teachers use as a means of communicating with one another. From this point forth, the term ESL teacher will often be used. This describes any individual who is engaged in teaching English in a non-English speaking country.

There are more general websites for those engaged in teaching English abroad, such as daveseslcafe.com or englishfirst.com, and there are also more country specific websites such as teach-in-china.com, teachcn.com and teachabroadchina.com. The more general websites often contain information about jobs and teaching in a number of different countries, but also provide other information such as advice on teaching, lesson plans, advice on resumes for different countries, travel blogs and discussion forums where anyone can post and answer posts. As might be expected, similar types of information and communication functions can be found on the smaller country specific websites.

The use of these forums was often discussed with many respondents while in

Beijing. From these discussions it became clear that having access to such resources (i.e. networks) was very important. Out of the twenty-five respondents, seventeen stated that they felt “unsure” about the company or school they were going to work for before arriving in China, even after having telephone conversations with someone employed by 66 that institution. However, what helped the most was having access to this online community of teachers. An English teacher, Mark, conveys this:

If it weren’t for the fact that I could get online and be able to talk to people who were already living in China, or had any experience teaching abroad before, I wouldn’t have come. Why is that? I mean, it’s China. At the time, I didn’t speak Chinese and didn’t know anyone who had lived there. I knew I wanted to go teach abroad, but didn’t have the slightest idea about how to find a job or good places to live…or what to expect at all even. But, I sorted through a lot of older posts and even made some myself to which people responded pretty quickly. – (Excerpt from interview June 29, 2010)

This quote highlights the relative importance this online community played in Mark’s decision-making processes regarding a number of issues relating to working in China. In addition, Mark’s comment on the fact that people ‘responded quickly’ implies people are using these sites often. From discussions with respondents, it became clear that English teachers use these websites in a variety of ways. The English teacher described earlier,

Ben, stated that he often uses such websites as a means for gaining information about visa issues and contracts.

A lot of the contracts look the same and can often be vague. Sometimes if it is mostly Chinese people working on the administrative side the contracts can be “Chinglishy.” There have been plenty of stories I’ve heard from other teachers about getting screwed out of bonuses and airfare and so forth. So, if I am changing schools and going into a new contract, I’ll post it up on the forum to see if anyone has worked there and get some feedback about what I might be getting myself into. – (Excerpt from interview July 13, 2010)

The range of uses for such websites was numerous indeed. However, one of the more dominant uses of these websites was to discuss general aspects of living in the places where teaching jobs were located. In these dialogues there are many discussions of what life is like living in certain cities, such as Beijing. This includes housing conditions, 67 living costs, transportation issues, and most importantly for this research what the city has to offer in terms of social and recreational amenities. Analyzing online discussions such as these provided key insight as to what kinds of places are used by English teachers in Beijing. This leads to the next and more detailed discussion of English teachers’ online communities. The two figures below (Figures 7 and 8) display the most common websites used by the group of respondents for this research. 68

Figure 7: Dave’s ESL Café. A website commonly used amongst respondents for finding employment and communicating with other English teachers. (Source: daveslcafe.com)

Figure 8: The Beijinger Website. A common website used amongst respondents for general information about living and working in Beijing. (Source: thebeijinger.com) 69

Place-making in Transnational Social Space

The ways in which the concepts of online communities and transnational social space are interrelated have been discussed in the preceding text. Again, online communications amongst transmigrant communities can be viewed as a form of network, which exists within the broader realm of transnational social space. Websites such as those previously discussed have effectively created a type of transnational social space for the English teacher community globally. The last section of this chapter takes a more in-depth look at this online English teacher community, focusing on teachers’ discussions that pertain to particular places in Beijing. In doing so, discourses are examined as a means of discerning what places teachers may have some connection to and identify with in Sanlitun. I argue that the ways in which English teachers discuss and relate to places through online mechanisms should be viewed as a type of migrant place-making practice.

For many analysts of migration, transmigrants use of the Internet symbolizes the latest stage of migrant transnationalism, which is truly independent of borders (Portes et al. 1999). There have been a number of studies in recent years that focus on the ways in which the Internet can be used to form transnational social spaces amongst migrants, which allows them to maintain former identities and build transnational communities.

However, there has been less exploration into the ways in which the Internet facilitates migrant place-making. Notions of place-making (Gill 2010) as they happen in the physical use and creation of places in the host society are important in that they facilitate an understanding of migrant identity formation. However, I argue that this concept of place-making can be extended into the realm of transnational social space, for, the ways 70 in which migrants discuss and relate to places through online mechanisms often fosters a sense of identity, community and feeling of belonging to those places similar to that which is gained through the actual use of those places.

This idea of place-making through online mechanisms is explored by investigating whether online interaction amongst English teachers and their discussion of places reflects offline contexts of community as established through a common use of localities. Approaching place-making practices through online interaction supports various academic views of virtual space as anchored in offline contexts rather than as a self-contained disembodied transnational social space (Alinejad 2011).

English teachers interact online in a variety of ways within China’s borders, transnationally between countries of origin and settlement and in the greater global community of English teachers. The teachers interviewed for this research noted a number of websites commonly used amongst English teachers in Beijing. There were websites that cater specifically to English teachers in China; those for ESL teachers in general; those for expats living in Beijing and China more generally; and those which are more for social networking in general, such as Facebook or Myspace. Ten of the most popular websites noted amongst respondents were selected for this analysis (See

Appendix A).

Numerous references to Sanlitun and places within Sanlitun surfaced through searches within the various discussion boards and forums of these websites. These were often located in posted topics relating to housing, interests and recreational activities. 71

Below is an example of some questions posted under the single topic of ‘nightlife’ in a random thread on thebeijinger.com website.

Table 2

Posts from ‘The Beijinger’ Website Forum topic: [Nightlife] Posts: Jazz place in Sanlitun?; Urgent: Any bar/restaurant showing tomorrow’s Final Four game in Sanlitun?; Bar/Café with a wooden fireplace?; Where are the best Halloween parties happening in Sanlitun?; Be careful in Sanlitun, the places not to go.; Any other good café/place to read/study in Sanlitun? Live music…anything good coming up in Sanlitun?; Should I take a Chinese date to Sanlitun?] Source: thebeijinger.com

These postings allude to the fact that this is a district used heavily by the expat community in Beijing. These postings were gathered from thebeijinger.com, which is used by many expats working in different occupations, however this was a website that was cited heavily amongst respondents.

The mention of Sanlitun in these various discussion boards suggests that this is a place where those who post such responses identify with or can relate to the surrounding environment in some form or fashion. It also puts Sanlitun on the map as a place where some of those involved in these online communities might come together for a variety of reasons. More specific instances of ascribing English teachers to certain places in

Sanlitun were also found. The following excerpt (Figure 9) from a review of a place called Tun Bar in Sanlitun Southstreet found in the cityweeked.com/beijing website illustrates this.

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Figure 9: Review of Tun Bar on the Cityweekend Beijing Website. (Source: cityweekend.com.cn/beijing/listings/nightlife/bars/has/tun-bar)

The excerpt above is important in a number of ways. First, the person who posted this comment (let’s say ‘she’) lumped English teachers into the same category of university students, which indicates a commonly held perception about their age (and possibly their behavior). Second, it indicates that this is a place where English teachers often go. This implies that there might be other such places used by this group collectively and also that

‘English teachers’ are a recognized type of social group. Third, she gives a ‘friendly warning’ to whoever is reading it about pickpockets. This can be viewed as a kind of community warning, or a warning to those who are similar to her. It indicates a certain kind of affection towards others who might share the same socio-cultural characteristics and interests as her. Finally, it implies that those who are similar to her use the same website.

It is in review sections such as the above excerpt that numerous discussions describing who frequents certain places and what kind of atmosphere these places have can be found. From analyzing these websites, the following places were found to be most 73 mentioned in terms of having an ‘English teacher’ type crowd. These places are listed below in (Table 3) and are grouped into three categories based on their geographic location in Sanlitun.

Table 3

Most Referenced Sites in Sanlitun Sanlitun Backstreet Sanlitun Nanjie Sanlitun Gongti Kai Bar Nanjie Bar The Den Smuggler’s Tun Bar The Kro’s Nest The Tree The Bookworm Luga’s Note: Information in this table is based on data gathered from five websites: eslcafe.com, thebeijinger.com, cityweekend.com/beijing, beijingboyce.com, timeoutbeijing.com.

The large amount of references to and discussion about particular places found in websites used by English teachers is illustrative of how place-making can occur through online mechanisms. In addition, the nature of communication between individuals in these websites also suggests that there exists a strong connection between online and offline communities of expats in Beijing, of which English teachers are an integral part.

Descriptions of the types of atmosphere and crowds who go to certain places create a discourse on those places that entails a sense of familiarity and belonging amongst certain social groups. By ascribing English teachers to particular places in Sanlitun, the identity of those places can thus be transformed into a type of migrant place for English teachers.

This coincides with ideas discussed in chapter two put forth by Cresswell (2004) 74 regarding how the identity of places are often determined by the social relations that exist within a place as opposed to the physical attributes of the place.

The process of ‘othering’ occurred in many reviews and discussions about places in Sanlitun, which can also be seen as a form of place-making, for, it effectively distinguishes places in which those who are ‘othering’ do not feel a sense of belonging or community. In a review on cityweekend.com of a local club called Mix, in the Sanlitun

Gongti area, two different postings contained instances of ‘othering’:

Music is all right, same as everywhere. But the crowds are lame! Sleazy just like Susie Wong, but the difference is Mix has a big group of young but low class Chinese guys. My male friends can't leave any of their female friends for a short while, otherwise the girls will be in trouble. Cheeky Chinese guys will never get the message and go away. (posted by: s.rocard)

The clientele is largely Chinese, which can be fine but it also means more smoke and worse drinks. I wouldn’t go there. (posted by: iwantipod)

Here we see specific references to ‘low class’ or ‘cheeky Chinese guys’ and the description of an atmosphere that might not be so enjoyable. Because this website is largely used by western expats living in the city, we can infer that the people reading it might share similar social and cultural characteristics. By highlighting the characteristics of those ‘others’ who frequent this place and their activities within the place, an identity of Mix is created as being a place for Chinese, not expats. Therefore, these posts might give off the impression that if the person who posted this comment does not like this place, then a person who is reading it might not as well because they are similar. This relates back to discussions in chapter two regarding how the identity of places is often shaped by the way in which people talk about them.

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Discussion

English teachers play an integral part in constructing Sanlitun’s identity.

Examining the manner in which English teachers discuss places in online contexts can be indicative of their perceptions and use of selected sites in Sanlitun. It also illustrates how these discussions shape the identity of particular sites within Sanlitun. In addition, all of these online communications reflect a certain sense of community that exists offline in

Beijing, particularly amongst English teachers. This community connects with one another in those places often discussed online. Thus, the various websites which English teachers use provide a unique avenue for place-making in the city. This fact also serves as a reminder of the unabated importance of place-based social ties for sustained – as opposed to merely ephemeral – interaction (Parham 2004) amongst transmigrants.

The transnational social spaces of which English teachers are a part involve connections to numerous individuals throughout the world. An English teacher who posts a question on one of the many websites could very well have that question answered by someone living in Beijing, or by someone living on the other side of the world. The number of connections to others is often limitless. In this sense, this online community of

English teachers can exist largely above and detached from real space as a kind of virtual community, which strengthens notions of the diminishing role of place put forth in various discussions of transnationalism. However, several researchers, including Aouragh

(2010), Everard (2000), and van den Bos (2006), point to the limits of disembodiment and deterritorialization that this thinking implies, which the discussion on English teachers’ transnational social space in this section highlights. 76

While the opportunity to maintain border-spanning connections with individuals and places abroad allows transmigrants to gain certain sensations of familiarity, home and community, I argue that these sensations are not frictionless and placeless online. For in online communications amongst English teachers there was found a significant amount of references to places in the city where they reside. These individuals often discuss places in a very affective manner, which can indicate a certain level of connection to not only the place itself, but to the other individuals who use the place. Therefore, this examination of online discussions amongst transmigrants strengthens the notion put forth in chapter two that transnational social networks are often strengthened by being rooted in real-world places.

While examining online communities can be illustrative of various phenomena associated with new types of transmigrant and diasporic communities that take shape in transnational social spaces (Alinejad 2011; Amir-Ebrahimi 2003; Aouragh 2010; Bernal

2006; Eriksen 2006; Everard 2000; Hardey 2002; Helland 2007; Rheingold 1994; van den Bos 2006), this approach is limited in gaining an in-depth understanding of the complex socio-cultural elements that shape transmigrant identities. Moreover, it can only touch the surface of understanding the multiple ways in which places are used and how they interplay into transmigrant communities. Therefore, it is necessary to travel to notable places which arise out of online discussions amongst transmigrants, talk to and observe the individuals using those places, which is the approach taken for this research project. The next chapter moves forward to discuss what was found regarding English 77 teachers’ place-making practices in Sanlitun and how places within Sanlitun play a role in shaping their identities and strengthening English teachers’ sense of community. 78

CHAPTER 5: ENGLISH TEACHERS IN SANLITUN

This chapter presents the results of this research project. The main focus of this chapter centers on the types of activities found to be most common amongst English teachers in Sanlitun, the meanings English teachers attach to Sanlitun, and what role activities and places in Sanlitun play in shaping and reshaping English teachers' identities and sense of community. Prior to discussing how English teachers use and identify with

Sanlitun, a brief description of the diverse types of individuals and social groups to which

English teachers belong is given in order to better contextualize the various ways in which Sanlitun is utilized. By drawing upon interview and observation data, I argue that

English teachers’ social practices in Sanlitun constitute a form of place-making which has subsequently created new kinds of migrant spaces to which English teachers feel a strong sense of attachment and belonging.

Some have argued that the changing relationship between migrants and their homes is a quintessential characteristic of transnationalism (Al-Ali and Khoser 2002). In trying to understand the experiences and identities of migrants living under a transnational context, academics are increasingly examining how migrants negotiate feelings of home and belonging through social interaction and the use of places. In this research on American English teachers, data suggests that feelings of home and belonging largely structure the experience of this migrant group living in Beijing, but not entirely. While nostalgic representations and material aspects of America form a framework for many of these individuals’ everyday lives, a number of teachers find themselves navigating various social groups and activities which occupy multi-national 79 frames of reference. Therefore, many of the teachers experience multiple forms of identity, which represent their constant negotiation of socio-cultural aspects of America,

China, and the international. These identities then become reinforced or reshaped by the use of particular places in the city, especially in Sanlitun.

While home and the idea of home can be conceptualized in many different ways, for this research home is viewed as a productive and negotiable process. Home can no longer be conceived as a spatially fixed and bounded location (Douglas 1991). Rather, the convergence of imaginative and symbolic meanings attached to home can effectively make a physical location or social relationships, practices and objects a home (Nowicka

2007). Feelings of home and belonging are intimately tied to place, as migrant affinities with specific landscapes construct a sense of socially recognized membership (Trudeau

2006). The ideas of home and belonging are thus intertwined, where feelings of home can be gained through interacting with the familiar, whether through social interaction or in places. Approaching migrant experiences and social actions in terms of home and belonging can illuminate migrants’ desire for some sort of attachment, be it to other people, places, or modes of being (Nelson and Hiemstra 2008). Regarding English teachers’ activities in Sanlitun, ideas such as home and belonging, which are inherent in discussions of migrant ‘place-making’, are used as a means for explaining the ways in which English teachers use and identify with particular places within Sanlitun.

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Diversity Amongst Respondents

According to many respondents, the experience of living abroad as an English teacher in China seems to have provided a window of opportunity for self-discovery. As these teachers learn more about the world and form new perspectives of themselves, they are faced with the task of finding new social circles as they encounter new people and places. The group of English teachers encountered during this research in Beijing proved to be a diverse group indeed and is exemplified in their reasons for coming to China, interests, hobbies, background, career goals, political views, and more. The diversity inherent amongst these individuals is often portrayed by the social circles they operate in and the places that they use in the city.

There are large generally mixed English teacher social groups of varying nationalities that stem from the workplace and whose activities mostly involve frequenting pubs together for general leisure and socializing. However, often from this larger group, smaller groups form based on nationality and particular hobbies. There are those whose interest in sports draws them to certain groups and activities, such as the

American basketballers and the British footballers. There are the language learners who often meet with each other and local language partners to practice their Mandarin. These groups are often nationally mixed as well. There are those that form social groups based around different kinds of music such as metal, indie rock, local Chinese music and others.

There was a social group who pursued interests in the arts, often frequenting movie nights and a certain art district near Sanlitun called the 798 district. Finally, there was a large social network of those who participate in the pub quizzes or trivia nights. This 81 activity often brought together a variety of different individuals all together in one place.

This will be explored further in chapter six. While there were many distinct types of social groups, individuals often belonged to some or all of these. The groups mentioned thus far are not the only social groups that existed, just the most common discovered during the research period.

Place-making Practices in Sanlitun

Sanlitun plays a significant role in the lives of many English teachers living in

Beijing. It does so, in that it provides a physical medium for the various types of individuals and groups discussed in the previous section to interact and communicate with one another. More importantly, many English teachers develop emotional attachments to places within Sanlitun, which can be viewed as a form of place-making that allows these migrants to maintain transnational identities while living in China. This section on place-making practices in Sanlitun discusses the various activities of English teachers in this district and how certain places play an integral role in the lives of these migrants, not only for community like interaction, but also as places to identify with.

Sanlitun encompasses a wide range of places that cater to different groups of people and their various interests. The English teachers involved in this research all go to

Sanlitun for a variety of reasons and identify with Sanlitun in different ways. Because of the diversity in types of places and activities available in Sanlitun, there is no one distinct identity of Sanlitun and no two individuals view Sanlitun in the same manner. Therefore, in order to better understand the diverse ways in which English teachers view and 82 identify with Sanlitun, it is necessary to look at which particular places and activities attract the many social groups previously mentioned.

Through discussions of Sanlitun with respondents, it became clear that many

English teachers experience general feelings of familiarity and being ‘on the same wavelength’ as other individuals in Sanlitun. For example a respondent named Zack, 28 stated:

I go to Sanlitun to interact with people who are in a similar situation as me. The places I go usually have a younger crowd…about 25-30 (years old), they are living abroad, probably like to travel and learn some Chinese. But everyone experiences China differently and I want to hear their stories and share information. We’re all in the same boat. – (Excerpt from interview June 18, 2010)

Similar expressions of familiarity and a sense of community arose in other conversations with teachers such as this statement from Ben, 28 who says:

I moved to Beijing because it has a place like Sanlitun. I lived in Harbin (a city in northeast China) before and it was just too Chinese for me. There was nothing western there. I love China, but I need a western outlet to let me take a breather every now and then. – (Excerpt from interview June 28, 2010)

This statement shows that Ben deems it necessary to have some form of western element while living in China and that Sanlitun provides the places and social relations to make this possible. Zack notes the presence of individuals in Sanlitun who are similar to him and that they are “all in the same boat.” These statements from Zack and Ben highlight a certain sense of belonging and community inherent in the social relations and places within Sanlitun.

There were many references to places in Sanlitun that arose in conversations about social activities amongst groups of co-workers. Katie’s comments exemplify this: 83

At least once a month all the teachers at my school head to Sanlitun for a night out. Is this just Americans? No, there are two British and one Canadian that I work with. Why do you go to Sanlitun? Well, for one it’s a place that everybody knows and can pronounce! Sometimes, trying to get to certain Chinese restaurants in different parts of the city can be tough if you don’t have the address and can’t speak Chinese. But if you get in a taxi and say ‘Sanlitun’ the driver knows exactly where you need to go. Where in Sanlitun do you go with your co-workers? When it’s all of us teachers together, we usually go to a place called The Kro’s Nest. It’s got the best pizza in the city I think…great drink selections and it’s big enough to accommodate a large group. Plus, there’s always some good background music being played. I think it used to be owned by an American guy. – (Excerpt from interview July 6, 2010)

Katie notes a number of Sanlitun’s social aspects and a place within Sanlitun that are significant. First, going to Sanlitun appears to be a routine activity for her and her co- workers in that she states they go there “at least once a month.” Second, she highlights the diversity amongst this group, noting Americans, British and Canadians. This implies that Sanlitun appeals to a larger demographic than simply Americans and also shows how a sense of belonging can exist through social relations which encompass multiple nationalities. Third, the place which Katie and her co-workers often go appears to be a very western place which entails many elements of familiarity in the food, music being played and also in relation to who owns the restaurant.

After talking to other English teachers about this place (The Kro’s Nest), it became apparent that many of them have a strong emotional connection to this place not only because of the feelings of home and belonging that it gives them (i.e. food, music, atmosphere) but also because of who the owner is and what the establishment represents. 84

In short, The Kro’s Nest was established by a young American in 2006 who experienced great prosperity (winning The Beijinger’s 7th Annual Reader Restaurant Award for

“Outstanding Pizza”) up until 2010 when he was allegedly forced out of co-ownership by his Chinese business partner. Apparently, the struggles for ‘Kro’ in his battle to regain rightful ownership of the business became a passionate topic amongst young American expats living in Beijing, many of whom were English teachers. The news story was published throughout various English newspapers in the city as well as in noted websites heavily used by English teachers such as thebeijinger.com and beijingboyce.com. Many posts from locals living in the city on thebeijinger.com exemplify this strong emotional connection that many had to this place and its former owner. Three excerpts below

(Figure 10) from thebeijinger.com contain a brief summary of the news story and responses posted by locals living in the city.

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Figure 10: Kro’s Komeback News Story. The top portion of this figure contains an excerpt of the news story regarding The Kro’s Nest. The bottom two images are posted responses. (Source: thebeijinger.com/blog/2010/10/14/Kros-Komeback)

When one of the respondents for this research was asked about this issue, he expressed a similar discontent with what had happened, saying:

It’s too bad for Kro. I remember meeting him and he seemed like a great guy. I don’t go there anymore. The place just isn’t the same now that it has changed ownership. It’s mostly Chinese who go there now. – Dave (Excerpt from interview July 7, 2010)

Dave’s statements, as well as the two responses to the news story on thebeijinger.com, all reinforce the idea that The Kro’s Nest was a place for many Americans and other westerners living in the city to identify with. Their comments also suggest that The Kro’s

Nest was viewed as a part of their local community. In the short summary of the news story provided in (Figure 10) above, the author even noted that “Beijing almost lost this slice of home,” which shows how many people were able to gain a ‘sense of home’ by frequenting this place. Finally, the strong resentment that was seen in the second 86 comment, about how if there is no Kro then everyone should boycott, can be highly illustrative of how places are often socially constructed and how social structures within places can shape whether individuals or groups are seen (and see themselves) as belonging to a particular place (Cresswell 2004). Dave stated that he does not go there anymore and that it is mostly Chinese who go there now. The fact that Dave stopped frequenting The Kro’s Nest due to the change in ownership and clientele reinforces

Appadurai’s (1995) idea that ‘places are filled with social meanings’ and thus can be deterministic of who uses and relates to those places.

The example given of how Katie and her group of co-workers use Sanlitun exemplifies the ways in which a number of respondents use Sanlitun. Interviews with

English teachers revealed that quite often English teachers go to Sanlitun with a group of present or former co-workers for basic social activities. However, there were many other ways in which Sanlitun is utilized found amongst the group of respondents for this research which involve activities relating to sports, music, movies and multi-cultural interaction.

Sports

A number of English teachers interviewed expressed a connection with Sanlitun in relation to sports. This existed in two dimensions. The first is that local sports teams of teachers often use places in Sanlitun as a gathering spot after games. The second, is that there are many sports bars in Sanlitun that cater to different nationalities of sports fans, 87 many of which cater to Americans by showing American sports events such as baseball, basketball and American football.

Three of the English teachers interviewed belonged to a local basketball league, which takes place from winter through spring each year. According to one of the teachers, there are about twenty teams total, with the majority of teams consisting of all

Chinese players. Apart from their team of English teachers, there were only two other teams of foreigners. The team that these three teachers belong to was created a few years ago by a group of American English teachers working in the Chaoyang area. Through the years as older members of the team drop out or leave Beijing, new teachers come in and take their spot. The team’s members are in perpetual motion then, changing as the years go by, but keeping a constant identity as being the ‘English teacher’ team. According to a member of the team, Charlie, this English teacher basketball team is sponsored by one of the local pubs in Sanlitun called Luga’s Villa. Luga’s Villa (Figure 11) is a three-story

Mexican style restaurant that also has a large bar area. A few years back, Luga’s Villa became a favored spot for the team to go unwind after games. One of the teachers had the idea to ask Luga’s Villa to sponsor their team and in return the team would go there after all their games to have a drink and eat. Luga’s Villa agreed and their sponsorship took the form of paying for the team’s jerseys, which has a small advertisement for Luga’s Villa on it. In addition, the restaurant put a picture of the team up in the main room of the establishment. Since then, this spot has become one of the most common English teacher hangouts in Sanlitun.

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Figure 11: Luga’s Villa. A Mexican restaurant/bar and favorite hangout amongst English teachers in Beijing. Located in Sanlitun Backstreet.

It is not only members of the basketball team that use this place. Most of the English teachers interviewed knew about Luga’s and stated that they often go there for a variety of reasons, such as drinking and dining, to play pool and enjoy the patio area, and to watch sports. Thus, Luga’s Villa has become a place for many American English teachers to identify with and functions as a social networking spot and place of belonging. This was highly illustrated by what I observed taking place during the World Cup. The World

Cup was taking place in South Africa during the time this research was being conducted in Beijing. In Sanlitun, there were advertisements outside many pubs and restaurants that advertised which games were going to be shown and at what times. Many observations 89 were conducted in Sanlitun during the times of World Cup matches and Luga’s Villa was always packed with Americans. This reaffirmed an initial assumption that this place is highly associated with the American expat community. One of the respondents, Kyle 25, tells of his experience at Luga’s Villa shortly after the World Cup match between the

United States and England:

It was so great after the U.S. drew against England 1-1, because it was like a victory for the Americans. We (Americans) were watching the match at Luga’s Villa and after the match, there were Brits walking outside down the main strip (Sanlitun Backstreet), but none of them dared to come into Luga’s Villa ‘cause they knew this was where we all were. We definitely owned the place that night. – Kyle (Excerpt from interview June 20, 2010)

This quote shows an instance of how Luga’s Villa can serve as a place where Americans gain a sense of community and belonging. It also exemplifies how migrant identities can become strengthened through the use of particular places. This is not only done so by the frequent use of this place, but also through the ways in which Americans talk about it.

Through their use of and discourse on Luga’s Villa, American English teachers have effectively transformed it into a place of their own. This is especially the case with the

English teacher basketball team. Having a Luga’s Villa advertisement on the American

English teacher basketball team’s jerseys gives the impression that this is a place to which they belong and relate to. I argue then that Luga’s Villa gives these English teachers a sense of home and belonging, and allows them to maintain transnational identities while living in Beijing. In addition, the interaction between American English teachers and Luga’s Villa exemplifies how migrant place-making occurs in the district of

Sanlitun. 90

The fact that Luga’s Villa is a Mexican restaurant also provides many Americans with a sense of home in that Mexican restaurants are something with which many

Americans are familiar and can identify. Two of the English teachers interviewed stated that going for Mexican food and margaritas was a common activity they use to do in

America before moving to China and that they were ecstatic when they discovered there was a place like Luga’s Villa in Beijing. The following quote from Mark illustrates the connection that he has to the place as it exists symbolically as a Mexican restaurant:

Back home, my friends and I always celebrate Cinco de Mayo. This past May, Luga’s Villa had a Cinco de Mayo bash which lasted all day and through the night. Me and two other teachers that I work with went and had a ball. It wasn’t quite the same as celebrating it back in America, because it isn’t Mexican people who own the place…and there wasn’t a mariachi band or anything, but the music was still good and the margaritas were strong. There were a number of people from other countries like Spain who were there as well. It seemed like a pretty international event. It was just great to be able to have some place to celebrate it here in China. I don’t think the local Chinese had any idea what the big celebration was about, but we sure did. – Mark (Excerpt from interview July 8, 2010)

Mark’s quote not only shows how Luga’s Villa functions as a place where Americans can engage in former socio-cultural activities they once did in America, but it also supports ideas discussed in chapter two regarding the relational nature of place and how a place can be connected to various other places simultaneously (Appadurai 1995; Massey 1995;

Cresswell 2004). For, as Cresswell (2004, 74) states, “the uniqueness of a place is not embedded in the local, rather it is defined by the ways the people in the place interact with places and social processes beyond.” The cinco de mayo activity and Luga’s Villa can be described as ‘translocal’ as well (Appadurai 1995). Thus, while Luga’s Villa may have an identity as a place for Americans and American English teachers, as is seen 91 through the examples of the English teacher basketball team and the heavy presence of

Americans during the world cup, it also maintains an identity as a Mexican restaurant, which can be identified with by people of numerous nationalities. Therefore, it is important to view Sanlitun and places within Sanlitun not as closed and stable, but rather as ‘constructions out of the intersections and interactions of concrete social relations and social processes’ (Massey 1994, 138).

Music

Another way in which many English teachers use and identify with Sanlitun is related to music. There are a number of places which host live music and also a number of places that play certain types of music that these individuals enjoy. While there are many instances in which English teachers form a connection to America through their musical endeavors in Sanlitun, this is not the only reason why they venture to Sanlitun for music. Throughout interviews, numerous instances appeared which showed that Sanlitun serves as a site for musical exploration amongst this group. In this case, Sanlitun must be seen as offering both ways to reconnect to home and experience the familiar, as well as cultural exploration.

To begin, the various ways in which English teachers use music in Sanlitun as a way to gain feelings of home and belonging will be discussed. One of the respondents named Dave stated that one of his favorite things to do in Sanlitun is go to Kai Bar for

‘punk rock night.’ Kai bar is located in the Sanlitun Backstreet area (Refer to Figure 1 in chapter three). It is a small two-story bar, which contains a bar, a small dance floor and a 92

DJ booth on the bottom floor, and a lounge type area with lots of couches and small tables on the second floor. Every teacher interviewed was familiar with Kai Bar and from their descriptions of this place it appears to be well-known amongst the greater English teacher community. Dave stated that he goes to ‘punk rock night’ at Kai Bar once every other week with two of his co-workers. The following quote is Dave’s description of the event:

There’s no live band. It’s just the DJ playing some punk favorites, but I can tell that he really knows his stuff. It’s a Chinese guy, but he plays guitar and lived in L.A. for a while…which is where he said he really got into punk music. I’ve hung out with him a few times. I was in a punk band during my teenage years. I played bass and sang. He (the DJ) plays a lot of the songs that my band use to play, which always takes me back a bit. – Dave (Excerpt from interview July 2, 2010)

For Dave, punk night at Kai Bar is vested with nostalgic notions of home and belonging.

Apart from the fact that punk night plays a type of music he enjoys and is familiar with, it also conjures up memories of when he was a teenager back in America. In this sense, Kai

Bar forms a material and symbolic connection to home and also allows Dave to resume a previous identity as a musician. Dave revisits his past during this event not only through listening to the music, but also through communicating with others who attend the event.

For, Dave also stated that he enjoys ‘the crowd’ there and always finds someone interesting to talk to. Here, multiple instances are found of Kai bar facilitating feelings of home and belonging. In talking with Dave further, it appeared that going to ‘punk rock night’ was not something that was very common amongst his group of co-workers, which reaffirms the discussion at the beginning of this chapter regarding the diversity within the larger English teacher demographic. 93

There were numerous other instances found of places that give American English teachers a feeling of home and belonging in Sanlitun, many of which are similar to

Dave’s. One of the teachers named Blake, talked about an open-mic night in one of the local bars in Sanlitun, which he often attends and sometimes performs in.

The open-mic night is every Tuesday at a place called The Tree. There are usually about ten people that play, mostly Americans. The audience is usually pretty western as well and some of my co-workers will come watch me play. There’s always a friendly vibe and it’s a way for me to connect with other people through musical interests and find other people to play music with. – Blake (Excerpt from interview July 6, 2010)

Here, Blake has found a place where he can indulge in one of his passions (playing guitar) and network with others who have similar interests. Blake went on to discuss the type of music that is played there, saying that sometimes people will play cover songs of their favorite bands as well as their own original songs. Therefore, The Tree is a place where his identity as an American and also as a musician can become reinforced. In addition, his comments show how ‘The Tree’ might also serve as a place for other

Americans living in the city to come for a piece of familiarity. Further research on this type of event showed that there are two other open-mic nights in Sanlitun: at Tun Bar and also at Ciro’s Pomodoro, both of which have Facebook pages and are well-known amongst the English teachers interviewed.

There are various other ways in which English teachers pursue musical interests in Sanlitun that do not necessarily relate to former American interests or nostalgic feelings of home. One of the teachers named Matt stated that one of his favorite places in

Sanlitun was a small bar that hosts traditional and new age Mongolian music. In the following quote, Matt discusses his interest in coming to Sanlitun to hear such music: 94

This is why I came to China…to hear this kind of stuff that you just can’t get back in the states. There is just something about this music that is so authentic and captivating, especially when they do the throat singing. – Matt (Excerpt from fieldnote June 28, 2010)

Matt’s pursuit of his interest in Mongolian music in Sanlitun demonstrates how Sanlitun can also serve as a place for the exploration of new cultures and identities. Mongolian music is by no means an American past time and from discussing such music with

English teachers it appears that few had heard this type of music before coming to China, much less experienced it in a live setting. Therefore, this small bar is illustrative of the diverse ways in which English teachers use Sanlitun and also shows the diverse nature of the identities these individuals embody.

There are a variety of other types of music to be found and experienced within

Sanlitun, such as Russian, Korean, music from the Muslim region of western China

(Xinjiang) and various others. Through interviews with English teachers, it appears that many of them seek out these different kinds of music as part of their exploration of China while living there. The important point to take from this discussion of the musical aspects found in Sanlitun is that Sanlitun can serve as a place for multiple types of people to identify with. Some places, such as Kai Bar with its punk rock night, or The Tree with its open-mic night, provide a nostalgic connection to home and a sense of belonging for many English teachers. However, other places such as the Mongolian music bar allow these teachers to branch out from more traditional American-based activities. Through discussions with Dave and Blake regarding the musical ways in which they engage

Sanlitun, it is seen how identities and a sense of belonging can be re(constructed) spatially, as often happens through migrant place-making. 95

Movie Nights

Another activity that attracts English teachers to Sanlitun is the movie night at a place called The Owl Café. The Owl Café is a small coffee shop and bar located in the

Sanlitun Gongti area. The Owl Café is not very far from the brand new Megabox movie theater located in the Sanlitun Village area, however only one of the English teachers interviewed had ever been there and few others expressed any interest to go there, noting that The Owl Café is where they preferred to see a movie while in Sanlitun. One teacher,

Jen discussed her experience at the new Megabox movie theater in Sanlitun:

Not a great place to catch a movie. The staff is unfriendly and it’s too expensive. Plus, you can get the pirated DVD of whatever you wanted to see within two weeks of it coming out anyways. – Jen (Excerpt from interview July 6, 2010)

Similar notions to this were found when searching for a review of the new theater online on TheBeijinger website. One of the comments stated that it was “THE worst cinema and movie-going experience....in the world.” While a visit to the cinema did not appeal to this group of English teachers, a movie night at ‘The Owl Café’ did. The Owl Café is a relatively recent establishment, which is perhaps why there remains very little information much about it online. Apparently, they host a movie night one night of the week and this movie night has become a popular place for English teachers to connect and enjoy a bit of leisure time.

Eight out of the twenty-five teachers interviewed had been to the movie night at

The Owl Café before. Those interviewed stated that the movie genre changes on a weekly basis and thus often attracts a different kind of audience based on the type of movie being shown. Kat, a regular attendee discussed her experience at The Owl Café’s movie night: 96

The movie night is nice. I’ve been going off and on for over half a year now. They usually rotate between an American movie one week and a Chinese movie the next. At first, I would only go when they were showing the American films, but a friend of mine convinced me to go with her for a Chinese movie night and since then I’ve been hooked. You know, back home we really only see the kung-fu action type or imperial China kind of Chinese movies, but there are actually some pretty good dramas and comedies. It’s a really good way to practice your Chinese listening and reading as well, because the movies aren’t dubbed, they’ve got subtitles in English and Chinese. – Kat (Excerpt from interview July 9, 2010)

Kat’s comments display a mix of interests and motivations for going to The Owl Café movie night. She not only goes as a form of social activity with her American friend, but also as a way to explore Chinese language and culture. From talking further with Kat, there appeared to be a sense of belonging and community that takes place amongst the

Americans who attend the American film night at The Owl Café. However, there was a different kind of connection taking place amongst those Americans who attend the

Chinese film night. When discussing the Chinese film night, Kat somewhat distanced herself from the non-Chinese speaking Americans who only attended the American film night. This can be viewed as a form of identity negotiation wherein she both accepts and resists notions of home and belonging.

Observations were conducted at both types of movie nights while in Beijing. One common activity observed made it clearer why many of these English teachers prefer the movie night to the Megabox cinema: the interaction that takes place once the movie is finished. This interaction often involved discussing (over drinks and food) other films of a similar genre or that contained the same actor(s) or were directed by the same director, etc. For example, the film that was shown on the American movie night was Pulp Fiction.

After the movie was over, a group of teachers began discussing other Quentin Tarantino 97 films. They carried on socializing in this manner for at least an hour after the film before leaving the café. On the Chinese film night, similar conversations took place regarding

Chinese films and there were also more Chinese people present during this night. It seemed that some of the local Chinese viewed the film night as an opportunity to practice their English and communicate with foreigners. The same also appeared to be true for the

Americans in regards to practicing their Chinese.

The movie night at The Owl Café is a social event that appeals to both Americans and Chinese alike. On the American film nights, it can serve as a means for Americans to reconnect with one another and thus establishes a very collective sense of identity and community. The enacting of this activity and the presence of this group of people can also be seen as a place-making activity that transforms the identity of this place into an

American place during the American film night. On the Chinese film nights though, The

Owl Café provides a means for Americans to branch out from their more traditional

American identities to something more cosmopolitan: an American learning about China, its culture and language. This again illustrates the complex and relational nature of places and how the identity of places can become transformed based on who uses that place and for what purpose. This example also exemplifies how individuals (based on different uses of Sanlitun) might have notably different perceptions about what kind of place Sanlitun is and thus describe it from that subjective point of view.

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Sanlitun as a Place for English Teachers

Two of the main research questions guiding this research project on English teachers in Sanlitun are: what types of activities and places attract English teachers to

Sanlitun?; and what meanings do English teachers attach to Sanlitun? The discussions in this chapter thus far have centered more on the first research question, however now it is necessary now to discuss the more meaningful ways in which English teachers talk about

Sanlitun. I argue that descriptions and meanings ascribed to Sanlitun exemplify a sense of belonging and community felt by the majority of respondents.

After a thorough analysis of coded interview data, one word which appeared often in discussions of Sanlitun was “comfortable.” Many teachers described Sanlitun as a place where they feel comfortable. These feelings of comfort were expressed in numerous ways. One way, expressed in the quote below by Lori, relates to general feelings of peace and relaxation.

What do you mean when you say you feel comfortable in Sanlitun? Well, I live in the Haidian district in west Beijing, which is pretty Chinese, and just can’t really seem to find a place where I can go sit and relax without feeling a bit of awkwardness. For example, I love to just sit outside and read, and there are places to do that around the small neighborhood where I live, but I always feel awkward because the older Chinese people who live there always stare at me and often want to come over and talk to me. They’re just curious of course and mean no harm, but I just can’t relax there. Sometimes I try to go to this local coffee shop near my home, but it’s loud because it is more of a social spot for groups of Chinese people to go rather than individuals. So, I can’t really relax and concentrate there either. But in Sanlitun there is just this general feeling you get in places that is different from most others in Beijing. It’s kind of like, because it is more of an international district that the people there have been exposed more to international cultures and are more aware of different customs and laid back about the fact that you are a foreigner. When I’m in Sanlitun I feel like I am around more like-minded people and I know that I won’t be bothered by curious Chinese people so much when I go to places there. That’s one thing 99

that is nice about Sanlitun, especially during the daytime. – Lori (excerpt from interview July 12, 2010)

Lori’s comments show how Sanlitun is a place that is distinct from many other areas of

Beijing due to its more cosmopolitan nature. This is interesting in that Sanlitun is such a large area encompassing numerous different places, many of which are used more by local Chinese than foreigners, such as the Mix club discussed in blogs presented in chapter four. However, from her perspective Sanlitun exists as something that she and people who are similar to her can relate to and feel comfortable in. Lori expresses comfort more in terms of the ability to be somewhere without feeling scrutinized or be bothered. Through her comments though, it is apparent that she is viewing Sanlitun through a lens of social relations, which was the most common way in which respondents discussed places in Sanlitun.

While Lori’s feelings of comfort were described as being gained through a lack of interaction with other people, other respondents expressed feelings of comfort as being gained by interacting with others in Sanlitun, especially those who spoke the same language. This relates back to the initial quote from Zack stated at the beginning of this chapter regarding being ‘on the same wavelength’ as others in Sanlitun. Ben reiterates this when discussing how he feels comfortable in Sanlitun:

You mentioned that you moved to Beijing because it has a place like Sanlitun and also that you feel comfortable when in Sanlitun. How so? Well, I told you that Harbin was way too Chinese, but Beijing is very Chinese as well. I mean, it’s the capital city of China. But, living in Beijing is more bearable because it has some western elements that let you escape the Chineseness of everyday life for a bit. Having a place like Sanlitun is what allows me to keep living in China I think. So, in terms of how I feel comfortable in Sanlitun…well, I go to Sanlitun for a number of reasons. Sometimes, I go with groups of friends and sometimes just by myself. I 100

mostly go there for the drinks and to watch pro football. Paddy O’Shea’s is where I usually go. I’m a big Jets fan, but even if it is a team that I don’t care about so much I still just like to go because I know that there will be some other football fans there to talk to. I teach at a university that is way far away and although I can talk to some people in English during the day, it is mostly just superficial things. But in Sanlitun I can actually engage in meaningful conversations with really interesting people. So, I think it’s the ability to connect to people with similar interests that draws me to Sanlitun…and the cheap drinks and football (laughs). – Ben (Excerpt from interview July 23, 2010)

Ben’s comments are indicative of a number of important elements regarding how the

English teacher community perceives Sanlitun. Ben notes that living Beijing is more

“bearable” than other cities in China because it has a district like Sanlitun. This suggests that living in China can often be mentally stressful for these individuals and a place like

Sanlitun provides an escape from the more stressful elements of their lives in China. It also implies that there is a yearning to have such a place as Sanlitun that is felt amongst the greater English teacher community. This relates back to ideas discussed in chapter two put forth by Vernois (2007) who suggests that the transmigrants’ appropriation of urban space often reflects their longing for community and home inside the host country.

Ben’s comments clearly illustrate the sense of community felt when he goes to Sanlitun to watch sports events and ‘connect to people with similar interests.’ Thus, the idea of comfort as explained by Ben can also be deconstructed to reveal deeper meanings relating to home and belonging that have been discussed throughout this chapter.

While comfort was a key word that arose out of interviews regarding how English teachers perceive and connect to this district, there were many other ways in which teachers expressed a meaningful connection to Sanlitun. The majority of these discussions alluded to the fact that Sanlitun is largely viewed as a place that above all 101 provides these individuals with a sense of community and belonging, which is perhaps best articulated in the following quote from a teacher named Karolyn:

During the week, I am busy teaching and always have to act very professional. I can relax at home, but I always feel kind of isolated there. I have a pretty cool roommate from California, but one of the things I really miss is being more socially involved. When I was in college back in America, I was in a sorority and was always involved in planning some social events and was just much more socially active in general. I didn’t really have that here until I started going to Sanlitun and gradually met more people. Now, a lot of my social life revolves around Sanlitun. I do the pub quiz a lot at The Bookworm and also go to a lot of book lectures there. We go to Tango to sing karaoke and dance, and ladies night at Tun Bar. There’s a belly dancing class that a girl I met in Sanlitun invited me to a couple of weeks ago…It just seems like every time I go to Sanlitun I meet new people who are involved in other social circles and life just keeps getting more interesting. So, I’d say that Sanlitun has filled that social gap that was missing in my life during the first couple of months I was living here. Plus, I always feel like I can be myself there and don’t have to act a certain way like when I am at work or in Chinese restaurants or parks and such. – Karolyn (Excerpt from interview August 4, 2010)

The social fulfillment that Karolyn is able to gain through her use of Sanlitun supports the idea that Sanlitun provides many individuals with a sense of community and belonging. Her comments also show the variety in types of activities that can take place in Sanlitun. There is also an element of scale in her comments that is worth noting. On the one hand, in discussing the favorable social elements of Sanlitun she refers to specific places within Sanlitun where she often goes. However on the other hand she also talks about Sanlitun as a district more generally. Thus, it becomes clear how the identity of

Sanlitun can be constructed in multiple ways: through discussing various places within

Sanlitun, as well as discussions of Sanlitun more generally.

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Discussion

From the discussions in this chapter, it becomes clear that English teachers use and identify with Sanlitun in a variety of ways. Interviews and observations revealed that

English teachers go to Sanlitun for numerous reasons and that the activities and places there often create a feeling of home and belonging for these individuals. In addition, it was seen how English teachers vest nostalgic meanings of home in the various activities they engage in, as well as the places they frequent. The ways in which English teachers embed themselves in various social groups, engage in certain activities, use specific places, and discuss these places online constitute a form of place-making which has effectively carved out specific sites of belonging in Sanlitun. The place-making practices found amongst the English teacher community in Beijing are similar to those found in research on other migrant communities (Vernois 2007; Nelson and Hiemstra 2008; Wiles

2008; Gielis 2009), where concepts of belonging are intimately tied to place, and also in works on transmigrants’ feelings about home and belonging (Walsh 2005; Blunt and

Dowling 2006) in transnational space.

After interacting with English teachers and observing their social lives unfolding in Beijing, a more informed discussion regarding the connection between their online and offline communities can take place. Online analysis of websites used by English teachers and expats in general convey a strong presence of community rooted in places throughout

Sanlitun. At the end of chapter four, it was argued that only analyzing English teachers’ online discourses was limited in scope. I argue that this remains true and is exemplified by the numerous elements of English teachers’ lives, which were not found online, that 103 were uncovered while conducting research in Beijing. Online analyses of websites used by English teachers only revealed the partial truth about these teachers’ personalities, social activities and use of places. It was apparent that these individuals still held onto socio-cultural elements of their homeland in various ways, however to what extent and how could not be determined. Their transnational identities were often expressed through participation in discussions regarding certain restaurants, bars and activities. For example, viewing a number of posts found on one website regarding an upcoming football game implied that those posting still held an interest to view this event while living in Beijing. This can be seen as an instance of their transnationalism and conveys a general sense that many English teachers still partake in various types of activities which they might have done before migrating to China. However, the deeper meanings which this event and place hold cannot be fully understood through only examining online discussions. Thus, the ways in which place-making occurs amongst this group of individuals can only be partially uncovered through online analysis and therefore requires communicating with them and observing their activities in person. However, the relationship between discussions of places online and the subsequent use of these places does support the argument put forth in chapter four that online communities in transnational social space are often rooted in real-world places.

What becomes most apparent through gaining a perspective into these teachers

‘offline’ lives in Beijing is the degree of diversity they exhibit in terms of their place- making practices. In this chapter, only a few exemplary types of social interactions that take place in Sanlitun were discussed in order to illustrate the multiple ways in which 104

English teachers use and identify with this district. These descriptions are limited in expressing this diversity, for there are numerous other places that people go to for a variety of reasons. While the ways in which English teachers utilize Sanlitun are numerous, it is important to take a step back and think about the larger picture of what

Sanlitun means itself to these individuals. From the ways in which English teachers living in Beijing and communicating online talk about Sanlitun, a larger discourse has been created. Sanlitun has become a place of belonging that often gives these individuals a sense of home. Respondents often used the phrase “we’re going out to Sanlitun tonight,” rather than saying a specific place within Sanlitun. Therefore, while specific places within Sanlitun can hold a variety of meanings to different individuals, there exists a larger collectively held view of Sanlitun amongst the English teacher community as ‘a home away from home.’ The next chapter focuses more specifically on the third research question, which examines how activities and places within Sanlitun shape and reshape

English teachers' identities. While elements of this question have already been addressed in this chapter, the next chapter focuses on one particular social event and place which is illustrative of how places within Sanlitun can provide an avenue for the maintaining and strengthening of their transnational identities. 105

CHAPTER 6: THE PUB QUIZ - NEW MIGRANT SPACES

By 8:20 p.m. the place was already packed. Had to be at least 60 people there. Not one empty table. The quiz didn’t even start until 9 p.m. “This is crazy,” I thought to myself. At the table across from us there were two empty chairs that were being saved. People kept scrambling by trying to snatch them up. “Taken, sorry. Been here since a quarter till,” they kept having to say. As the waitress came by and set down a bucket of Tsingtaos on our table, the teacher to my right greedily rubbed his hands together and in a wily tone said, “All right, quiz night!” As the time passed leading up to 9 p.m., pieces of conversations from various tables flew all around me. “How was your trip to Xi’an?” I heard from one group. “How’s the new job?” I heard from another. “America vs. Ghana Saturday, you gonna watch in Sanlitun?” a man shouted across the room to someone. As 9 p.m. rolled around, Tom Champagne made his way to the front of the room. As he grabbed the mic, he sounded out “Alright teams, I’ve got all your team names. No laptops, cell phones or any other electronic devices. We’ve got five rounds of in your face Bookworm trivia…Let’s get ready for the Pub Quiz!!! – (Excerpt from fieldnotes June 23, 2010)

The pub quiz is the highlight of my week. I don’t go out on Sunday nights because I always plan on going to the pub quiz on Mondays, which usually turns into a long night out. I love coming back and seeing all the familiar faces. Makes me feel right at home. – Ben (Excerpt from interview June 30, 2010)

The excerpt above is from fieldnotes taken during a night at The Bookworm’s pub quiz and exemplifies the importance and popularity of this event amongst the expat community in Beijing. This chapter focuses on one particular place called The

Bookworm, and a social event that takes place there, the pub quiz. The purpose of focusing on this one particular place and event is to illustrate how through place-making, places in Sanlitun become sites where English teachers’ transnational migrant identities are shaped and reshaped.

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The Bookworm

The Bookworm (Figure 12) was founded in 2003 by two Americans named

Alexander Pearson and Peter Goff. At the time, it was a small local venture in Sanlitun that dealt mostly in books and coffee. However, over time it has grown to become a one of a kind expat favorite in Sanlitun. It is now located in Sanlitun Southstreet in a notably larger building than its original creation. The main floor consists of three main rooms: the main café and dining area contains large high seated tables, a glass ceiling and a full bar

(Figure 13); further inside there are two smaller rooms with couches for sitting and reading, and smaller tables for studying. Out the back of the main floor is a set of stairs that leads to the rooftop which has a large patio, bar and many types of relaxing places to sit. The Bookworm’s first order of business remains books and coffee, however over the past few years it has come to host more and more events or ‘happenings’ as it is called on their website. These ‘happenings’ include a wide variety of events such as book talks given by guest authors, guest speakers on numerous different topics, live music acts, wine and beer tasting, and perhaps most importantly for the English teacher community, the pub quiz. If one chooses, they can become a member of The Bookworm and sign up for their e-newsletter, which will entail discounts on ticket prices, books and other information regarding upcoming events. This can be viewed as one way that people might find feelings of membership or belonging to a larger community in Beijing. (For

The Bookworm’s geographic location, refer to Figure 1 in chapter three)

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Figure 12: The Bookworm. The most frequented spot in Sanlitun noted amongst respondents. Located in Sanlitun Southstreet.

Figure 13: The Bookworm: Main Café and Dining Area. (Source: meiguoxing.com/Shopping/Bookstores_in_Beijing.html)

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The Bookworm and its pub quiz were discussed quite often in English teacher online forums. Blogs that mentioned The Bookworm often portrayed it in a way that made it seem like it was a place English teachers used a considerable amount. Often, when English teachers first arrive in Beijing, they will access certain websites such as eslteachercafe.com and post questions about living in the city and places of interest.

Reading through such posts for this project revealed that there were often numerous responses offering suggestions to newcomers in the city. In response to inquiries such as

“Any suggestions for a good coffee shop in Chaoyang?”; “Anyone know where I can get a Wall Street Journal besides Beijing International Hotel?”; “Looking for a place to meet some other English teachers who have been living in the city for a while…any thoughts?”; The Bookworm was often suggested. Two things are important to note from these posts. The first, is that the number of responses and time frame in which they were posted indicated that there was a strong sense of community amongst expats living in

Beijing. It appeared that they genuinely wanted to help one another out. Secondly, the fact that English teachers came up in numerous responses alluded to the fact that this was a place that English teachers often frequented. In response to the question about meeting new English teachers, one individual (johnny_sez) posted:

It depends on where you’re living. If you’re in the Wudaokou area, check out a place called Lush…(further description)…If you’re on the east side, check out The Bookworm on the Trivia Night. There were always loads of English teachers there when I use to go, so you’re bound to run into somebody worth talking to. – (Excerpt from eslteacherscafe.com acquired June 21, 2010)

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The Bookworm Pub Quiz

There are six well-known pub quizzes that take place throughout Beijing.

However, only one takes place in Sanlitun. The pub quiz is basically a trivia night. At

The Bookworm, it is structured in the following way. There is one host who stands on the stage in the middle of the room and asks six rounds of questions, with each round having ten questions. Below is an advertisement (Figure 14) for the pub quiz which is posted on

The Bookworm’s website.

Figure 14: Advertisement for the Weekly Pub Quiz on The Bookworm’s Website. (Source: beijingbookworm.com/happenings.php)

According to one of the teachers interviewed, there will often be a guest round wherein one of the usual participants of the quiz will host a round based on their topic of choice.

During one of the nights attended as part of a participant observation, a woman named

Claire hosted a guest music round and the topic was film scores. She would play about thirty seconds of a film score over the speaker and the teams had to figure out which film it was from. 110

There is no limit to how many teams can participate. Based on observations, it appeared that as long as the team can fit in the room, they could participate. During multiple observations, some of the various questions asked in the different rounds were noted in fieldnotes, which are listed below in Table 4. This list of questions conveys a sense of what type of people this pub quiz at The Bookworm caters to.

Table 4

Examples of Pub Quiz Questions at The Bookworm Music Which artist originally sang nirvana’s cover of ‘The Man Who Sold the World’? World The Boxer Rebellion began in what year? Events General How many colors are there in the Google logo and which ones are repeated? Knowledge What is the name of the location that has the lowest point of elevation on the Geography earth’s surface? In 1803 the Louisiana Purchase was made. What was the total amount paid to History France? Science As of 2010, the periodic table contains how many elements? and Nature (Source: Data from fieldnotes collected June 30, 2010)

From this list of questions, it can be inferred that the quiz caters toward a specific western demographic, however these questions also show the unique transmigrant identities of the individuals involved in the pub quiz, as questions on China are also present. When inquiring about what nationality of people who usually attend the quiz, Brian, a 27 year old English teacher from St. Louis stated:

I’d say it’s mostly for Americans, British and Canadians, but Americans more than any. At least, that’s who I see coming most often. You’ll get a couple of people from different countries in Europe from time to time, like Germany or 111

Spain, and there are some Chinese who come, but the crowd is Americans and British most of the time. – Brian (Excerpt from fieldnotes June 30, 2010)

Observations were conducted at The Bookworm pub quiz for three consecutive weeks.

One particular interest in observing this event was to determine the ‘regularity’ of the crowd, or whether or not the same participants came back week after week. One indicator of regularity amongst the participants was the list of team names that was posted on the scoreboard each night. Team names were noted in fieldnotes each week, which revealed that there were at least five teams who attended three weeks in a row. With teams usually being maxed out at six members, this implies that there was a repeated participation of at least thirty people. This reaffirms the original notion felt that The Bookworm pub quiz is an event that draws in a recurring group of individuals. This fact gives the impression that there is a sense of community and familiarity felt amongst the participants of this pub quiz. This impression was confirmed in the ways that English teachers spoke about the event. The following two quotes are from Joel and Karolyn, who were present all three nights observations took place.

I’ve been coming to the quiz off and on for over a year and a half. When I first started coming, it was a team of all my co-workers and we were really good. As time has gone by, certain members have left and new ones have come in, but our team name (Beijing Taxi) still remains!! – Joel (Excerpt from interview June 30, 2010)

The quiz can really bring people together. During the week we’re all scattered around, but when it’s quiz night we all reunite. I think it’s the same for a lot of other people who come. Once you come, you know it’s a place that you can always come back to and meet some new people and see some old friends. – Karolyn (Excerpt from interview July 6, 2010)

These two statements exemplify that these individuals are transient in many ways, yet unite and feel a sense of community through participation in the pub quiz. The fact that 112

Joel says he has been coming to the quiz ‘off and on’ for a year and a half coincides with what Karolyn said about how it is a place that ‘you can always come back to.’

The Bookworm was the place most commonly used amongst the group of English teachers interviewed for this research project. Out of the twenty-five teachers, twenty- three stated they had been to The Bookworm before; eighteen had participated in the pub quiz at some point and twelve were still regular participants. In describing their participation, I define ‘regular’ as going to the quiz at least once a month. Throughout the duration of conducting research in Beijing, three other pub quizzes which take place in other parts of the city were observed: Lush, The Soak Lounge and Patty O’Sullivans.

This was for the purpose of comparing and contrasting the types of people who participated and whether or not English teachers were a notable group of participants.

Observations showed that only one of the three quizzes (Lush) contained a notable amount of English teachers. However, the crowd favored foreign language students much more so than English teachers. This is likely due to the fact that Lush is located in the

Wudaokou district, which is home to Beijing Language and Culture University, which is one of the more popular universities for Mandarin students studying abroad. A number of the teachers interviewed at Lush stated that they were part-time English teachers as a way to earn supplemental income while they were studying abroad. In comparing Lush to The

Bookworm, it was clear that The Bookworm hosted the largest English teacher demographic out of all the pub quizzes in the city.

The main argument of this chapter is that through place-making in cities, transmigrants are not only able to create spaces which facilitate feelings of home, 113 belonging and community, but also places which allow them to maintain transnational identities. The Bookworm is a place which was found to facilitate various aspects of migrant transnationalism, which was located not only through observing the pub quiz social event and respondent discussions, but also in online descriptions of this place in websites used by Beijing-based expats. The following posts in (Figure 15) from thebeijinger.com contain various elements of all the ideas discussed so far in this thesis relating to home, belonging, community, the symbolic and relational nature of places, as well as how places can facilitate and shape transnational identities amongst transmigrants.

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Figure 15: Reviews of The Bookworm. A collection of three reviews posted on The Beijinger website by various patrons in Beijing. (Source: thebeijinger.com)

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Discussion

The Bookworm is more than a place for American English teachers to go to get a notion of home (America), for there are numerous other elements and characteristics about The Bookworm which are not strictly ascribed to Americans. The Bookworm is a global space, which contains books, magazines, music, events and people from all over the world at various times. People of many different nationalities can relate to and enjoy some aspect of The Bookworm and on any given day one might find this kind of diversity present. The identity of a place is never concrete. It can be transformed through discourses and is often very temporal based on who is using that place and for what purpose. In addition, people’s identities can often be shaped through the use of places, which is why examining The Bookworm and its pub quiz is important, because it can provide a means for understanding the connection between place-making and transmigrant identities.

The Bookworm itself has a very transnational nature, containing elements that cut across various nationalities and cultures. This was exemplified in many ways through the reviews posted on thebeijinger.com website. The first review, posted by will.i.am., stated that The Bookworm has that “café atmosphere that’s so hard to recreate in Beijing.” This

“café atmosphere” that he refers to is not country specific by any means. His concept of a café could be conceptually based on a place in a number of different countries, however what is important is that it is something of the international, which is not inherent to

Beijing. He also notes various activities that one may engage in while in The Bookworm that relates to activities commonly done in another country, such as “chatting about the 116 economist”, eating a “cheese plate”, and how one can enjoy “reading a selection of free magazines…like some cafés in American cities” and “order a coffee and stay a while.”

His description of The Bookworm suggests that he views it as a place of familiarity, which not only reminds him of home, but actually allows him to feel at home. He even states that one of the best things about the place is that “it tends to attract young intellectual types that can feel at home...” doing certain activities. Thus, through his comments on The Bookworm, the connection between place-making, as it pertains to creating feelings of home and belonging, and migrant transnationalism become clearer.

For, although individuals living in Beijing use this place locally, its “sociospatial relations are not bounded by the local, but embody relationships reproduced across multiple scales” (Nielson and Hiemstra 2008). The Bookworm thus provides a window of opportunity for foreigners living in the city to take part in those activities that they normally would in their home country. This exemplifies how places, such as The

Bookworm, can shape and reshape people’s identities, which is one of the main research questions guiding this research project.

The existence of a place such as The Bookworm and other places of similar nature in Sanlitun are exemplary forms of migrant place-making. In the case of American

English teachers in Beijing, their place-making is most often in order to maintain connections with former socio-cultural customs and identities, as well as facilitate social interaction between those sharing a similar experience in the host society, rather than for political or economic reasons. The fact that The Bookworm was described as “one of the reasons for staying in Beijing” by the woman who posted a response in (Figure 15), again 117 alludes to what was discussed in the previous chapter regarding how transmigrants view these places as necessary for maintaining basic satisfaction while living abroad. This need was expressed earlier in chapter five from the respondent named Ben, who stated that he moved to Beijing because it has a place like Sanlitun, and also by Karolyn who noted the lack of social involvement that plagued her early months living in Beijing. In addition, the same woman who posted that The Bookworm was one of the top ten reasons for staying in Beijing also refers to herself as part of a larger community in Beijing when she wrote that “The Bookworm is our library…the stop for taking in some fresh air for our soul.” This coincides with notions of a community-wide felt need for such a place.

While The Bookworm provides a place for needed social interaction amongst the migrant community of English teachers, the pub quiz serves as a connecting agent that brings these individuals together in a collective way. This became clear during the multiple observations made at The Bookworm pub quiz. Interviews were conducted with all six members of a pub quiz team. The diversity amongst some of the individuals and ways in which they use and identify with Sanlitun varied. For example, there was Matt, who enjoyed the Mongolian music in Sanlitun; Joel, who was part of the basketball team who frequents Luga’s Villa; Blake, who plays the open-mic night at The Tree; and Kat, who attends the Chinese movie night at The Owl Café. However, they are all brought together through participating in this one unifying social event, which not only strengthens their sense of community and belonging in Beijing, but also allows them to maintain their transnational identities. Therefore, The Bookworm pub quiz illustrates how both place and the social relations within places are co-influential in shaping identities. 118

It has been argued that migrants often create a sense of home through networks of relationships and by vesting meanings in particular places (Wiles 2008). Through communication and interaction with English teachers in Beijing, this form of place- making became ever more apparent in Sanlitun. The Bookworm, the people who go there and the activities that take place there (such as the pub quiz) are all interrelated and only through an examination of all three can a deeper understanding of the significance and functionality of this place be gained. When the pub quiz occurs, the various networks and distinct groups of English teachers that are all connected, yet scattered throughout the city in various locations, come together and effectively transform the identity of The

Bookworm from a global space into a familiar place. A place that has powerful meaning locally, but simultaneously reaches out to a multitude of other places across the world. At this point in time The Bookworm then becomes their place; a home away from home for

English teachers in China. 119

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS

The lives and identities of American English teachers living in Beijing are both unique and complex. While many enjoy the fruits of being a “foreign expert” and engaging with local customs and language, others do not have such a joyful time and may even go for an early departure back to the United States. Trying to gain an in-depth understanding of this group of individuals is difficult, for no two people are the same nor do they share the same perceptions about life in China. However, a study such as this on

English teachers in Beijing can provide needed insight into the ways in which international labor migrants of a similar middle-class socio-economic nature negotiate and experience elements of the new and old in this increasingly interconnected era of globalization.

This research has examined the role that a small district called Sanlitun plays in the creation and maintenance of a transnational community of English teachers currently residing in Beijing. In doing so, ideas of migrant place-making and transnationalism were brought in as guiding frameworks to assist in discerning the various relationships, both real and symbolic, that exist between English teachers and places in the city. Interviews were conducted with numerous individuals and observations were made alongside these individuals throughout the summer of 2010. In addition, elements of online communication were incorporated so as to provide a multi-faceted approach to understanding the degree of interconnectivity amongst the English teacher community, as well as to contribute insight pertaining to larger discourses on Sanlitun. 120

This research has shown that Sanlitun does in fact play a vital role in the lives of many English teachers and the English teacher community as a whole. For some,

Sanlitun is first and foremost a way to reconnect with home and gain a sense of belonging. These feelings were often gained through encountering physical objects of familiarity, engaging in certain types familiar activities, and through social interaction.

Sometimes, it was simply aesthetic elements of the place itself that provided people with a feeling of home and belonging. The Bookworm as a place ‘felt’ like a coffee shop in

America. Tun Bar, with its pool tables and sports decorations all over the wall ‘felt’ like a sports bar to certain respondents. This finding supports arguments made in various literatures (Kong 1999; Wiles 2008; Butcher 2010) that there is a strong correlation between ideas of home and physical objects.

At other times, it was not the place itself as it is decorated or the physical objects within, but the type of activity that took place there. There were many instances where respondents more often referred to the people and activities found within a particular place rather than its aesthetic elements. The ability to engage in familiar activities such as viewing sports, listening to music, watching films, participating in a pub quiz, eating and drinking familiar beverages and foods, all provide a means for respondents to reconnect with and maintain previous identities and cultural practices. This finding strengthens arguments made by academics (Kong 1999; Willis and Yeoh 2002; Van Bochove et al.

2010) that transmigrant identities are often reinforced through engaging in specific sociocultural familiar activities in local places. Most often though amongst respondents notions of home and belonging were gained through social interaction and camaraderie in 121

Sanlitun. Feelings of camaraderie can be paramount in experiencing and re(creating) home, as has been discussed in such literature as Conradson and Latham (2005),

Humphreys (2010), and Butcher (2010).

This research also showed how Sanlitun is a place where one may depart from previous notions of home and previously held identities. Therefore, Sanlitun must not only be viewed simply as a place for Americans to engage in American-based activities or associate with other Americans. It is also a place where individuals are able to establish identities distinct from the larger migrant group of which they are a part. Apart from the affective elements of Sanlitun, this research showed that Sanlitun is a place that serves to maintain and even strengthen local community ties amongst English teachers, such as what took place through social activities like the pub quiz. Finally, Sanlitun was discovered to be a place that provides numerous avenues for English teachers to maintain transnational identities.

This study has larger implications which can contribute to the greater body of research on international labor migration. To begin, the place-making that was observed occurring in Sanlitun is telling of the fact that English teachers are carving out new kinds of migrant places in cities where they live. The kinds of migrant places English teachers are creating differ from those discussed in the traditional migration literature. Most often, focus has been on migrant places of more long term immigrants or settlers that have taken root over a notably longer period of time. These include studies on topics such as ethnic business centers (Li 1993; Volery 2007), religious centers (Carter 1997; Levitt

2003) and established transnational communities (Popkin 2001; Orozco 2002; Guarnizo 122

2001). English teachers are a very young and transient group of migrants. They are not building a community physically per se, such as a Koreatown in Los Angeles, however through their place-making practices they can effectively transform the identity of that place to become something that’s theirs. The fact that English teachers are carving out new kinds of migrant places in Beijing provides impetus for further studies on activities of English teachers in other cities in China, as well as other non-English speaking countries where foreign English teachers have a notable presence. In addition, this study could insightful regarding the experiences and place-making practices of short-term migrants more generally.

This research also provides an impetus for further research regarding the activities and identities of ‘middling’ migrant types, which were referred to in the chapter two. In this group of American English teachers are found the socio-economic characteristics of the type of migrant that has been referenced in the literature calling for a widening of the high-skilled migrant category (Conradson and Latham 2005; Wiles 2008; Butcher 2010).

For the individuals involved in this research were neither extremely skilled nor unskilled, but somewhere in the middle. In addition to the ‘middling’ socio-economic characteristics of English teachers, their reasons for migrating are similar to those of other ‘middling’ migrants, such as New Zealanders workers in London and Singapore

(Wiles 2008). In thinking about the reasons why this migrant class chooses to migrate, for

English teachers, there is also a notable amount of room for exploration into the

‘affective possibilities’ that cities have to offer (Conradson and Latham 2007). This is something that has been unexplored in regards to English teachers’ migration patterns as 123 well as short term middling migrants in general. From interviewing teachers, it is clear that teaching English is not the main reason for being an English teacher in China.

Traveling, exploring, learning Mandarin, taking time off and gaining international experience were more often cited. English teachers often talked about Sanlitun in a way that makes it seem like it is an amenity for those living in Beijing. Understanding the ways in which migrants perceive other elements of a city apart from employment opportunities could bring valuable insight into the dynamics of English teacher and middling migrants’ migration patterns.

Perhaps what is most important about the research subjects (English teachers) that this study has shown is that they are in fact a legitimate group of migrants to analyze. In the literature review there was a brief discussion of how these ‘middling’ migrants are often overlooked in migration studies due to their transient and privileged nature. English teachers are a unique and quite under-researched type of international migrant. This research has shown that although they are very temporary they nonetheless shape places where they reside. If the number of English teachers teaching abroad continues to increase, there is ample room for further studies which examine numerous facets of their complex transnational lives.

This study can also contribute in multiple ways to debates on the benefits of using a transnationalism framework for examining international labor migration. First and foremost, the degree of transnationality contained amongst this group of English teachers and their blatant lack of effort to assimilate into the host society strongly supports arguments for moving away from traditional assimilationist approaches to migration. 124

This should be true for all types of international labor migrants, regardless of socio- economic status and degree of mobility. Second, this study supports the usefulness of bringing such concepts as transnational social space (Faist 2000; Pries 2001) or transnational social fields (Levitt and Glick Schiller 2004) into an analysis of international migration, for the English teachers in this study were found to be involved in multiple border-spanning networks of communication which were influential on and played a role in their everyday lives. Thus, using transnational social space as a guiding concept for examining the socio-cultural elements of migrant transnationalism opens up the possibilities for new ways of understanding transmigrant experiences under the context of globalization. However, while this study shows that transnational social space is a useful tool, it also shows the current limitations inherent to the framework.

As discussed in chapter two, conceptualizations of transnational social space often put an excessive emphasis on the network in which the flows of social relations occur, largely overlooking the importance of places within these networks. This can be limiting in that focusing on one network can often overshadow the diversity of networks to which transmigrants belong (Gielis 2009). In thinking about transnational social spaces, what this research on English teachers shows is that one must not only examine the networks of transmigrants, but also the places which are structurally critical for the establishment and functionality of these networks. Therefore, adding a place lens to the examination of international migrant experiences and activities is both valuable and advantageous.

When discussing a place lens, a quote from Massey (1995, 28) comes to mind, which states that “instead of thinking of places as areas with boundaries around, they can 125 be imagined as articulated moments in networks of social relations and understandings.”

This quote reiterates the open and relational nature of Sanlitun as a district. While it is a place that plays a significant role in the lives of many English teachers, it is used by thousands of others each in their own way. Thus the identities of Sanlitun are multiple and constantly changing

In closing, there is one other point to make regarding how this research might contribute to developing a more analytically productive approach to studies on international labor migration and the transnational nature of international migrants more generally. While ideas regarding migrant place-making have been explored in numerous ways, it could be beneficial to explore the deeper connection that exists between migrant place-making and migrant transnationalism as it occurs in a virtual sense. For in this study on English teachers, migrant place-making was observed to be occurring online throughout various websites. While certain literature has discussed the ways in which transnational identities are shaped and maintained through online mechanisms (Bernal

2006; Helland 2007; Aouragh 2010; Alinejad 2011), an examination into the role that places play which are mentioned in online discussions has been minimal. What is often overlooked in examining online communities and online Diasporas is this relationship between the virtual and the physical, or the interconnectedness of material and metaphorical space (Helland 2007). From this study on English teachers in Beijing, it can be observed how transnational social spaces are physically manifest in geographic space.

As transmigrants shape their transnational identities online in various ways, often in their online discussions there is mention of local places in the areas from which they are 126 communicating. Therefore, as places can strengthen transnational identities by being used in a physical sense, they can also do so by being discussed online. Thus, there is ample room for further investigation regarding place-making as it happens through virtual mechanisms and also how transnational identities that exist in transnational social spaces are rooted in local places.

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APPENDIX A: WEBSITES MOST COMMONLY USED BY RESPONDENTS

Listed in no order of importance

1. eslteachercafe.com

2. eslteachersboard.com

3. teachabroadchina.com

4. chinabloglist.org

5. expat-blog.com

6. beijing.asiaexpat.com

7. cityweekend.com/beijing

8. thebeijinger.com

9. timeoutbeijing.com

10. beijingboyce.com