Stories Dead Men Tell: Investigating approaches used and the usefulness of war graves from the Thirty Years’ War
by Morgan Jones
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS IN ARCHAEOLOGY: ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH-WESTERN EUROPE At the
Student: Morgan Jones Student number: 10849610 (UvA)/ 2566292 (VU) Date: 15/06/2015 Supervisor: Prof. Dr. J. (James) Symonds Second Supervisor: Dr. A.A.A. (Arno) Verhoeven
Contents:
Figure & Tables……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………3 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 - Objectives……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7 - Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..8 - An objective record…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………8 - Terminology…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….9 - Transforming objectives into working hypothesis’s ……………………………………………………………………..10 - A brief history of battlefield archaeology………………………………………………………………………………………11 - A Brief History of Thirty Years’ War……………………………………………………………………………………………….15 - Where was the Thirty Years’ War and who was involved? ……………………………………………………………16 - The Stages of the War……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………17 - The Bohemian Revolt…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….17 - The Danish Phase…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..18 - Swedish Intervention………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…18 - French intervention and the Peace of Westphalia…………………………………………………………………………19 - The Role of Fear…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….20 Case studies………………………………………………………..…………………………………………………………………………..22 - The Battle of White Mountain, Prague (Czech Republic)……………………………………………………………...23 - Lambach, Upper Austria (Austria)……………………………………………………………………………………………….…25 - Höchstadt, Bavaria (Germany)…………………………………………………………………………………………………….…26 - Stralsund, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Germany)…………………………………………………………………………28 - Lützen, Saxony-Anhalt (Germany). ……………………………………………………………………………..…………………31 - Nördlingen, Bavaria (Germany)……………………………………………………………………………………………………..36 - Hanau, Hessen (Germany)……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..38 - Wittstock, Brandenburg (Germany)……………………………………………………………………………………………….39 - Alerheim, Bavaria (Germany)…………………………………………………………………………………………………………51 Discussion…………………………………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………54 - Forensic Archaeology…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….60 - Evidence for Epidemics……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…61 - How was it was understood at the time?...... 62 - Why are there so few mass graves despite the high death toll in Thirty Years’ War?...... 64 - How can we use the information that has been collated in this thesis to advance archaeological understandings of the Thirty Years’ War?...... 66 - Future Directions……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…71 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….71 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….73 Figures:
Cover photo: https://holocausthistorychannel.files.wordpress.com/2014/05/grab.jpg?w=640&h=944
Figure 1: bones of a human forearm and hand overlooked by the 1881 reburial party, and discovered during excavations. Hirst, K. (n.d.). Destination Little Bighorn Battlefield. Retrieved June 8, 2015, from http://archaeology.about.com/cs/military/bb/littlebighorn.htm
Figure 2: The Second Defenestration of Prague. https://teachwar.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/defenestration.jpg
Figure 3: The Victory of Gustavus Adolphus at the Battle of Breitenfeld (1631). http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c6/Gustave_Adolphe_at_Breitenfeld- Johann_Walter-f3706497.jpg
Figure 4: Territory changes at the Peace of Westphalia (1648). http://media- 1.web.britannica.com/eb-media/60/360-004-7EC5029D.jpg
Figure 5: The location of case studies on a modern map of central Europe. Author.
Figure 6: Two skulls showing fatal wounds. http://www.spiegel.de/wissenschaft/mensch/fund-aus- dem-dreissigjaehrigen-krieg-massengrab-in-stralsunder-altstadt-entdeckt-a-695825.html
Figure 7: Stralsund A mass grave. Ansorge, J. (2010): Ein Massengrab aus der Zeit des Nordischen Krieges auf dem ehemaligen Frankenhornwerk in Stralsund. – Archäologische Berichte aus Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Bd. 17 (2010), 122-135.: 126
Figure 8: Impression left by a lead bullet on the thigh of skeleton 3. Ansorge2010: 130
Figure 9: Abrasions to incisors caused by heavy smoking using a pipe. Ansorge 2010: 132
Figure 10: Excavation of mass grave under laboratory conditions. http://www.thehistoryblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Heiko-Heilmann-carefully-excavates- bones.jpg
Figure 11: One individual was buried face down. http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/mass-grave-from-thirty-years-war-investigated-in- luetzen-germany-a-830203.html
Figure 12: Skeleton lying sprawled on its back. Plum, M. (2011). Archäologische Zeugnisse des Dreißigjährigen Krieges in Bayern: – Die Erstürmung von Höchstadt an der Aisch 1633 und die Schlacht bei Nördlingen 1634 –. Retrieved February 12, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/1235094/Archäologische_Zeugnisse_des_Dreißigjährigen_Krieges_in_B ayern_Die_Erstürmung_von_Höchstadt_an_der_Aisch_1633_und_die_Schlacht_bei_Nördlingen_16 34_
Figure 13: Two opposing rows of skeletons from the Wittstock mass grave. Eickhoff, S. (2012). 1636 - ihre letzte Schlacht Leben im Dreißigjährigen Krieg ; [Archäologisches Landesmuseum Brandenburg im Paulikloster, Brandenburg a. d. Havel, 31. März bis 9. September 2012 ; Archäologische Staatssammlung München, Oktober 2012- März 2013 ; Militärhistorisches Museum Dresden in Kooperation mit dem Landesamt für Archäologie Sachsen, April - August 2013]. Stuttgart: Theiss: 18
Figure 14: "Normal" tibia (Left), Tibia with Harris Lines (Right). http://image.slidesharecdn.com/harris-lines-leh201compressed-1273400304-phpapp02/95/session- no-2-2010-harris-lines-amp-linear-enamel-hypoplasia-by-susan-aylard-4-728.jpg?cb=1273382771
Figure 15: Lateral grooves on teeth from vitamin deficiency. Eickhoff, 2012: 35
Figure 16: Thickening of the bone from third stage syphilis. Eickhoff, 2012: 128
Figure 17: Signs of parasite infestation on bones. Eickhoff, 2012: 125
Figure 18: Map plotting the origins of the dead from the Wittstock mass grave. Eickhoff 2012: 181
Figure 19: A malformed, but successful healing of a tibia. Eickhoff 2012: 124
Figure 20: Locations of gunshot wounds from all individuals in the grave. Green represents bullets recovered. Red represents where the bullet has shot straight through. Eickhoff 2012: 157
Figure 21: Forensic reconstruction based on injuries to the bone. Eickhoff 2012: 157
Figure 22: Forensic reconstruction demonstrating the presence of cavalry through injuries. Eickhoff 2012: 154
Figure 23: Musket balls displaying hammer and chisel marks. Eickhoff 2012: 79
Figure 24: Completed facial reconstruction of an individual from the grave. Eickhoff 2012: 160
Figure 25: Mapping of musket balls on the battlefield. Eickhoff 2012: 151
Figure 26: Alerheim mass grave. http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/rare-discovery- mass-grave-from-thirty-years-war- found-a-546079.html
Figure 27: Plague Doctor. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/Paul_F%C3%BCrst,_Der_Doctor_Schnabel_v on_Rom_(Holl%C3%A4nder_version).png
Figure 28: Interior of the church Kaplica Czaszek. http://assets.inhabitat.com/wp- content/blogs.dir/1/files/2011/10/Czermna_-_Chapel_of_Skulls.jpg
Figure 29: A modern map of the Rozvadov. Blažková, K., Hrnčiřík, P., Matoušek, V., & Šámal, Z. (2013, September 8). Metal Detector Prospection of Two Battlefields from the Beginning of the Thirty Years' War: Rakovník 1620 and Rozvadov 1621. Retrieved May 10, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/4426992/Metal_Detector_Prospection_of_Two_Battlefields_from_the_ Beginning_of_the_Thirty_Years_War_Rakovnik_1620_and_Rozvadov_1621
Figure 30: Historic illustration of the battlefield of Rozvadov. Blažková, K., Hrnčiřík, P., Matoušek, V., & Šámal, Z. (2013, September 8)
Figure 31: A graph displaying the relationship between bullet diameter and quantity. Blažková, K., Hrnčiřík, P., Matoušek, V., & Šámal, Z. (2013, September 8)
Figure 32: : A map of the Rozvadov battlefield, mapping the musket balls that were found. Blažková, K., Hrnčiřík, P., Matoušek, V., & Šámal, Z. (2013, September 8)
Tables:
Table 1: A comparison of the details from the graves. Author
Table 2: A comparison of information provided from each grave about the dead. Author
Table 3: A comparison of excavation approaches. Author
Introduction:
During the Thirty Years’ War death occurred everywhere, from wounds inflicted on the battlefield, from diseases and infections at encampments and hospitals, from exhaustion or famine. From the common foot soldier, to great generals, civilians, and other non-combatants, no one was exempt from a potentially gruesome death. After a battle, the corpses of ordinary soldiers were often buried in mass graves close to the battlefield, while the bodies of officers were more likely to receive a regular Christian burial at a nearby graveyard (Baumann 2004:271). Until relatively recently, most mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War have been discovered by chance during construction work, and this is still largely the case, as the case studies of this thesis will show. Of course some mass graves were unearthed in previous centuries, but very little useful information
survives from these earlier excavations as prior to the second half of the 20th century human remains they were more often than not simply reburied at a local graveyard with little or no investigation (Homann 2013:218).
Objectives
The primary objective of this thesis is to identify possible correlations between burial practices and different phases of the Thirty Years' War. This will be done examining who conducted the burial and whether the mass graves followed a decisive or indecisive battle.
My second objective is to evaluate the techniques that have been used in the excavation and study of the mass graves from this period. It is my hope that the information gathered in support of this objective will identify evidence of best practice that may be used to inform future investigations of mass graves from this period.
My third objective is to investigate how the study of human remains from mass burials can enhance our knowledge of the Thirty Years’ War. Although it is unlikely that these graves will alter our knowledge on the course of the war, they may reveal a number of wider social issues such as the health and diet of the combatants and the central European populace during the war. ………………….
Methodology
I will use a range of historical and archaeological sources in my investigation. Historical sources will be used to provide context for the study, and where possible written sources will be consulted where they refer to the treatment of the dead. A mixture of archaeological and anthropological sources will be used in the case studies, where I attempt to develop a strong foundation of empirical evidence to assist my analysis and conclusions. I have tried to incorporate evidence from all known mass graves from the Thirty Year’s War. This will allow me to undertake a comparative study highlighting differences between internments of different date and revealing different approaches to excavation and post-excavation study of the human remains and associated finds.
An Objective Record
As with any investigation, it is important to consider objectivity before proceeding. For this investigation we have to consider both the biases introduced by differential preservation, and the biases of interpretation. Firstly, all archaeological investigations have an unintentional bias, that being preservation, leaving us with us with only a partial view of the reality. Secondly, sources of evidence are never objective, as archaeological evidence cannot speak for itself, and is open to interpretation whereby the interpreter may intentionally or unintentionally impose their own bias onto the evidence (Freeman and Pollard 2001: 121). Similar factors must be considered when using historical sources, where an author may be biased. This investigation relies upon the author’s interpretation, as set out in the various archaeological reports that I have examined, in addition to my analysis of both primary and secondary evidence. Hence, while it can be difficult to overcome unintentional bias, it is important to acknowledge that this may exist in reports. Archaeological evidence, despite having its own potential issues of objectivity issues, is nevertheless useful in testing the reliability of historical sources. As a form of raw and independent data archaeological evidence can both confirm and reject hypothesizes created solely from historical sources. Such an integrated approach to analysis my allow us helping to construct a more complete and accurate view of historical events (Freeman and Pollard 2001: 122).
Terminology
When investigating graves from the Thirty Years’ War it is important to consider the terminology that will be used. Firstly, I will evaluate the use of the term ‘battlefield’ archaeology. In my view the term ‘battlefield’ does not necessarily imply combat between two armies, but could also include civilian combat against an army or authority. I also use the term ‘conflict’ archaeology with care, as some graves may not be directly related to combat but may still be connected to the effects of the war. Therefore, throughout this thesis, the term ‘battlefield’ archaeology will be the term primarily used as it implies that the site or grave is the direct result of combat and violence. While the term ‘conflict’ archaeology will be reserved for sites connected to the war, but not necessarily the result of pitched battle involving violence and armed combat.
The second term that is worth defining before we proceed is the term ‘mass grave’. Curiously, there is no widely accepted definition of what constitutes a mass grave. Skinner (cited in Jæger 2013: 1) defines a mass grave as a grave that contains a minimum of 6 individuals. Alternatively, Mant (cited in Jæger 2013: 1) suggests that a mass grave can contain as few as two individuals, so long as there is physical contact. More recently, Schmitt (cited in Jæger 2013: 1) has taken a socio- anthropological approach and building on Mant’s definition, adds that in the case of two burials in a grave both individuals must share a similar cause or background to their death. Jonas Holm Jæger (2013: 2) argues that we must turn to forensic science in order to find a clear definition as the term “mass grave” is strongly associated with genocides that are investigated by forensic scientists. Here, specific and clear terminology is required to avoid any misinterpretation. Forensic scientists define a mass grave as a grave that contains a minimum of three individuals, to set it apart from a joint grave. If a grave has been closed and then another internment has been placed on top at a later date then this is seen as two separate mass graves, thus allowing for multiple mass graves at one site (Jæger 2013: 2). Jæger (2013: 2) goes on to state that a mass grave is characterised by the unorganised and chaotic placement of the dead, reflecting the lack of respect due to the connection to war crimes. Whereas a communal burial is represented by the organised and systematic layout of the dead, supposedly reflecting respect. I would argue that a mass grave is a conflict grave, therefore encompassing all graves of three or more individuals that shared a similar fate as a result of conflict. Therefore a mass grave could still have an organised layout of the dead, demonstrating respect, as well as including both military and civilian deaths. Whereas the term ‘communal grave’ could be reserved for graves containing more than three individuals during periods of peace, therefore representing deaths stemming from famine or disease for example, rather than actual warfare. I will be use my definition throughout this thesis, referring too many of the sites as mass graves as they are all connected to the conflict of the Thirty Years’ War. This definition could also be extended to shipwrecks where crewmen are known to have been lost along with the ship. ……….……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Transforming objectives into working hypothesis’s
While this thesis investigates the methodologies and information that may be gleaned from the study of graves from the Thirty Years’ War, it also hopes to place the results within a wider context of both battlefield archaeology and an overarching archaeology of the Thirty Years War. I argue that it is only through a better understanding of these conflicts and by combing both archaeology and historical sources, that the foundations can be laid for the appropriate protection of these war graves and the possible creation of memorial landscapes (Homann 2013:221). One must always remember that the material remains revealed from battlefield archaeology, in one way or another, affected human beings in events that caused unthinkable devastation and misery and should therefore be treated with the utmost respect. ……………………………………………..………
When investigating an early modern grave, the burial customs of a region and the specific period must be considered, along with whether the condition of an event allowed for the burial of the dead, such as might occur after a decisive victory (Handrick 1991:214). It was not uncommon for local grave diggers and civilians to be enlisted to assist with the burial of the dead, as was the case at Liegnitz/Legnica (Poland, 1634), Alerheim (Germany, 1645). It should be noted that the circumstances of burial were highly dependent on events and local contexts and varied greatly. Hence it is not uncommon to encounter some graves that have been prepared with little care, and others, such as the mass grave discovered in 2007 on the battlefield of Wittstock (Germany, 1636) that reveal an orderly burial and could possibly be interpreted as a ‘proper’ military burial during the Thirty Years’ War (Handrick 1991:214). There are also a number of factors that can prevent the preservation of a burial. This includes soil chemistry; a soil with high acidity is more likely to break down bones. Other causes of destruction include agricultural land-use, such as deep ploughing, especially in the case of shallow burials. Another factor affecting recovering is the treatment of the dead immediately after the battle. At Hemmingstedt, Germany (1500), for example, the Dithmarsian ensured that enemy foot soldiers and mercenaries received a proper but left enemy knights unburied as deliberate indication of disrespect (Homann 2013: 219).
…………………………………………………………… On the basis that a number of different burial scenarios are possible, a number of hypotheses may be generated. My first hypothesis is that an inconclusive battle result is likely to have resulted in a poorly organized burial as both surviving armies would too tired and wish to withdraw, putting little effort into the burial of the dead. A decisive victory for either side, on the other hand, is more likely to have led to the proper burial of the dead as the winning army would be in complete control of the battlefield and could afford the time to bury the dead. Furthermore, the burial customs mentioned above could have had a considerable bearing upon the organization and layout of the burials. Beyond such post-conflict practicalities, attitudes to burial will also have been shaped by ideological beliefs, and perhaps even ethnicity. Hence a Protestant army may have had different burial customs from a Roman Catholic army, and Swedes may have used different burial customs to Austrians, for example. …………………………………………………………………….
Despite many of the case studies being discovered ahead of construction work, the second hypothesis hypothesises the ability to locate graves on a battlefield from what is learned during this investigation. Firstly sunken features on the battlefield may indicate the presence of mass grave (Schürger 2013: 8). Secondly, the historical sources suggest that after a battle, the local authorities, such as a major, or a military commander might often instruct their soldiers or local residents to bury the dead along the roadside (Eickhoff 2012: 14). The mapping of finds onto a battlefield, which include fired projectiles and struck off pieces of equipment, can help us to detect combat zones by identifying areas of a high density of items (Homann 2013: 210). It is very likely that a great number of soldiers were killed in the combat areas identified from the mapping of finds and it is only logical to hypothesise that grave would have been dug in close proximity to these combat zones, narrowing down the area to search for graves considerably. This thesis will test historical accounts and the hypothesis of ‘least effort’ internment through the analysis of a series of case studies. It is to be hoped that this corpus of material will allow guidelines to be created for future investigations of mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War. …………………………………
A brief history of battlefield archaeology
Battlefields are a valuable source of information for archaeologists, especially when the evidence that they hold is used in conjunction with other archaeological and historical sources. The material remains of battlefields, especially during the Early Modern period can reflect the political, social, economic climate of the period and demonstrate technological innovation that were stimulated by the necessities of war. The early study of battlefields in the 19th century focused mostly on battlefield sites from antiquity and some medieval sites as these sites were considered important as adequate documentation and precise locations of these battlefields had been lost (Homann 2013:204). Therefore, scholars felt the need to excavate battlefields from antiquity in order to resolve disputes over the contemporary interpretations of the events of a given battle.
In comparison, less attention was given to early modern battlefields, where it was deemed the technical ability and technology of the 19th and early 20th century could not contribute anything new to these sites which had ‘adequate’ documentation (Homann 2013:204). Therefore scholars relied on written sources and pictorial representations (paintings and engravings), in order to reconstruct the events of a battle. However eyewitness accounts are often vague and are of limited use to us as they soldiers and other observers will have viewed an engagement through a haze of smoke and fire; quite literally the ‘fog of war’. Their senses may therefore have been distracted and numbed by the sound of musket and cannon fire, the screams of the dying and the sound of their own heart beating against their chest as adrenaline kicked in, leading them to lose track of the events of the battle (Schürger 2013: 11). ………………………………………………………
Archaeological excavations can provide a critical analysis of battlefields through the mapping of archaeological finds and the forensic analysis of human remains found at the site, such as the investigations for the Battle of Little Bighorn which is discussed later in this section. It is sometimes possible to trace and reconstruct the sequence of events of a battle. These case studies demonstrates how battlefield archaeology has developed from its humble beginnings and efforts to discover lost relics or gun emplacements, battlefield archaeology has grown and matured into a fully-fledged field of study, providing a dynamic view of the battlefield while managing to put it into a wider social context (Freeman and Pollard 2001: 116).
The first significant modern archaeological excavation of a battlefield was carried out in the 1950s at the site of the Battle of Tannenberg (1410). Here, Polish archaeologists who utilized a comprehensive range of techniques to study the site, including metal detecting, soil phosphate analysis, and aerial photography (Homann 2013:206). While Poland led the way, other countries such as Germany and Austria attempted to focus on the distant past. The trauma of two world wars, in which nationalist sentiments played a major part led to early modern battlefield sites, and the earlier era of state formation to which they belonged to be viewed with suspicion. I would suggest that attitudes are changing in Germany, which is important as many of the case studies in this article are located in Germany, but the lack of preservation of mass graves until relatively recent times poses considerable challenges to anyone wishing to study the battlefields of the Thirty Years’ War. An inability to preserve sites in situ has often resulted in large scale construction over battlefield sites, particularly in the last 70 years or so, limiting studies to often poorly resources rescue excavations ahead of development projects (Schürger 2013: 8).
As battlefield archaeology developed into an area of study, a number of specialisations began to branch off, such as the study of field fortifications and military earthworks, which emerged in Czechoslovakia during the 1980s (Homann 2013:206). The study of army encampments is valuable to us as camps were usually erected prior to a battle, and if discovered, they can help us to narrow down the location of a nearby battlefield (Homann 2013: 208). More importantly to this study is the systematic forensic investigation of the human remains from armed conflicts, which has grown exponentially on a global scale in recent years. The growing maturity of battlefield archaeology as an academic subject has been reflected with the ‘Fields of Conflict’ conference that was held in Glasgow in 2000 and the creation of the Journal of Conflict Archaeology, which is now an important source of information for this field of study (Homann 2013:207, Scott & Mcfeaters 2011: 104). ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
As mentioned above, battlefield reconstructions based solely on written or pictorial sources can only approximate the historical reality. Problems are exacerbated when historical documentation is either insufficient or contradictory. This is where archaeological investigation is most valuable. Field archaeology can provide a far more factual and dispassionate picture of the past to either confirm or discredit the various hypotheses that I have outlined, above. And yet, despite the obvious strengths of archaeological approaches to battlefields, there are also a clear number of limitations. It is often too time consuming, for example, and too costly to excavate a battlefield site in full and in many cases it is simply not possible to adequately survey the site due to modern building developments. This of course reinforces the need to develop robust sampling strategies that combining a range of complementary techniques, to investigate landscapes where conflicts are known to have occurred. It also makes the case for more attention to be placed on devising rigorous programmes of research which are adequately resources and can work beyond the confines of last minute rescue or salvage archaeology.
This thesis will hopefully illustrate the value of investigating mass graves from battlefield sites, but it must be acknowledged that we are only ever likely to gain a partial impression of the extent of fatalities as many graves will have been destroyed in the past, or remained undiscovered. The hypothetical, best-case scenario would be to discover each grave connected to a known battle and to map the location and the clustering of graves in relation to combat zones. In this way the process of warfare might be more fully reconstructed. As it stands, it is far more likely that the mass graves presented in this investigation, which have for the most part been discovered by chance, will only represent a small fraction of the events of any battle. With these limitations taken into account, it is worth highlighting that the physical remains in a grave are often the only ‘hard’ evidence available to us to study and allow us to study the age, health, origins and cause of death of an individual (Homann 2013: 220). Analysis of biometric data can help us to determine whether certain factors influenced the outcome of a battle: the varying proportions of young or old, healthy or sick, or starving and dehydrated combatants could all could mean the difference between victory and defeat. The analysis of injuries visible on skeletal remains can be an extremely useful way of determining the cause of death, and may also allow insights into combat sequences, methods of fighting. When examined on a suitably large scale, the analysis of battlefield injuries may also inform us about the actual course of a battle. Were soldiers killed from gunfire or from close combat, were they fleeing, were the kills clean or was there a degree of ferocity and “overkill”? All of these questions can be addressed through the forensic analysis of the remains, helping us to reconstruct a battle (Homann 2012: 220). One of the first reconstructions of a battlefield was conducted from an intensive archaeological excavation carried out by Douglas Scott and Melissa Connor at the site of the Battle of Little Bighorn (1876), named after the Little Bighorn River in Montana, between 1985 and 1989 (Hirst n.d.). (The battle involved the U.S Army’s seventh cavalry against several war bands of Lokata Sioux, Cheyenne and Arapaho during a long war between Euro-American settlers and Native Americans. Although the Euro- American settlers won the war, the Native American warriors won the Battle of Little Bighorn and the 7th cavalry suffered approximately 210 casualties, while the Native Americans only lost 32 warriors (Hirst n.d.). The dead were left mutilated on the battlefield as was the cultural norm after a victorious battle for the Native Americans until they were reburied in 1881 by lay men. However they had clearly overlooked a number of small bones and fragments as they were Figure 1: bones of a human forearm and hand discovered during the excavations which overlooked by the 1881 reburial party, and discovered during excavations revealed evidence for the brutal slaughter of 44 individuals of the 7th cavalry, which were mapped to reconstruct the sequence of events of the battle (Fig. 1). This supported the account of the Indian Warrior, Black Elk, who was present at the battle and described how the final survivors of the 7th cavalry were butchered by hatchets and clubs (Eastman 2004: 300).
During the period under study in this thesis medical care was rarely able to successfully treat deep penetrating wounds from projectiles and often could not prevent the development of infections post-treatment (Homann 2013: 216). Although it is of course difficult, it is possible to reveal traces of medical treatment in the archaeological evidence. This might be seen in the loss or discard of medical equipment or removed lead musket balls from a field surgery near to a battlefield, however such valuable pieces of medical equipment are seldom found. The second and far more likely way to detect medical treatment is from the dead themselves. Evidence on human skeletal remains for both healed and unhealed traces of surgery can reveal a great deal of information regarding the type and quality of medical treatment that was common during a specific period (Homann 2013: 217). The most common wounds inflicted on soldiers during this period are deep lacerations from edged weapons such as swords and gunshot wounds from musket balls (Havels 1980, Plum 2011: 10). Although it was possible to survive many of these injuries, soldiers were expected to pay for the materials used in their treatment during this period. This resulted in the poorest soldiers, who were commonly foot soldiers, having the lowest survival rates after treatment, while richer soldiers, such as cavalrymen who were deemed more valuable, experienced far higher survival rates (Eickhoff 2012: 121).
A Brief History of Thirty Years’ War
It can be argued archaeological value does not lie in finds, alone but in the context in which they are discovered (Freeman and Pollard 2001: 121). Therefore, as this is an archaeological investigation into the approaches used and usefulness of graves connected to the Thirty Years’ War, it is important to provide a brief history of the Thirty Years’ War to place case studies within the wider context of the conflict.
The Thirty Years’ War encompasses a series of conflicts in Central Europe between 1618 and 1648, and is considered by many to be one of the most destructive conflicts in European history. Traditionally, academic debates have focused on the religious aspect of the war, but the current academic argument generally accepts that while religion had a significant role in providing a focus for identity and triggering the war, it was not primarily a religious war. Instead, political, social and linguistic factors had a significant input on the outcome of the war (Wilson 2008: 514). The entanglement of dynastic ambitions and religious causes becomes clear to see as Catholic France fought alongside Protestant forces against the Catholic Habsburg dynasty during the later stages of the war (Hays 2005: 97). However, academic studies of the Thirty Years’ War have traditionally failed to provide a truly comprehensive account of the war. This is not surprising as the sheer volume of evidence is so extensive that it could take many lifetimes to analyze. This is partly due to the role the war played in accelerating the ‘media revolution’ of the early seventh century, which saw the printing of millions of pamphlets, newspapers and books (Wilson 2009: 4). And even this daunting mountain of evidence does not take into account the knowledge of the fourteen European languages required to understand and interpret the evidence (Wilson 2009: xxiii). Instead, scholars have often chosen to provide a general overview that excludes exact detail or to focus on specific personalities or events.
Where was the Thirty Years’ War and who was involved? ………………………………………………………
The majority of the engagements during this war took place within the boundaries of the Holy Roman Empire, which was fragmented by into a number of independent states. The Emperors of the Holy Roman Empire came almost exclusively from the Habsburg dynasty, which controlled vast Imperial territories. The Habsburgs dynasty, under a different king, also ruled Spain and the Spanish Netherlands, southern Italy, the Philippines and large tracts of the Americas. The other components of the Empire included the Duchy of Bavaria, the Electorate of Saxony, the Margraviate of Brandenburg, the Electorate of the Palatinate, Landgraviate of Hesse, the Archbishopric of Trier, the Free Imperial City of Nuremberg and numerous minor duchies, free cities and bishoprics. Out of all the political entities within the Empire, only Austria under the Habsburgs and Bavaria were capable of participating in European national politics. The Thirty Years’ War drew in many other European nations into the conflict, however, with Russia being the only major European nation to not be involved. Other nations such as Poland and the Ottoman Empire certainly had a great deal of influence on the war, but also managed to avoid direct engagement in the conflict. Britain played a significant role in supplying a large number of mercenaries to the Protestant armies of Sweden and the Netherlands, but again, avoided committing to the conflict in full (Wilson 2009: 9). The war was triggered by religious tensions between Catholics and Protestants that had been simmering under Europe’s surface for over half a century after the Peace of Augsburg (1555). The treaty, signed by the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, was a temporary solution to religious issues and hostilities that had arisen in Europe after the Protestant Reformation (Parker 1997:17-18). However, as the war progressed, it became less about religion and more about the rivalry between the French monarchy and Habsburg dynasty.
The Stages of the War The Bohemian Revolt
Figure 2: The Second Defenestration of Prague (1618)
The Bohemian Revolt, which is considered to be the trigger for the Thirty Year’s War, was the result of Emperor Matthias lack of heirs, leading him to name the almost fanatical Catholic, Ferdinand of Styria, later Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor, as his heir. This troubled Protestant leaders in Bohemia who feared that they would lose their religious rights given to them by Emperor Rudolf II in his letter of Majesty (1609). Two Catholic councilors, Vilem Slavata and Jaroslav Borzitz, were sent to Hradčany castle in Prague in May 1618 to represent the Emperor. On 23 May, 1618, a group of Protestants seized and threw them out of the palace window. The two men and a servant who was also thrown out of window survived the 70ft fall. This event, however, which became known as the Second Defenestration of Prague, ignited the Bohemian Revolt which spread through all of Bohemia, Silesia, Upper and Lower Lusatia and Moravia. (Wilson 2009: 3-4). The Defenestration of Prague became the focus of one the most famous and instantly recognizable illustrations of the war, as shown in Figure 2.
The Protestant forces, also known as the Confederation, sought to rise up and exploit the inexperience of the newly elected Emperor, Emperor Ferdinand, upon the news of the death of Emperor Matthias on 20 March 1619. This led Emperor Ferdinand to seek assistance from the Spanish branch of the Habsburg dynasty. This consequently spread the war into Germany, as the Bohemians desperately searched for Protestant allies against the Emperor. Offers of Kingship in Bohemia were sent to a number of Electors, such as Frederick V of Palatine and the Elector of Saxony. However these letters were intercepted by the Imperial forces, exposing the Bohemian desperation, diminishing their support (Wallbank et al 1992: 15). The Bohemian Revolt concluded with the decisive defeat of the Protestant forces under Frederick V at the Battle of the White Mountain, near Prague, by the Catholic army under Count Tilly on 8 November 1620. As a result of the defeat at the White Mountain, the Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick V, was outlawed from the Empire and his lands were stripped and given to his distant Catholic cousin, Duke Maximilian of Bavaria (Wedgwood 1961: 50). This is known as the Palatinate sub phase between 1621 and 1625. Here we see the removal of the final obstacle obstructing Spain’s route to the Dutch Republic, which saw numerous defeats for the Dutch protestants forces, resulting in England, France, the Dutch Republic, Sweden, Denmark, Savoy, Venice and Brandenburg forming an anti- Hapsburg alliance to fight Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor in 1624.
The Danish Phase
The period between 1625 and 1629 has often been termed as the ‘Danish Phase’, due to Danish intervention. Christian IV of Denmark, Duke of Holstein (part of the Holy Roman Empire), was a Lutheran who supported the Lutheran cause of Lower Saxony against Imperial forces in 1625. His involvement can be attributed to his fear of Catholic success threatening his sovereignty as a Protestant nation. His participation was well rewarded. The German town of Hamburg, accepted Danish sovereignty, for example, and this brought a stability and wealth to Denmark that was unparalleled in Europe (Lockhart 2007:166).
Swedish Intervention The ‘Swedish intervention’ phase (1630- 1635), saw King Gustavus Adolphus, the ‘Lion of the North’ as shown in figure 3, successively invade the Holy Roman Empire, coming to the aide of German Lutherans
Figure 3: The Victory of Gustavus Adolphus at the Battle of Breitenfeld (1631) (Schürger 2013: 10). This intervention was mostly intended to prevent the Imperial Habsburg dynasty gaining an economic influence on the German states along the Baltic Sea. The campaign was partially funded by Cardinal Richelieu, Chief Minister of Louis XIII of France and also by the Dutch Republic (Wilson 2009: 464). The Swedish campaign was largely successful and earned the Swedish Empire the reputation of championing the Protestant cause until the collapse of the Swedish Empire in 1721. The Swedish army did not exclusively consist of men from the Swedish empire however, and was augmented with many German and Scottish mercenaries. One estimate suggests that as many as 30,000 Scots fought for Sweden over the course of the war (Grosjean 2003:106). The Battle of Lützen (1632) between Gustavus Adolphus and the Imperial General, Wallenstein can be considered a major turning point for this phase. Despite being a Swedish victory, King Gustavus was killed, unravelling the early successes of the Swedish campaign. ……………………………………….. French intervention and the Peace of Westphalia …………………………………………………………………..
The final phase saw the involvement of France under the Catholic King Louis XIII, who feared the growing power of the Imperial-Habsburg dynasty. The crumbling Swedish campaign was now propped up by the French declaration of war against Spain in August 1935. However, little headway was made by either side and with no end of the war in sight, the conflict quickly descended into a war of attrition. The war did not end with a single treaty as the titled ‘Peace of Westphalia’ suggests (Wilson 2009: 735). Negotiations between the warring sides had been ongoing for four years at both Osnabrück and Münster in Westphalia. A number of treaties were signed before the conflict ended, including the Treaty of Hamburg, the Peace of Münster on 15 May 1648 and the Treaty of Osnabrück was signed on 24 October 1648 (Atkinson 2005, Wilson 2009: 735-55). The treaties also led to a number of territorial changes in central Europe, with Brandenburg and Saxony being the biggest winners, as shown in figure 4.
These changes would have an enormous effect on the future of Germany, particularly with the rise of the Hohenzollern dynasty, which would later rule both Brandenburg and Prussia and unite Germany 1871 (Clark 2006: 48-49). The war saw the widespread devastation of Central Europe, not only through battles, but also through armies living off the land and providing for themselves through looting. This caused much hardship for non-combatants, with famine and disease contributing significantly to the death and misery of the period. A combination of violence, epidemics and famines, during the Thirty Years’ War, led to the death of c.5 million people in Central Europe (Schürger 2013: 8). Figure 4: Territory changes at the Peace of Westphalia (1648)
The Role of Fear …………………….…………………………………………………………………………………………………… Although the brief history above provides an overview of the war, archaeology is renowned for focusing on the individual in the past and telling a story. Therefore, as this investigation will focus on graves, violence and destruction during the Thirty Years’ War, it would be worth considering the role fear played on human psyche during this period, which may have influenced the actions of individuals. The easiest way to understand and analyze the role of fear on the human psyche is through printed literature from the war. The development of print technology during the Protestant Reformation, also referred to as the ‘media revolution’, heralded the arrival of ‘mass- produced propaganda’ (Lederer 2004: 21). During the earlier stages of the war, the mass– produced literature followed confessional lines with either pro-Protestant or pro-Catholic propaganda. However, by the later stages of the war, these confessional lines had become lost as both sides had adopted a universal condemnation of the war (Lederer 2004: 22). Accounts from the period contain a significant theatrical element drawing upon biblical themes and the bizarre and horrible, typical of the Baroque period (Theibault 1993: 274, Wilson 2009: 611). Tales of wolves lurking in woods, for example, were quickly transformed into sightings of werewolves (Lederer 2004: 21). The influence of religion was important as literature largely focused on tales of morality, specifically greed. Pamphlets were filled with local examples of the heads of families committing suicide after failing to support their family. In such examples, a rich local official or relative had failed their Christian duty to help, indicating a lack of social cohesion and moral decay (Lederer 2004: 26). There was also an emphasis on the horrors that people were driven to as a result of widespread famine and epidemics that ravaged the land. The most commonly cited tale accused civilians of turning to cannibalism, with civilians inviting wounded soldiers in for help and then butchering them for food. In the county of Zweibrücken, there was a tale of a woman who lured children into her home with the promise of food, before butchering them for food (Lederer 2004: 27). The war certainly have a profound on the Brothers Grimm who lived in Hanau during the war, which is is discussed later in this study. The stories they collected reflected many hardships and narratives of the time such as wicked step-parents (Cinderalla), hunger and poverty (Hansel and Gretel) and premature death (Sleeping Beauty) (munich found 1998). Other common tales told of people digging up the recently deceased at cemeteries for food. Therefore it is little wonder that as the war went on, both Catholics and Protestants cared less about who was going to win, but just wanted a universal end to the war (Lederer 2004: 28).
The war had a major influence on historical literature and has been viewed with renewed interest in recent years, however much recent scholarship has come from Britain and France, rather than Germany (Theibault 1993: 271). The academic debate has often become bogged down by debates over the reliability of sources from the period, leading many historians to shift their investigations onto large-scale trends, economics and causes of the war instead (Theibault 1993: 271). Scenes describing cannibalism, as described above, are considered by some historians to be exaggerations, while others consider the tales to be plausible due to the conditions of the war. Many historians, such as Gerhard Benecke (cited in Theibault 1993: 271) argue that damages were deliberately exaggerated in order to gain greater compensation, and he supports this assertion with a detailed analysis of urban debts and claims of damage in the town of Lemgo, North Rhine- Westphalia, Germany. Benecke concludes that “a war damage claim was an unscrupulous attempt to get tax-reduction from territorial authorities, therefore not a credible account of actual war damage” (cited in Theibault 1993: 271). The biggest drawback of Benecke’s stance, however, is that he relies on the presumption of dishonesty in all reports.
The literature from the period suggests that descriptions of death and destruction as a tool of persuasion were only compelling when connected to specific events. For example, General Tilly described the “distress and poverty of the currently completely exhausted and worn down lands” in 1626 which he used to justify extending the range of districts under his jurisdiction (Theibault 1993: 279). This also demonstrates that descriptions of suffering as a result of the war were both bottom up and top down, making these sources far more plausible as the rhetoric escalated, spreading fear through the lands.
Case Studies:
In the following section I will examine a series of case studies of mass graves, combining archaeological and historical evidence in an effort to identify differences and was well as recurrent patterns in the archaeological evidence. The case studies will be presented in chronological order, according to the year of burial. Figure… plots where each case study is located on a map showing current political borders in central Europe.
Figure 5: The location of case studies on a modern map of central Europe The Battle of White Mountain, Prague (Czech Republic). …………………………………………………………………
On November 7, 1620, the Imperial-Bavarian army, under the leadership of General Tilly and Bucquoy, aimed to smash the Bohemian confederacy, by seizing the poorly garrisoned city of Prague where leader of the Confederate cause, Frederick, was stationed. In order to do this, Tilly needed to bypass the Bohemian confederate army under the command of Anhalt. He achieved this by distracting the Confederates with a small detachment of musketeers while the rest of the army looped around the other side (Wilson 2009: 347). Upon realising the situation, Anhalt force- marched his army to overtake the Imperial-Bavarian army and position his men on White Mountain at midnight, directly blocking the Imperial-Bavarian’s route to Prague, 8km to the west. The mountain earned its name from its chalk subsoil and numerous gravel pits. Anhalt had hoped to entrench his army firmly into the mountain, but poor morale and exhaustion among his army limited progress as many argued that digging was only for peasants (Wilson 2009: 304). The Confederate army consisted of 11,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry alongside 5,000 Hungarian and Transylvanian light cavalry. The Imperial-Bavarian army had 2,000 more men and 2 more cannon than the Confederates. On Sunday 8 November, at fifteen minutes past midday, all twelve Imperial-Bavarian’s guns fired simultaneously, signalling the advance of their army who took advantage of thick fog across the battlefield (Wilson 2009: 304). Anhalt had opted for an active defence and under the leadership of Anhalt junior, Confederate infantry and cavalry moved down to engage the enemy as they struggled up the slope. This courageous act, for a few fleeting moments, appeared to put victory within the Confederates grasp. However Bucquoy, despite wounded, led the Imperial cavalry to rally their infantry, capture Anhalt junior, and began to break up the confederate army after an hour of intense fighting, forcing them to flee (Wilson 2009: 306). The battle was a decisive win for the Imperial- Bavarian forces at the cost of 650 dead and wounded, largely a result of Anhalt Junior brave offensive. The Confederates on the other hand left 600 dead on the battlefield and another 1,000 dead on their retreat back to Prague, many of whom drowned in the Moldau. Although the vast proportion of the Confederate army escaped to Prague, which was a strongly fortified city that would have been difficult to besiege through winter. However, Tilly’s strategy of relentless pressure to maximise his gains, prevented the Confederates from rallying their forces to defend Prague. Realising the hopelessness of the situation, Frederick, his royal entourage and many others fled the city (Wilson 2009: 307). What could have been an average victory was quickly transformed into a tremendous one for the Imperial-Bavarian forces, effectively crushing the Bohemian Confederation. This victory paved the way for the hostile re-Catholicisation and Protestant prosecution in Bohemia, leading to significant levels of emigration from the region (Wilson 2009: 313).The result of The Battle of White Mountain and the Bohemian Revolt in general has been interpreted as a heroic but tragic episode of Czech’s long struggle for independence from the Austrian Habsburg dynasty. While those inclined to the Habsburgs argue that the result was a victory for progress and stopped Bohemia from falling into a ‘Polish future’ (Wilson 2009: 347). ……………………………………………………………………………...
White Mountain mass grave A
A rescue excavation, in 1960, discovered a mass grave connected to The Battle of White Mountain (1620). Sadly, approximately half of the grave was destroyed prior to the arrival of professional archaeologists. The excavation recovered the remains of 44 individuals which were discovered stacked in four layers. The positions of the remains suggest that the individuals had been thrown into the pit reflecting a potential lack of respect to the dead. The anthropological analysis of the remains revealed that 40 of the individuals were men, 2 were women and 2 were unidentifiable (Matoušek in press). The individuals were then split into age groups. The largest group for the men was the 20-40 age range, consisting of 17 individuals. 15 men fell into the 40 – 50 age group, 4 were aged around 60 while another individual could be aged to around 15 years old. One of the women was aged between 20 – 30 and the other between 40 to 50 years old. Analysis of the bones revealed that many of the individuals died from laceration wound from either above or behind. One skull had suffered a gunshot wound and contained a lead ball from a cavalry pistol. Another individual suffered from a puncture wound to the back of their ribcage. The tip of a pike was found lodged in the puncture wound, attributing the weapon to a pike. From the study of the angles of the wounds, it was revealed that several individuals had been ‘finished off’ while they were lying on the ground. This information suggests that these individuals were fleeing when they were killed and therefore may have belonged to the retreating confederate forces. This interpretation is supported by evidence that the bodies had been thrown, therefore displaying disrespect to the dead, which the victorious Imperial-Bavarian army are unlikely to have shown their own dead. However, a significant proportion of the remains showed signs for an advance state of decay, reflected through disarticulation of the limbs. This information supports the historical evidence that the bodies were left unburied for a number of weeks before the ‘unbearable’ smell forced the locals to bury the remains (Janská 1966). Therefore the dead may not have necessarily have belonged to a single side and friend and foe could have possibly have been buried together and this is supported by the discovery of a small Bavarian coin that was also important in dating the grave (Matoušek in press).
White Mountain mass grave B
Construction workers stumbled across another mass grave in the White Mountain battlefield area in 1974. Prior to the arrival of professional archaeologists, the construction workers unprofessionally excavated five skeletons from the grave. The archaeologists recovered a further eight individuals from the grave. The grave measured 3.3m x 1.1m and all but two of the skeletons were laid on their backs, while the other two were laid down on their sides (Matoušek in press). This is interesting as this burial clearly did not follow Christian burial rituals as two were laid on their sides. Many of the skeletons revealed deep laceration wounds, similar to those found in White Mountain mass grave A. However these were largely concentrated around the back of the neck and the crown of the head. One individual had two leads musket balls firmly embedded between their cervical vertebrae while two more displayed gunshot wound to their skulls (Havels 1980). Interesting a number of iron pins and bronze loops and fragments were discovered among the dead, possibly reflecting the presence of clothing and equipment, possibly suggesting that the dead were not stripped before burial. It appears as though there are few finds that can illuminate to which side the dead belonged to, but they consist of a mix of both. ………………………………
Lambach, Upper Austria (Austria). ………………………………………………………………………………………………
In 1994, a series of mass graves were discovered in Austria. Although they were initially believed to be linked to the war crimes under the Nationalist Socialist regime (1933-1945), archaeological and anthropological analysis connected the graves to the peasant uprising of 1625 during the Thirty Years’ War (Miller 2003: 21). The precise dating was helped by the discovery of two coins linked to the period. The uprising was carried out by Protestant peasants in Upper Austria against the draconian rule of the Catholic Count Herberstorff. Even though the peasants were initially successful, the reinforcement of Bavarian soldiers to the region under the command of Pappenheim soon crushed the revolt, in 1626. It is believed that over 3,000 peasants died during the uprising and the grave discovered during the construction of a power plant near Lambach contained c. 102 individuals (Miller 2003: 21). Analysis of the skeletons revealed that the vast majority of the individuals had died from head wounds, although the report was not clear whether these had been inflicted by blades, blunt force weapons such as maces and hammers, or from projectile rounds fired by muskets and pistols. Sadly the report fails to describe how the dead were organized in the grave and overall the report is of limited use for the purposes of this discussion. Höchstadt, Bavaria (Germany). …………………………………………………………………………………………………..
In 1985, during the redevelopment of a basement in an 18th century house, a mass grave was discovered in Höchstadt. The house stands on the inner ring of the former northern outer town wall (Plum 2011: 2). As the foundations were pulled up a human skull was discovered, c. 30cm below the basement floor level. The Bavarian State Conservation Office and the Police were quickly notified and after initial investigation it was established that the skull belonged to an historical burial the Erlanger urban archaeological unit was brought in to carry out the excavation (Plum 2011: 2). The 3 week excavation discovered 30 individuals in a pit measuring c. 2.70m by c. 2.10m. The excavation revealed that the grave diggers had taken advantage of the natural gradient of the inner mounting ring beside the town wall. The fill of the pit appears to have been sourced from the towns debris after the assault as it contained a mix of rubble, ash and earth on top of the natural sandy soil below (Plum 2011: 3). The skeletons were stacked in a crisscross pattern to maximize the space of the pit and overall their preservation was good. Due to the nature of the fill, a range of small finds were discovered in the grave. These ranged from lead shot, ceramic fragments, the residue of clothing and a Salzburg Thaler (coin), dated to 1628. The archaeological team grave suggested that the grave could be connected to the 1633 siege of Höchstadt (Plum 2011: 3).
On March 10th 1633, the Catholic town of Höchstadt was assaulted several times by Swedish forces (Plum 2011: 1). The Swedish army was 1,000 men strong, whereas the defenders of Höchstadt consisted of a modest garrison of 60 men alongside its citizenry. The town walls were breached around two o’clock in the afternoon after substantial cannon fire, this was followed by a concentrated assault by the Swedish forces, killing the entire the garrison. First-hand accounts describe how the women of Höchstadt threw boiling water and stones down upon the Swedish attackers, this admirable defence of their town sadly led to the massacre of 300 civilians (Wilson 2009: 838; Plum 2011: 2). To put this number of deaths into context, in 1600 there were 160 families recorded in the town. Following the Swedish assault on the town, only 98 known families remained, and it is likely that 300 deaths would have been a very noticeable loss in such a small town (Plum 2011: 2).
Figure 6: Two skulls showing fatal wounds
Early anthropological reports revealed that two skulls showed fatal wounds as shown in Figure 6, this demonstrates the ferocity the Swedish soldiers unleashed during the assault as they do not appear to have discriminated between the garrison and the citizenry. Based on the historical evidence, as mentioned above, it is likely that these civilians put up a strong resistance against the Swedish attackers and that is why they were subsequently massacred. The information provided here comes from the reports of the initial archaeological investigation as all copies of the final excavation report by the Erlanger urban archaeological unit were lost in the early 1990s (Plum 2011: 3). This point aside, the investigation only partially excavated the mass grave due to health and safety concerns, so the opportunity exits to revisit the site if further redevelopment takes place. If this happens it is likely that the total number of skeletons recovered will rise significantly in number. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The remains from the 1985 excavation were ceremonially reburied at the town’s military cemetery in 2003 (Plum 2011: 3). The grave is useful in illustrating that even in a civilian context, mass graves from the Thirty Year’s War still followed a pattern of maximizing the space within the grave. The careful organization of burials may also indicate that respect was shown to the dead, imply that they were buried by friends and relatives. Despite the full report being lost, we can assume that the grave contained a mix of both men and women, and therefore the residue of clothing indicates that the bodies were not striped, possibly revealing a degree of respect to the female bodies during this period of strong moral values, and again making it unlikely they attacking army participated in the interments. It is unfortunate that the information from this grave is of only of limited value as the detailed report is missing. However, the preliminary reports are still interesting and providing us with a valuable insight into the traumas that were faced by civilian populations. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
Stralsund, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Germany). ………………………………………………………………………
During the Thirty Years’ War, the Hanseatic city of Stralsund was one of the most heavily contested cities in northern Germany. The Imperial army besieged the city under General Wallenstein in the summer of 1628 (Wilson 2009: 431). However the siege was unsuccessful and the Imperial army later withdrew, emboldening the towns of the Hanseatic League, but this was not without a cost of lives. The historical records suggest that the brief and unsuccessful siege cost the lives of approximately 12,000 soldiers from both sides (Wilson 2009: 431).
Stralsund A
Figure 7: Stralsund A mass grave
After the destruction of the town from bombing during the Second World War, two apartment buildings were built at Frankenhof, FPL. 333rd Genre Befunde. These buildings were demolished In 2009 and only after the demolition archaeologists discovered a mass grave that had now been partially disturbed by the demolition as shown in figure 7 (Ansorge 2010: 126). It was. The grave measured 4m x 1.60m, and contained a minimum of 25 individuals, based on the number of skulls and skull fragments, which were laid in an east-west direction (Ansorge 2010: 129). It was not east to determine whether the skeletons in this grave were victims of the 1629 plague, or dead soldiers from the siege of Stralsund, 1628. The anthropological study of the skeletons noted Figure 8: Impression left by a lead bullet on the thigh of skeleton 3 that the health of the individuals was good and therefore uncharacteristic of soldiers from the period (Ansorge2010: 130). It is possible that these individuals belonged to the city’s garrison and therefore enjoyed better nutrition than their counterparts in field armies. Their identities as soldiers were confirmed by consistent traces of violence such as the impression of a bullet on the thigh shown in figure 8. The skull of skeleton 9 clearly shows a clean bullet hole. Analysis of the position of the hole suggests that the individual must have been either kneeling or lying down on the ground when shot. The shot has been interpreted as a mercy killing for a fatally wounded soldier (Ansorge 2010: 131). The teeth of many of the individuals show few abrasions or wear, but one individual, as shown in figure 9, showed strong erosion between their incisors, suggesting that the individual had been an avid smoker; this was supported by the number of clay smoking pipes found within the grave itself (Ansorge 2010: 131). Metal detecting within close proximity of the grave recovered a large number of lead balls of all calibres and even some artillery fragments, suggesting that the area must have been under Figure 9: Abrasions to incisors caused by heavy smoking using a pipe fire during the siege of 1628 (Ansorge 2010: 132).
Stralsund B ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
In April 2010, an area of 5,000 m² underwent redevelopment in the neighbourhood of Frankenhof, south of the old city of Stralsund. During construction work, two human skeletons were discovered in a trench that measured c. 7.5 metres long by c. 1.7 metres wide (Konze and Samaritan 2011: 15). The skeletons were quickly linked to the siege of Stralsund in 1628 during the Thirty Years’ War. The city was successively besieged by Imperial troops under the command of General Wallenstein. From the large number of musket balls in the trench, it is presumed that their position had come under heavy musket fire (Konze and Samaritan 2011: 15). Interestingly, there were a range of weapons found alongside the two soldiers. Firstly, two muskets with the initials “OM” and “WN” engraved into their stocks. There was also a mace, a pike, and several knives were also found among the bodies. X-ray scans of one of the blades revealed the inscription “IOHANNI” and many of the blades displayed impact marks (Konze and Samaritan 2011: 15). …………………………………………………………………. The anthropological investigation into the grave of two soldiers from Stralsund revealed a number of fascinating insights. One of the soldiers was aged between 18 to 22 years old and the other was aged between 45 to 50 years old when they died. Both skeletons showed traces of healed and unhealed wounds which suggests am intense melee of combat. The younger soldier showed one injury as may have been inflicted by a pike to his fourth thoracic vertebra, causing severe damage to the spinal cord. It is likely that this injury will have caused the soldier’s legs to be paralyzed immediately prior to his death (Konze and Samaritan 2011: 15). The skeleton of the older soldier revealed that he had been fatally shot through the chest. The remains of clothing indicated that the individuals had been wearing medium-high leather shoes, and a doublet jacket with ball buttons This information provides a useful indication of what an average soldier may have been wearing during the Thirty Years’ War. The question has also been raised as to whether these two burials had been related to one another due to the closeness and positions of the skeletons which had were touching at the shoulders and had heads facing one another perhaps suggesting some form of connection and closeness (Konze and Samaritan 2011: 15).
Friedländer Tor, Neubrandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Germany).
In November 1991, an excavation at Friedländer Tor in Neubrandenburg revealed a number of human skeletons. Due to the traces of uniform and violence, the remains were linked to the conquest of Neubrandenburg by General Tilly in the spring of 1631 (Jungklaus 2011: 34). General Tilly had been chasing the Swedish King Gustavus Adolphus across Pomerania and into Mecklenburg. Gustavus had sought a brief refuge in Neubrandenburg before Tilly assaulted the town. Although a third of the 750 Swedish defenders died during the brief assault, Tilly’s forces had been repulsed, providing a breathing space for Gustavus as Tilly rallied his forces (Wilson 2009: 468). By the time Tilly had raised 25,000 soldiers to storm the city, Gustavus had marched east collecting his forces before assaulting Frankfurt on the Oder, slaughtering a large portion of the Imperial garrison, seizing eastern Pomerania and the lower Oder for the Swedish Empire (Wilson 2009: 468).
In 2009, the remains were revisited and a new, more in-depth anthropological study was undertaken in an attempt to learn more about this mass grave. The grave contained a minimum of 13 individuals based on the number of skulls and skull fragments. The study revealed that the ages of the individuals ranged between 15 to 44 years old, but the average lay between 25 to 29 years old. The study of their nutrition suggests that these individuals were well fed and were living on an animal protein rich diet, of meat and dairy products (Jungklaus 2011: 34). The general hygiene and health of these individuals was poor, however, many showed evidence of parasites such as lice, which could be detected through damage caused to the bone surface such as bumps and a porous surface, and others suffered from paranasal sinuses and oral mucositis which typically appear in the form of painful ulcers (Jungklaus 2011:34, Eickhoff 2012: 128). It is clear that the individuals suffered a violent end, with 3 skulls showing evidence for blunt trauma impacts in the form of extensive fracture, two skulls showed deep cuts from bladed weapons and a further two died from being shot through the skull. The very high proportion of fatal wounds to the skull may suggest some form of execution of these individuals, however this is far from conclusive. The report fails to mention the gender of the individuals from the grave. This makes it much harder to determine whether these were civilians who were butchered by the Imperial army under Tilly or whether they were all male, and therefore more likely to be members of a local garrison who died whilst defending their town. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Lützen, Saxony-Anhalt (Germany). ……………………………………………………………………………..…………………
In 1632, the Imperial General, Albrecht von Wallenstein, sick with gout, abandoned his desire to retreat to Leipzig and set up his force defensively along the Weissenfels-Leipzig road that crossed Lützen anticipating correctly, that Gustavus would avoid a frontal assault and attempt to outflank his army (Wilson 2009: 507). Under the cover of fog, Gustavus’s soldiers attempted to outflank Wallenstein’s supposed position, but as the fog lifted, Gustavus saw, to his dismay, that he had setup opposite Wallenstein’s force. Wallenstein was aware that the Swedish army had numerical superiority and ordered the small village of Lützen to be set on fire to prevent the Swedes outflanking his right. The smoke from the fire was carried by the wind across the battlefield to the Swedish positions, reducing visibility drastically (Wilson 2009: 510). Despite this disadvantage, Gustavus relied on the experience of his army and the superior firepower of his infantry and artillery and took the offensive (Schürger et al 2013: 10). What followed was one of the bloodiest battles of the Thirty Years’ War. At 11 a.m. the Swedish army attacked Wallenstein’s right flank, and the Imperial regiment broke ranks and fled. At 12noon, two Swedish regiments were massacred by the Imperial army and at 1 a.m. Gustav II Adolf was killed in a charge. Command of the Swedish army passed the Duke Bernard of Weimar. By 6p.m. Wallenstein, unaware of the death of Gustavus, ordered the retreat of his army and abandoned his position to retreat to Leipzig (Schürger et al 2013: 10). Among the casualties were Wallenstein’s nephew Berthold of Waldstein and Field Marshal Pap Oppenheim, who died a few days later in Leipzig after succumbing to his injuries (Schürger et al 2013: 12). It is estimated that between 6,000 and 9,000 men were killed during the battle. Although the battle of Lützen is often described as a Swedish victory, it had little strategic significance for either side. The death of King Gustavus II Adolphus certainly hindered the progress of the Swedish army thereafter, however, leading many to question the extent to which it could be considered a Swedish victory (Seidler 2012).
From 2006, the State office for Historic Preservation and Archaeology in Saxony-Anhalt, along with Swedish and British scientists started a broad research project on the site of the battle of Lützen (Schürger 2013: 11). The project involved the large-scale, systematic, survey of the battlefield, measuring c. 1.1 million metres² (Seidler 2012). Only about a third of the battlefield is accessible to archaeological excavations, however, as the rest is heavily built on (Seidler 2012). When the mass grave was discovered in the late summer of 2011, the survey had only covered a third of the third of the battlefield that was accessible to the archaeologists (Schürger et al 2013: 11). The systematic survey of the battlefield with the use of metal detectors, recovered tens of thousands of small metal finds such as parts of uniforms, equipment, coins and projectiles. These finds provide a greater understanding of the battlefield as they reveal the movement of troop positions and conflict areas (Schürger et al 2013: 8).
Out of the c. 11,000 metal finds dating to the Thirty Years’ War that were discovered by metal detecting, c. 3,000 were projectile rounds. The spatial distribution of the projectiles revealed that both armies were using similar calibres, but the historical sources reveal that the Swedish muskets had a superior design (Schürger et al 2013: 11). Over the course of the war, due to ammunition shortages, German weapons were incorporated into the Swedish army to create the standardization of calibre, making it much easier for Swedish soldiers to loot ammunition from the dead and supply wagons of the Imperial army (Schürger et al 2013: 12). From the analysis and mapping of projectile rounds on the battlefield, it is clear that the Swedish army was in the process of incorporating German guns into their army as the Swedish calibre only made up a small portion of the rounds fired from the Swedish positions (Schürger et al 2013: 12).
The initial analysis of the Lützen grave estimated that the grave contained between 75 - 175 individuals, but after full examination it was only found to contain 47 individuals. The 47 individuals were laid down in two rows on each of the two layers (Schürger et al 2013: 8). In order to investigate the grave under ideal laboratory conditions, it was decided to lift the grave in situ. The grave, measuring c. 3.3 x c. 4.5m was divided into two sections for logistical reasons and each part was reinforced with an elaborate steel corset that was then lifted using a mobile crane (Schürger et al 2013: 12). The grave, weighing c. 55 tonnes was then transported to a laboratory in the city of Halle. In the Laboratory, the perimeters of the grave were encased in wood to prevent it from crumbling away while it was excavated as shown in figure 10 (Seidler 2012). …………………
Figure 10: Excavation of mass grave under laboratory conditions The forensic study of the skeletons found in the grave revealed a long list of injuries inflicted upon the individuals, some of which had healed, while others were clearly not healed and possibly fatal. One soldier had been fatally shot by a lead musket ball in the pelvic area. Another showed signs of non-fatal strike marks to the skull (Schürger et al 2013: 12). Further analysis of the skeletons reveals that they had been stripped prior to burial. They were laid in two opposing rows over two layers. There were the few lead bullets found from inside the soldiers, indicating the cause of death as the bullets penetrate the soft flesh instead of marking the bone of an individual (Schürger et al 2013: 13). Unusually, two skeletons had outstretched arms and it is difficult to understand why this was the case, as rigor mortis had not set in, as seen on the cover photo. Although it is difficult to determine the reason for the outstretched arms with any degree of certainty, it is possible that this was the result of the last corpses being thrown carelessly into the grave. This may also explain the one individual that was buried face down as shown in figure 11.
Figure 11: One individual was buried face down
Anthropological studies reveal that the age of the soldiers in the grave had ranged between c.1 5 and c. 45 years at the time of death. Many of the individuals showed signs of previous fighting, demonstrating that while many were young, they were also experienced soldiers. One individual had a fatal bullet to the head and many others showed signs of multiple gunshot wounds. The large number of fractures and healed fractures demonstrate the ferocity of close quarter combat (Schürger et al 2013: 13). Traces of a number of infectious diseases, such as syphilis and respiratory diseases were revealed during the analysis of the skeletons. Dental care was poor, and caries were very common among the dead. The diet of the men had been high in animal protein, suggesting that a high proportion of meat and dairy products had been consumed (Schürger et al 2013: 13). The strontium isotope analysis of the skeletons to determine their possible geographical region of origin was undertaken by researchers from Bristol University (Seidler 2012).The analysis revealed that the men originated from the modern geographical territories of Sweden, Finland, Germany, Scotland, the Czech Republic and Croatia (Schürger et al 2013: 13). The mixed backgrounds of the soldiers suggest the employment of mercenaries and also indicate that both friend and foe were buried in the same grave.
Due to time constraints the Swedish army marched on did not bury their dead. Instead, they paid 200 people from the neighbouring town of Weissenfels to clear up the battlefield (Seidler 2012). It is likely that grave diggers plundered the bodies before burial. As Eickhoff (2012: 14) has suggested, the burial of the dead in mass graves probably had more to do with the quick deposition of the dead to prevent the spread of disease, rather than any notion of an honourable funeral for the fallen. The grave lay beside the Lützen-Leipzig road, also known as the “royal road” (Schürger et al 2013: 12). This is the only mass grave in Germany to be discovered outside construction work and this enabled the team to undertake a systematic prospection of a site (Schürger et al 2013: 12). This case study is also very important in illustrating the value of a full investigation of a grave as the initial estimates, which would certainly have characterised the grave, were from accurate. This raises questions over the validity of the number of supposed dead in the partially investigated mass graves that have excavated by commercial units ahead of construction work in other locations.
There is another possible mass grave known on the battlefield that is yet to be excavated. In 1901, human remains were found during the construction of a building but were not fully investigated. Since then a supermarket carpark has been constructed on that area. The grave is believed to be deep, c. 1.5 metre down from ground level, so may survive. This site is also believed to be alongside the old Lützen-Leipzig road where historically many of the dead were buried. There have been plans to carry out geophysics tests and radar surveys to detect the exact location of this mass grave, but it seems more likely archaeologists will have to wait for the redevelopment of the site before gaining further access (Pollard 2009). Nördlingen, Bavaria (Germany).
In 2006, during the laying of a major pipeline, which stretched more than 50km across Bavaria, the Bavarian State Office of Historic Preservation deployed teams of archaeologists to locate and record sites of archaeological importance prior to construction (Plum 2011: 8). During this process, excavators discovered two skeletons. One skeleton laid sprawled on its back, with its skull facing west as shown in figure 12.Unfortunately the mechanical excavator that was used had fragmented this skull (Plum 2011: 8). Finds in the grave, and nearby pottery linked the two inhumations to the Battle of Nördlingen. Forensic analysis suggests that the two individuals died from musket ball wounds (Plum 2011: 6). Beyond the cause of death, it is difficult to determine whether the men died during the cavalry battle, on 5th September, or during the Swedish retreat on 6th September (Plum 2011: 12).
Figure 12: Skeleton lying sprawled on its back
The first battle of Nördlingen on 5th and 6th of September 1634, took place after the besiegement of the Protestant, free imperial city of Nördlingen by Spanish and Imperial forces. The attacking force had gathered on 18th August and numbering c. 35,000 men (Wilson 2009:545). On 5th September a Swedish army, numbering c. 25,700 men, arrived to break the siege and relieve the city from Spanish and Imperial forces (Plum 2011: 6; Wilson 2009:546). After two days of fierce fighting the Swedish army of relief were defeated, suffering c. 8,000 dead, c. 4,000 captured, and many more wounded. In contrast, the Imperial and Spanish forces lost only c. 1,200 men, with a similar number of wounded (Plum 2011: 7). After watching their relief force defeated, the city of Nördlingen offered its formal surrender to the Spanish and Imperial forces on 7th September, following a brief artillery bombardment by the Imperial army (Plum 2011: 7). When the city gates were opened, shortly afterwards, no mercy was shown, and the Spanish and Imperial commanders gave their soldiers license to loot, pillage and rape their way through the city (Wilson 2009:549). The battle has been described in historical sources as a decisive battle that had an important strategic value during the war. Here the Protestant alliance crumbled as the Swedish- Weimar troops were annihilated by a Spanish-Imperial army (Wilson 2009: 549-550).
Analysis of the first skeleton found that the individual was probably around 16 years of age at the time of death and had been injured by a lead ball to the right elbow. The cause of death was probably a gunshot wound to the right parietal bone on the skull, although the skeleton also had another oval hole through its left shoulder blade indicating another gunshot wound that could also have been lethal(Plum 2011: 8). Forensic analysis revealed that this individual had suffered from parasites and had a number of abnormal teeth and painful caries. The second individual was much older and probably aged approximately between the ages of 35 - 45 years old. Signs of arthritic changes to the vertebrae of this male suggested that he may have suffered from Scheuermann’s disease, which would have given the individual a hunchback appearance (Plum 2011: 8). Weaknesses in the skull are believed to have been caused by severe inflammation of scalp, most likely caused by parasites (Plum 2011: 10). The individual also showed signs of significant damage to the mouth caused by painful caries stemming from malnutrition (Plum 2011: 12). It is not clear what caused this man to die, but there was evidence show a deep laceration wound on the back of his left forearm, although this is unlikely to have been a fatal wound (Plum 2011: 10). Three small finds were recovered from the fill of the grave, two bronze clasps found close to each other on the lower legs of the older man , and another clasp found on the sternum of the adolescent, suggesting that the individuals were wearing cloaks (Plum 2011: 10).
The investigation suggests that these two individuals were not formally buried after the battle. Due to their sprawled positions we can suggest that they were either not buried immediately or that their bodies were discovered sometime after the battle when rigor mortis had set in. The former explanation seems more likely, as the bodies do not appear to have been plundered for goods or stripped before burial as was custom during this period. However, if they were not buried, what happened to their weapons? Were these picked up by passing soldiers while the bodies were left to rot? Or perhaps the individuals had abandoned their weapons as they fled the battlefield. If we assume the latter, we can perhaps surmise that the two individuals belonged to the retreating Swedish army of 6th September, rather than the cavalry battle that took place on 5th September. We can also see that both individuals were suffering from a number of health problems, painful caries from malnourishment and parasites from either poor hygiene or poor living conditions or a combination of both. ……………………………………………………………………………………
Hanau, Hessen (Germany).
Due to the neutral position of the city of Hanau during the Thirty Years’ War, the city was able to avoid conflict in its region for a significant amount of time. However, Imperial forces besieged the city of Hanau for 9 months between 1635 and 1636 (Nicklisch et al 2011). The Imperial army hoped that a long siege would deplete the city’s supply of food, forcing the garrison within to capitulate, however, the garrison held out and a truce was created (Wilson 2009: 592). The siege meant that those who died could not be buried at the regular cemetery outside the city walls, but instead had to be buried in a new burial ground inside the city. In the summer of 2001, along the North Road in Hanau, near the inner city wall, a mass grave connected to this siege was discovered.
Anthropological analysis recorded a minimum of 38 individuals within the grave from the number of skulls and skull fragments. Of the 38 individuals, only 13 of them were adult, while 23 were identified as juvenile and due to poor preservation, two skeletons could not be aged (Nicklisch et al 2011). Interestingly, out of the 13 adults, only one was male which confirms that this was probably a civilian rather than a military burial site. Analysis of the skeletons revealed the unfavourable conditions caused by the siege; painful tooth caries were common among and a sign of malnutrition. A number of skeletons showed arthritic changes to their joints and spinal column. Other degenerative diseases found among the women suggest that they had belonged to the lower social classes (Nicklisch et al 2011). The pathological conditions found in the grave are not unusual in comparison with other Early Modern populations, but unlike the other graves found, the children strongly reflect the pathological features associated with a siege. This is largely a result of the children lacking the required nourishment to grow at a normal rate. Instead, these individuals lacked fresh foodstuffs during this critical time in their lives, and vitamin deficiencies are strongly reflected in their skeletons (Nicklish et al 2011). The plight of children – was in many cases worse than that of adult – who also lacked food – as a lack of nutrition among children often resulted in scurvy and stunted growth. In the absence of calcium the bones of children become soft and begin to bend (Nicklish et al 2011). In contrast, the remains of the adults in the grave showed no indications of this disease suggesting that they had not experienced such dietary deficiencies when they were growing up. This case study is useful in demonstrating through anthropological analysis, how the adverse living conditions during a siege impacted upon the civilian population, taking a particularly heavy toll among children. ……………………………………………
Wittstock, Brandenburg (Germany).
During construction work in 2007, just outside of the town of Wittstock in northern Brandenburg, construction workers discovered the site of a mass grave (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 5). Initial anthropological study on the burial confirmed that the individuals were not the victims of the 1945 death marches and instead linked to the battle of Wittstock in 1636 during the Thirty Years’ War (Eickhoff 2012: 13). The battle of Wittstock on October 4, 1636, witnessed the meeting of the twenty-two-thousand strong Imperial-Saxon army under General Melchior von Hatzfeld and Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony and the nineteen-thousand strong Swedish army under Field Marshal Johan Banér (Wilson 2009: 581). Despite being outnumbered, the Swedish army out maneuvered the Imperial-Saxon army leading to a Swedish victory. This was an important battle as a Swedish defeat would have removed the last operational Swedish army in Germany and possibly hastened peace negations. Instead, the Imperial-Saxon forces were put on the back foot and Banér was quick to push on his advantage (Wilson 2009: 583). After the battle, the Swedish Field Marshal ordered the ‘clean-up’ of the battlefield. This involved the burial of the fallen, as found in the mass grave, and the recovery of weapons, ammunition and other goods that could be recovered or looted from the dead (Boehme & Wollgast 2012).
The study of the mass grave, discovered in a gravel pit in an industrial park complex, was conducted by an interdisciplinary research team organised by the Brandenburg State Office for Preservation and Archaeology Museum (BLDAM) (Boehme & Wollgast 2012, Eickhoff 2012: 13). The recording process involved digital measurement methods in order to speed up recording. Each layer of skeletons in the grave was recorded individually and a combination of both photos and GPS were used on the skeletons to pinpoint their exact location and layout (Eickhoff 2012: 17). The grave was discovered on the easternmost slope of the battlefield, measuring c. 6 metres long by c. 3.5 metres wide and between c. 1.6 to c. 1.7 metres deep (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 7). It contained the remains of a minimum of 125 individuals, 88 partial skeletons and 25 complete skeletons which were laid in two opposing rows on each layer as shown in figure 13 (Eickhoff 2012: 13, 16). The positions of the skeletons show a degree of planning and respect, suggesting that they were not quickly disposed of (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 7). However, the posture and alignment of the skeletons do not reflect Christian burial rights, which may have been overlooked Figure 13: Two opposing rows of skeletons from the Wittstock mass grave due to the sheer number of the dead that needed burial during a short space of time. The general absence of personal possessions in the grave fill suggests that the bodies were stripped of useful material, as seen at many mass graves sites, after the battle. The mapping of the battlefield and the finds recovered, required the creation of an extensive database of information which was later used for the reconstruction of the sequence of events of the battle (Eickhoff 2012: 18). This mass grave is important to use during this study, as it was one of the first regular burials from the Thirty Years’ War that used a multidisciplinary approach in its recording. The anthropological study carried out by Dr. Bettina Jungklaus of the well preserved skeletons from the graves provides an insight into the daily lives and living conditions of the soldiers and wider society and provide some of the few tangible sources of evidence from the period. While the contributions by the forensic scientist Hans Günter King played a significant part in the reconstruction of events from the battle (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 5, Eickhoff 2012: 15). Due to the size and detail contained within this report, the case study will be broken down into the following; nutrition, health and hygiene, origins, traces of violence, mapping the battlefield, facial reconstruction and discussion.
.Nutrition, health and hygiene ……………………………………………………………………………………………………
Through the study of the skeletons, we can access a wide range of information relating to age, health, diet, height and personal hygiene (Eickhoff 2012: 32). The long term health of an individual can be reconstructed, especially during childhood when individuals are most vulnerable to unfavourable conditions due to their constant growth. Therefore signs of malnutrition and deficiencies are far more visible in the skeletons of children as they are growing at a faster rate than adults (Eickhoff 2012: 32). As highlighted in the Hanau case study, the lack of vitamin rich food, especially vitamin C can lead to scurvy, where bones become soft and bend, as well as bones becoming porous and gums beginning to bleed, all of which can be identified under the microscope (Eickhoff 2012:32). It is these deficiencies during childhood that can lead to the long- term vulnerability of an individual’s immune system, making them prone to infection and disease for the remainder of their lives. The excavation of a 17th century cemetery in the town of Tasdorf, east of Berlin, provides a comparison of the wider population against the Wittstock grave. The cemetery revealed that malnutrition and deficiencies were very common during this period and that nearly half of the skeletons of children showed evidence of stunted growth and or rickets (Eickhoff 2012: 33).
The historical sources suggest that the average daily diet of a soldier during the Thirty Years’ War included one kilogram of bread, one pound of meat and three litres of beer, with officers receiving larger portions. This diet required approximately 800 bakers, the slaughter of 100 oxen and 2,400 barrels of beer daily for an army around 40,000 men strong. However, as the war dragged on and resources became sparser, the work of Fourier officers grew increasingly important as they scoured the land in search of resources and food (Eickhoff 2012: 110). The teeth of the individuals from the mass grave can also provide a great deal of information regarding the diet of a person. The consumption of bread and other cereal-based foods caused abrasions and the wearing down of teeth from the grit residue from the process of creating flour with stone querns. However, compared to the teeth from the cemetery in Tasdorf, the soldiers teeth were less abraded, suggesting a diet consisting more of animal products rather than cereal based (Eickhoff 2012: 111). Dental health appears poor among the soldiers found in the grave as over half of them had painful caries, which was one of the most common teeth diseases found among the soldiers in the grave, and left untreated, could lead to painful and deadly infections. The same proportion had a severe build-up of tartar on their teeth suggesting poor oral hygiene (Eickhoff 2012: 111). Through the biochemical analysis of the teeth, namely the isotopes of carbon nitrogen, the composition of the diet of an individual can be determined. Those displaying less than 7% can be considered to be on a largely vegetarian diet, those above 9% having a diet consisting mostly of animal protein and those in the middle to have a balanced diet. The soldiers in the grave all had levels above 9% suggesting that they enjoyed an animal protein rich diet, as previously suggested (Eickhoff 2012: 111). This data cannot be accurately used to identify specific periods of hunger or malnutrition and needs to be used in conjunction with other data. This does support the evidence of historical sources to some extent, although other dairy products that were likely a part of their daily diet are not recorded. This analysis was also important in highlighting the differences between breads from the period compared to modern day. Unlike today, where we enjoy finer flour, the process of creating flour in the 17th century with stone querns often lead to crushed stone pieces being incorporated into bread. This led to abrasion and the wearing down of teeth in the long term (Eickhoff 2012: 33). Under microscopic examination and through X-ray images, the lines, known as Harris lines (Fig. 14) on a long bone can indicate a period of malnutrition or disease, with the position of the lines providing an indication of when these events occurred in an individual’s life (Eickhoff 2012: 34). ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
Figure 14: "Normal" tibia (Left), Tibia with Harris Lines (Right)
Lateral grooves in the teeth, as seen in figure 15, can be an indication of vitamin deficiency or serious diseases during childhood, affecting the thickness of the enamel. Approximately three quarters of the individuals from the Wittstock grave show these grooves, a similar proportion to the wider population based of the Tasdorf cemetery excavations (Eickhoff 2012: 34). Poor personal hygiene was certainly a contributing factor to Figure 15: Lateral grooves on some of the medical conditions revealed during this study. teeth from vitamin deficiency
One common disease represented by many individuals in the mass grave is syphilis, which was likely spread through the use of prostitutes by the large number of soldiers during the conflict and the movement of armies across the country certainly facilitated the spread of diseases such as this (Eickhoff 2012: 34). However, it is difficult to reliably detect syphilis on a skeleton as the disease only becomes easily visible during the third stage as the outer layers of the bone thickens, particularly on the roof of the skull and the shins (Fig. 16) (Eickhoff 2012: 128-129). Figure 16: Thickening of the bone from third stage syphilis
However it is believed that many soldiers were affected by the disease as the third stage can be reliably detected on 11 individuals in the mass grave, suggesting that many more may have been suffering from stage one, where painful ulcers develop and stage two where rashes and fevers develop as well as hair loss (Eickhoff 2012: 129, Eccleston et al 2008, Mullooly and Higgins 2010). There were also plenty of traces of parasites on the bones found in the grave that would have weakened a soldier’s immune system making them prone to illness and infection. A third of the soldiers suffered from maxillary sinusitis, brought on by living in cold and damp conditions, bringing on cold like symptoms and labored breathing (Eickhoff 2012: 122). Parasite infestation from lice or eczema, which were detected in over half of the men can be identified from the damage caused to the usually smooth bone surface which becomes porous and bumpy as inflammation and infections develop within the pores which would have irritated the soldiers (Fig. 17) (Eickhoff 2012: 128). One soldier, approximately aged between 30 to 34 showed signs of advanced tuberculosis and this disease had damaged large Figure 17: Signs of parasite areas of his vertebrae (Eickhoff 2012: 123). infestation on bones
The daily burden of a soldier during this period also left their marks on the individuals found in the mass grave. Many showed evidence of abrasions and osteoarthritis caused through the carrying of excessive weight and repetitive tasks which lead to problems commonly referred to as repetitive strain/stress injuries or RSI’s for short (Eickhoff 2012: 94, Tulder and Koes 2007). These injuries are seen on the joints of individuals, particularly the knees. This differs to the largely urban population from the Tasdorf cemetery, with men showing far fewer signs of excessive workloads or RSI, however comparisons can be made between the soldiers from the Wittstock mass grave and men from rural populations, suggesting a similar workload or the origins of the soldiers prior to their service in the war (Eickhoff 2012: 95). Another result from constant repetition that may be seen on the skeletons of soldiers is the overdevelopment of muscles in their upper arms from the stress of holding cumbersome weapons. For those in the cavalry, painless changes occurred in their pelvis due to the constant spread pressure applied whilst riding (Eickhoff 2012: 95). ………………….
Origins
So who were the individuals buried here? Well from the strontium and oxygen isotope analysis of the enamel on the teeth found in the grave by Dr. Michael Schultz of the Georg-August-University, it is possible to provide an idea of the origins of the individuals in the grave (Jungklaus 2011:19). As figure 18 illustrates, the individuals in the grave came from a variety of territories, however only a few can be pinpointed to any significant degree of certainty with many be considered possible origins (Eickhoff 2012: 181). During this period, Finland and the Baltic states such as Latvia were under the rule of the Sweden and therefore soldiers from these regions can be assigned to Swedish forces. Those from Italy and Spain can be considered to belong to the Imperial forces and those from Germany could either belong to Saxony or be mercenaries in which case sides are far more difficult to determine.
Figure 18: Map plotting the origins of the dead from the Wittstock mass grave
One group of mercenaries that can be assigned to a side are those from Scotland, as the historical records demonstrate a significant number of Scots fought for Sweden as mercenaries during the conflict (Eickhoff 2012: 181). The involvement of Scottish soldiers at Wittstock has prompted the involvement of Dr Steve Murdoch from St. Andrews University, Scotland, to join to the team investigating the grave (Eickhoff 2012: 21). As will be discussed later, the grave is located near a vineyard which was a crucial location during the battle. As Scottish mercenaries did not include cavalry, and the highest proportion of individuals in the grave probably originated in Scotland, we can assume these mercenaries fought alongside the Swedish infantry (Eickhoff 2012: 159). A more important point is that from the isotope analysis, we can suggest that both friend and foe were buried in the same grave which may suggest there was little discrimination towards the allegiance of the dead (Eickhoff 2012: 183). ……………………………………………………………………………………………………..
Treatment of injury and traces of Violence
Military doctors first began to emerge during the 16th century. However due to the lack of sterilisation of equipment and the poor hygiene standards within operating theatres, many open wounds would go on to fester and become infected, resulting in very few successful treatments of injury (Eickhoff 2012: 120). There were also very few pain relief treatments available other than alcohol or biting on an object for individuals undergoing an operation. It is clear to see in the historical records that soldiers were expected to pay for the materials used in their treatment. This placed the poorest soldiers at a distinct disadvantage (Eickhoff 2012: 121). Historical records indicate that many soldiers who took part in the Battle of Wittstock sought medical treatment but later died of their wounds and were subsequently buried nearby, at the Holy Spirit Church and St. Mary’s Church (Eickhoff 2012: 121). Surprisingly, two individuals from the grave showed signs of successful treatment with healed fractures. However, one of these was a left tibia of a man in his late thirties whose fracture had not healed properly, causing his left leg to be 10cm shorter than his right (Fig. 19). This would have caused a strong limp and significantly limited the combat efficiency of the soldier (Eickhoff 2012:123). A Scottish soldier, aged between 25 to 29 years old showed a serious injury to his right shoulder which would have made it difficult and painful to move (Eickhoff 2012: 123). A further six individuals from the grave showed traces of injuries from blades, such as swords (Eickhoff 2012: 124). Therefore this suggests that these soldiers have been involved in previous skirmishes and intense close quarter fighting demonstrating that these were experiences soldiers rather than Figure 19: A malformed, but raw recruits. successful healing of a tibia
There were many unhealed injuries leading up to an individual’s death during the Battle of Wittstock. 22 of the 80 preserved skulls from the grave showed violations, mostly from edged weapons such as swords (Eickhoff 2012: 153). Traces of injuries caused by edged weapons stand out from other methods as they often cause regularly shaped, straight notches in the bone. Other common close combat weapons such as maces and hammers caused blunt force trauma which is shatters bones.
The Impact of Firearms
Perhaps the most readily distinguishable skeletal traumas are the traces gunshot wounds which leave round or oval inward funnelled holes in the bone, of various sizes, depending on calibre (Eickhoff 2012: 154). Many of the lead balls found within the grave were recovered from the right shoulder, neck or lower abdomen of individuals as shown in figure 20. This suggests that the infantry may have been wearing some form of chest protection such as c. 1.5mm to c. 2mm thick steel plate, as was common during this period (Eickhoff 2012: 156). Despite this apparent protection, experimental trials have shown that musket balls from the period could travel up to 300 miles per second and could easily penetrate 2mm thick steel breastplates at a distance of 100 metres. The impact of musket balls decreases significantly over distance, however. When fired from a distance of the 200 metres, the musket balls are far less lethal and are more likely to only dent rather than penetrate 2mm thick steel breastplates (Eickhoff 2012: 79-80). With this in mind, it is hardly surprising that musket ball wounds were almost always fatal during this period and what is interesting to see is the corrosion of the lead balls recovered from individuals in the mass grave caused by the chemical processes of an individual as the body decayed (Eickhoff 2012: 80). While the experimental trials of demonstrate that the c. 1.5 – c. 2mm steel plate armour was not particularly effective at stopping close fire from muskets, the steel plates may have been much more effective against the smaller charges used in cavalry pistols. Of course this is largely hypothetical discussion and is difficult to prove as valuable items like steel chest plates were invariably removed from the dead prior to reburial for reuse.
Forensic Reconstruction
Hans Günter King, a forensic scientist, and an expert at the reconstruction of violent incidents, played an important role during Figure 21: Locations of the investigation of the Wittstock mass grave. His knowledge of the gunshot wounds from all mechanics involved in violent events helped to determine the cause individuals in the grave. of death of an individual (Eickhoff 2012: 20). With King’s input it Green represents bullets was possible for complex battle sequences to be reconstructed for recovered. Red represents where the bullet has shot several the individuals, especially those displaying multiple injuries. straight through
Figure 20: Forensic reconstruction based on injuries to the bone One example is of a soldier, aged between 30 and 34, and suffered injury to his right shoulder and forearms from a slashing weapon, most likely a sword. The soldier then sustained a wound to his left arm in the form of a severe blunt force trauma. This blow shattered the bone, and was followed by a final blow to the right side of the neck, as shown in figure 21, which separated his head from his body (Eickhoff 2012: 155). While wonderfully detailed battle sequences of this kind can never be confirmed with one hundred percent confidence, such reconstructions can provide us with a glimpse of highly personal individual struggles as the battle unfolded. Another example comes from a soldier aged between 21 to 24, who was killed instantly by a blow of severe blunt force to the head, which completely crushed and flattened the front of his skull. Due to the sheer amount of force that would be required to inflict such an injury, it is believed that this soldier was probably struck in the head by a passing cannon ball (Eickhoff 2012: 156).
Figure 22: Forensic reconstruction demonstrating the presence of cavalry through injuries
The forensic investigation and the reconstruction of battle sequences revealed the presence of Imperial-Saxon cavalry who were employed against the Swedish infantry during the battle. The angle of slashing blows on the skulls of two soldiers suggests that the men had been struck down by mounted assailants, as shown in figure 22 (Eickhoff 2012: 154). Furthermore, a large proportion of the bullets recovered from the grave were of a small caliber, mostly under c. 14mm, which were commonly used for cavalry pistols, confirming the presence of cavalry. The deformations of the soft lead balls caused by impact suggest that they were moving at high speed. For a shot from a pistol this would mean that the ball would have to have been fired from a distance of no further than c. 15 metres away, suggesting close combat (Eickhoff 2012: 156). The grave also contained the remains of five individuals who had suffered gunshot wounds to the neck and due to the upward angle of these shots it is possible that these individuals had been cavalrymen who had been shot from below as rode through the lines of foot soldiers (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 6).
Mapping the battlefield
The discovery of the mass grave also sparked interest in the rest of the battlefield leading to large areas being metal-detected and mapped using aerial photography. During this process over 2700 metal objects were recovered from a range of periods. Approximately 1100 metal objects could be dated to the Thirty Years’ War, consisting of coins, clothing pieces and equipment (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 8). Aerial photographs and three dimensional scans of the battlefield were connected with both 17th and 18th century maps of the site, which were supplied by the Prussian State Library of Cultural Heritage in Berlin, to reconstruct the historical landscape (Eickhoff & Höhn 2013: 9, Eickhoff 2012: 21). ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Analysis of the landscape revealed that a large proportion of the battlefield could be defined as wetland (Eickhoff 2012: 145). The site did not suggest the use of entrenchments, however it is clear that significant portions of the battlefield have been disturbed by clay mining or destroyed during the construction of the industrial park between 1960 and 1990 (Eickhoff 2012: 146). A metal detecting survey was carried out over c. 6km². More than 1,100 artefacts were recovered, including 900 lead projectiles of varying calibres (Eickhoff 2012: 146). The artefacts discovered during the metal detecting survey were mapped onto a topographic map in the hope of spotting any correlations or trends. The coins contemporary to the battle consist of a variety of sources, from Imperial coinage to a Danish Schilling. Numismatic study of the coins demonstrate that many coins had a low silver content but had a high-denomination suggesting a shortage of silver to pay the thousands of soldiers involved in the war (Eickhoff 2012: 109). The lead projectiles discovered were mostly found in a c. 2.5km long strip that was a few hundred metres wide and ran along the slopes of the vineyard (Eickhoff 2012: 146). The largest cluster of projectiles was found on the south-east and north-facing slope on the northernmost hill, known as Bohnekamp Hill, suggesting that this was where the exchange between the Swedish infantry and the Imperial-Saxon cavalry took place (Eickhoff 2012: 149). This suggestion can be confirmed by the high proportion of projectiles belonging to cavalry pistols that were found in the cluster. This was also where a large number of the coins, personal items and equipment were found, suggesting that these items may have been lost in the midst of combat (Eickhoff 2012: 146). This area also contained large-calibre fragments from cannon balls indicating that the Swedish infantry had been targeted by direct artillery fire, adding greater probability to the interpretation that one of the individuals in the mass grave had been struck by a cannon ball. Interestingly, there were no bullet finds past the edge of what has been historically defined as a forest, suggesting that the battle did not continue or extend into the forest as it was an area ineffectual to bullets and the deployment of infantry formations (Eickhoff 2012: 148). Another cluster of finds was found in the northwest of the combat area along the road between Wittstock and Papenbruch. It is possible that this was the area where the entourage following the Swedish forces had been stationed throughout the battle, supplying ammunition and other resources to the fighting forces. It is not clear from the evidence whether the finds represent items lost while supplying the army or whether it reflects acts of aggression, with the possibility that the entourage came under fire (Eickhoff 2012: 152).
The projectiles found from the grave and from across the battlefield, recovered from metal detecting, range from c. 9.7 to c. 19.9 mm in Figure 23: Musket balls displaying hammer diameter, with those ranging between c. 16 to and chisel marks c.19.9 mms belonging to musket rifles and the smaller diameters belonging to pistols (Eickhoff 2012: 77). It is known that firearms were not standardized across an army during this period and each soldier could have a weapon of a different calibre and coming from a different manufacturing centre than that held by the man next to him (Eickhoff 2012: 77). The wide variety of calibres used is acknowledged in the historical sources. They also make clear that soldiers were not always sufficiently supplied with ammunition and therefore relied upon the looting of the dead, as seen in the grave, and scavenging lead from nearby settlements to meltdown and forge into musket balls (Eickhoff 2012: 78). One consequence of the absence of a standardized calibre within the army was that soldiers were required to tailor their ammunition to fit their weapons. This can be seen in the form of hammer and chisel marks on the lead balls shown in figure 23 (Eickhoff 2012: 78). When it comes to artillery fire it may be noted that only highly fragmented pieces of large-calibre ammunition (cannon balls) were recovered from the battlefield, suggesting that larger pieces and whole cannon balls were retrieved for re-use after the battle (Eickhoff 2012: 84).
Facial Reconstruction
Facial reconstruction of the individuals in the grave was a difficult task as there are many variable factors that could not be accurately determined, such as the proportion of muscle to fat on an individual, however, such reconstructions offer a great deal of potential (Eickhoff 2012: 161). In figure 24 we can see the end result of one example of the facial reconstructions of an individual from the grave which to some extent brings all the evidence that has been discovered to life. Figure 24: Completed facial reconstruction of an individual from the grave Discussion
Unfortunately, much of the battlefield at Wittstock remains unexplored due to the large proportion that has now been built on, however, there is a the possibility that more features, including mass graves, may be discovering as a consequence of future developments (Eickhoff 2012: 152). It is, nevertheless clear, that the multidisciplinary approach applied to this site has yielded a wide array of valuable, detailed results which enhance our understanding of both the battle but also the social and living conditions of the soldiers from the period. We can see that they had a protein rich diet but faced malnutrition regularly. Hygiene among the men was poor, coupled with poor living conditions, led to the development of a range of contagious and painful diseases and ailments. The forensic study applied to the remains allowed us to reconstruct the battle sequences that led to the death of specific individuals, providing us a glimpse of what was going on during the battle. The mapping of the battlefield has allowed us to trace the sequence of events on a much larger scale, focusing on the movement of masses of men across the battlefield. Figure 25, which highlights the mass grave, ‘Massgrab’, revealing that the grave was located east of an area dense in musket balls, possibly a combat zone, within close proximity to the road east.…………………………………………………………………….,
Figure 25: Mapping of musket balls on the battlefield
The lack of artefactual finds in the grave suggests that the bodies were plundered for valuable resources prior to burial. However, the organization of the grave suggests a respectful burial. The effects of rigor mortis are only visible in two of the individuals in the grave. It is therefore that the corpses were buried no longer than one day after the battle (Eickhoff 2012: 7). In the light of the information that has been revealed by various techniques, this case study can be considered to have taken an exemplary approach to the analysis of a grave from the Thirty Years’ War, in part down to the sheer amount of effort and resources that were available to record and analyse the mass grave, as well as the wider battlefield, beyond.
Alerheim, Bavaria (Germany).
In the summer of 1645, after suffering a painful defeat, the Bavarian army under General Mercy, numbering 16,000 men, retreated south seeking an impregnable position to defend against the French Army (Wilson 2009: 701). Refuge was found near the village of Alerheim, between two steep hills which were believed to prevent any outflanking manoeuvres made by the enemy. On 3rd August, the French army, under the leadership of Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, then known as Duc d'Enghien, did not actually expect to encounter Mercy’s army as they passed through the area, but upon learning of Mercy’s position, d’Enghien seized the opportunity to knock Bavaria out of the war, despite the reservations made by many of his junior officers (Wilson 2009: 702). With 17, 000 men and 27 artillery pieces, including 6,000 Hessian soldiers under Turenne, d’Enghien deployed rapidly. Knowing that with every moment that passed, the Bavarians would strengthen their position through elaborate earthworks, the order to advance was made at 5 p.m. The battle that followed became known as The Second Battle of Nördlingen, an intense battle where d’Enghein himself lost two horses under him to musket fire and actually had a musket ball deflected by his 2mm thick steel chest plate. By 6 p.m. the Bavarian line was beginning to falter and Mercy moved to the front to rally his men but was consequently shot in the head. His successor, Ruischenberg, was able to rally the Bavarian line, repulsing the French. In a desperate assault Turenne lead the Hessian soldiers against the Bavarian lines, overrunning their artillery positions, cutting off a large portion of the Bavarian army who quickly became confused and surrendered in the wake of the miraculous Hessian breakthrough (Wilson 2009: 704). Despite outnumbering the French army, a combination of failing sunlight and depleted ammunition stocks led the French command to sound the retreat.
D’Enghien’s ill-advised and risky gamble had brought him a narrow victory at the cost of 8,000 lives (Wilson 2009: 704). Despite the narrow French victory, the Battle of Alerheim/ the Second Battle of Nördlingen can be considered one of the most meaningless battles in the closing stages of the Thirty Years’ War. The historical records reveal that both sides knew the war was drawing to an inconclusive close; therefore the battle had no strategic importance. Instead each side were simply concerned with strengthening their positions in peace negotiations through a series of pointless battles which only prolonged peace negotiations (Misterek 2012: 361).
Figure 26: Alerheim mass grave
In 2008, archaeologists revealed the site of a mass grave containing hundreds of human bones in Alerheim, Bavaria, ahead of construction work for an extensive pipeline network in the Ries (Fig. 26). The grave measured c. 2.6m x c. 2.3m and was relatively shallow. From the disarticulation of the remains, it has been suggested that the time between death and burial was considerable. A handful of small finds found in the grave connected it to the Battle of Alerheim, also known as the Second Battle of Nördlingen, 1645, towards the end of the Thirty Years’ War. The historical sources reveal that neither side buried their dead. The dead were in fact buried two months after the battle (Misterek 2013).
The excavation presented archaeologists with an excellent opportunity to investigate the skeletons using a range of anthropological and forensic methods to extract valuable information about the individuals such as their cause of death, nutrition, diet, living conditions and diseases. The preservation of the bones was relatively poor compared to other sites, and this is most likely the result of months of exposure to the elements and scavenging by wild animals prior to burial. The burial is believed to be the initiative of the Earl Wallerstein who grew fed up with how the battlefield had been left (Misterek 2012: 362). The Bavarian State Office for Historical Preservation (BlfD), who managed the investigation, stated that were approximately 50 individuals within the grave based on the minimum number of skulls and skull fragments. Alongside the bones a number of small finds were discovered. These included French coins, rosaries and the remnants of uniforms, indicating that the dead consisted of French soldiers who had died during the Battle of Alerheim (Misterek 2013). The layout of the skeletons in the grave was unorganised and there does not seem to be a pattern of any kind suggesting that they were buried carelessly. The bones were both soft and very fragile, making them difficult to work with. Therefore instead of using metal tools, plastic alternatives were used to minimize any possible damage to the skeletons (Misterek 2012: 364). The skeletons were also very vulnerable to the elements, such as the wind and rain, during the excavation process and some destruction was caused by a storm during the excavation on March 1st when the site had turned into a small pond and all exposed parts of the excavation were covered by a 1cm layer of mud.
The analysis of the skeletons found in the Alerheim burial were conducted by anthropological and biodiversity research staff from the University of Munich (Misterek and Lutz 2011: 24). As already stated, it is known from historical records that the remains of individuals were not buried until some two months after the battle, and this posed a number of challenges to the research team. The analysis of the remains estimated the average age of the individuals in the grave to be between 21 and 25 years old (Misterek and Lutz 2011: 24). Dr. Stefanie Berg-Hobohm, a representative from the Bavarian State Monument Conservation Office, stated that the injuries found on the skeletons are consistent with the hypothesis that the French soldiers were cut down by Imperial-Bavarian cavalry while fleeing the battlefield (“Auch ein Zwölfjähriger starb,” 2008). Although there were a few small finds that helped to date the grave and identify the individuals, it is very likely that the soldier’s bodies were robbed twice. Firstly, immediately after the battle by surviving soldiers, and then another time while they were being buried. The most fascinating aspect of the grave was the discovery of the remains belonging to a twelve year old boy in the grave, highlighting the horrors of the war (“Auch ein Zwölfjähriger starb,” 2008). The young boy has been interpreted as a messenger, who would have relayed messages between the convoy and fighting troops. This site is useful in demonstrating that a great deal of information can still be recovered from a site where the bones had been poorly preserved. It also demonstrates the flexibility of methodology that is required depending on the conditions of a specific site, the use of plastic spoons instead of trowels to avoid any further destruction of the poorly reserved bones for example. Discussion:
For a clear comparison between the case studies a series of tables have been created which focus on factors that address the objectives set out at the start of this study. Table 1 demonstrates the range of case studies that have been explored during this investigation, with three graves coming from the Bohemian Phase (1618 - 1625), four from three battles during the Danish Phase (1625 - 1629), four from the Swedish Phase (1630 - 1635) and two from the French Intervention Phase (1635 - 1648).
The greater number of case studies from the Danish and Swedish phases may reflect the greater frequency of battles in these phases in comparison to the other phases of the Thirty Years’ War. Or the greater frequency may reflect researches lured to particular battlefields due to the famous names such as Gustav Adolphus, King of Sweden for example.
Table 1 suggests that dimensions of the average mass grave measured c. 4.01m x c.2.23m. While the average number of individuals interred within mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War is 43.4 individuals This a relatively low number considering the historical sources relating to the mass graves from Frankfurt an der Oder, as discussed later in this section, which suggest that the average number of individuals in a grave was c. 100 individuals (Parker and Adams 1997: 203). We should, however, approach these figures with care. Quite apart from the fact that many mass graves remain undiscovered, the number of partial excavations and possible partial excavations as shown in Table 3, make it clear that the total number of individuals in each grave could have been higher than has been reported
Table 1 demonstrates that the majority of graves included individuals whose bodies had not been obviously stripped or looted. Here again, however, taphonomic and depositional factors may have influenced this perception. In two graves, Stralsund B and Nördlingen, which only contained two individuals, the dead do not appear to have been physically buried, but seem to have been left to decompose on the battlefield. The evidence from the Battle of the White Mountain A & B and the Alerheim graves also indicate that the remains were disarticulated and in an advanced state of decay prior to burial as the dead had been left for some time on the battlefield before burial. It is also clear from the number of finds discovered in these graves that the dead had not been stripped or looted prior to burial. Despite being a decisive battle result, the dead in the White Mountain graves appear to have been left on the ground due to Tilly’s strategy of unrelenting pressure, chasing the fleeing Confederate army back to Prague (Wilson 2009: 307). The dead from the Alerheim grave appear to have not been buried due to the indecisive result of the battle, where the dead were left unburied for months, and were only cleared away when local peasants were paid to undertake burials (Janská 1966). One possible explanation for individuals in these graves not being stripped or looted might be due to the task of collecting items from rotting corpses too repugnant. However a certain level of looting must have taken place as weapons, such as muskets and swords, gun powder cases and unused musket balls appear to be rarely found in the graves studied during this investigation. Therefore it may be possible to identify two types of looting. Firstly, primary looting which involves the collection of essential resources such as weapons, unused musket balls and other pieces of equipment such as steel chest plates. These are valuable not only to the individual but to the army itself and rarely find their way into graves. Secondary looting targets personal items and wealth of the dead such as money and jewellery, such as rings, which are most useful to the individual looting these items from the dead and this form of looting depends on the time constraints those burying the dead and whether the dead have begun to rot, putting looters off trying to retrieve these smaller and less obvious items.
A link between indecisive battle results and unstripped burials cannot be made at this time due to the lack of case studies with an indecisive result. Indeed it is to be regretted that the archaeological report on the only other indecisive battle to be examined during this research – the Battle of Hanau, (1635 - 1636) did not include detailed information on the dress or condition of burials ((Nicklisch et al 2011).
The two examples of burials from other conflicts appear to show a great number of similarities to the Thirty Years’ War graves. The Carrackmire grave, excavated in 2001, was the result of an assault by English soldiers against Irish rebels in 1642. All inhabitants of the castle were massacred and archaeological analysis of the 15 individuals discovered reveal that the dead were neither stripped nor looted, but all showed signs of either blunt force trauma or lacerations from edged weapons (Sheils 2008). The cemetery from Prague, dating to the Napoleonic War, reveals that again, the individuals had not been stripped or looted prior to burial. This may be due to the men dying of disease rather than on a battlefield, so therefore their clothes and personal items were deemed infected and contagious and therefore none risked looting the bodies of goods (Kacl 2014). Furthermore, it appears as though an effort was made to maximise the space in the grave by organising the dead into rows and then layers, similar to many of the examples from the Thirty Years’ War. Therefore they suggest that approaches to mass burials during times of conflict were often driven by time constraints and differed little.
Despite some failings and inconsistencies in the evidence presented above, it is clear that the practice of mass burials during periods of conflict is shaped by the nature of war, and in particular by highly local circumstances Foremost among these factors would seem to be the decisiveness of a battle, allowing one side or other the time and space to clear the battlefield. In the case of less decisive outcomes, where one or both of the opposing forces retreated or were pursued from the battlefield, human remains are arguable more likely to have remained on the ground. From our modern vantage point we might assume that the dead would be gathered together and quickly buried in an effort to avoid the spread of disease, however in the absence of soldiers, and in a landscape that had a greatly diminished local population, this clearly not always possible.
Table 2 reveals that half of the case studies failed to actually investigate or report on the health and hygiene of the individuals within the graves. The omission of very basic information on the location of graves also limits the extent to which comparisons can be made between case studies. Nevertheless, we can see from the case studies that have investigated health and hygiene that a great number of the individuals within the different graves suffered from parasites, disease and malnutrition reflecting poor conditions created by the intensity of the Thirty Year’s War.
Despite so few case studies stating the location of the graves in relation to the battlefield, two graves have been found near town walls and another along a roadside, supporting my hypothesis that graves were often located close to boundaries on the battlefield. However the only reliable way to test the hypothesis would be to set out a new investigation where the mapping of a battlefield site can pinpoint an area that is most likely to contain graves and excavate it. A possible site for such an investigation would be Rozvadov which is discussed later in this study. These case studies also demonstrate that there can be wide age range of individuals buried in different graves. On graves directly associated with battlefield he age range is tends to range from the late teens to around 50, which would seem to reflect men of fighting age. This might also explain why so few adult males were discovered in the civilian graves that have been discussed, implying that all available males make have been enlisted to fight.
Table 1: A comparison of the details from the graves Table 2: A comparison of information provided from each grave about the dead
Traces of Traces of Traces of Traces for Cause of Grave on a Presence of Grave Age range Gender parasites disease malnutrition healed injuries Death boundary? artefacts White Mountain 15 - 60 N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting N/A Male Yes A White Mountain N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting N/A Male Yes B Lambach N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting N/A Mix Yes Outer town Höchstadt N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting Mix Yes wall Stralsund A N/A N/A N/A No N/A Fighting N/A Male Yes Stralsund B 18 - 50 N/A N/A N/A Yes Fighting No Male Yes Friedländer Tor, 15 - 44 Yes N/A N/A N/A Fighting N/A Male No Neubrandenburg Lützen 15 - 45 Yes Yes Yes Yes Fighting Roadside Male N/A Nördlingen 16 - 45 Yes Yes Yes No Fighting N/A Male Yes Sub-adult - Inner city Hanau Yes Yes Yes N/A Fighting Mix No adult wall Wittstock 17 - 40 Half of men Yes Yes Yes Fighting Male No Alerheim 21 - 25 N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting N/A Male Yes Cross-section Tasdorf Yes Yes Yes Yes Mix Cemetery Mix No of society Carrickmare 3 - 45 N/A N/A N/A N/A Fighting Castle N/A yes Children, sub- Infection Prague adults and Yes Yes Yes Yes Cemetery Mix Yes & Disease adults
If we compare the information about health and hygiene in Table 2 and the year of excavation, as displayed in Table 3, a number of interesting points can be made. In the first instance, p it appears earlier excavations of graves, between the 1960s and 1990s, yielded far less information than that provided (and importantly, published) as a result of more recent excavations .There could be a number of explanations behind this trend. First, it may be that the archaeological units excavating the graves did not have access to the technology that is available to present day excavation units. Another possible explanation is that earlier investigations simply did not take an interdisciplinary approach and neglected specific pieces of information. If the latter is the case then this is an issue which highlights the importance for any future investigation to record as much information as possible and to take and if needs be retain samples as it is very difficult to re-investigate a site a when it has been excavated and or destroyed
The nature of excavations is also of interesting, as many of the case studies were excavated commercially rather than specifically for the purposed of research. It may therefore be argued that the information provided about the graves that have been commercially excavated are limited in extent and perhaps only report upon a partially excavated site due to commercial constraints being placed upon budgets, and fieldwork time by the archaeological contractor or its sponsors
Almost all of the sites that have been considered in this thesis were commercially excavated, although some sites, such as Wittstock were discovered ahead of construction work and were excavated combining commercially and research perspectives. We can also conclude that research excavations have become more frequent in recent years, with pre-2001 excavations being exclusively commercial excavations among this selection of case studies. One possible explanation of this is the Council of Europe's European Convention on the Protection of Archaeological Heritage (1992) and the Maastricht Treaty (1991). Both further the protection for archaeological heritage and ensure a level of consistency for approaches across Europe (European Community 1992, Title IX, Article 128, 1). Another possible explanation for the improvement of approaches carried out on commercial archaeological excavations is the growth of professional archaeology across Europe. This in turn raises the standard of approaches implemented in each country where archaeology is developing as a profession.
59
Table 3: A comparison of excavation approaches
Grave Year of Commercial or Complete or Modern Political excavation research partial Territory excavation White Mountain 1960 Commercial Partial Czech Republic A White Mountain 1974 Commercial Partial Czech Republic B Lambach 1994 Commercial N/A Austria Höchstadt 1985 Commercial Partial Germany excavation Stralsund A 2009 Commercial N/A Germany Stralsund B 2010 Commercial N/A Germany Friedländer Tor, 1991/2009 Commercial/Research N/A Germany Neubrandenburg Lützen 2011 Research Complete Germany Nördlingen 2006 Commercial Complete Germany Hanau 2001 Commercial N/A Germany Wittstock 2007 Commercial/ Complete Germany Research Alerheim 2008 Commercial Complete Germany Tasdorf N/A Commercial N/A Germany Carrickmare 2001 Research Complete Ireland Prague 2013 Commercial Partial Poland
Table 2 demonstrates that goods such as pieces of equipment, coins and other personal items- were commonly found within graves. It is unlikely that such chance finds reflect intentionally placed grave goods, however the orientation of graves also frequently fails to follow Christian east west orientations, perhaps as a consequence of expediency or haste taking precedence over liturgical practices (Homann 2013: 220).
Forensic Archaeology
The case studies that have been examined in this thesis reveal the value of a multidisciplinary approach to the Thirty Years’ War, and moreover, to importance of archaeological science to the investigation of mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War. From the evidence that has been presented, there is a clear trend, with the standard of investigations improving over time and a greater provision being made for forensic analyses. The high standard required of forensic archaeologists is cleverly illustrated by Wright (2010: 97) who states:
‘if historians misinterpret a document, then another historian can put matters right by reinterpreting the document. By contrast if I, as a forensic archaeologist, misinterpret a mass grave, then I have destroyed it by the very act of excavating it. I have put the grave itself beyond further examination.’
60
This highlights the importance of a full and adequate investigation of a mass grave, as after it has been excavated it can be very difficult, if not impossible, to re-interpret the evidence. From the case studies used in this thesis it is clear that earlier excavations of mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War were missing the high standard of investigation that is mentioned above. More recently excavated graves, such as Lützen and Wittstock have included in-depth multi-disciplinary investigations, which serve as ideal models for the investigation of mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War.
Evidence for Epidemics
Diseases and poor hygiene was rife among the dead presented in the case studies – as seen in Table 2 - and it is therefore important to put the scale of epidemics and their severity during the Thirty years’ War into context. In 1631, the city of Stuttgart had a population around 8,300. In 1634, the city witnessed 1,000 of its inhabitants dying from diseases. The situation was excarbated by the constant flow of refugees from the surrounding countryside as the war spread fear and destruction through the land. The exact number of individuals seeking refuge is not known, but the 1635 death toll for the city of Stuttgart recorded a massive 4,300 deaths. In 1638, when an Imperial army passed through the town, they left behind 6,000 wounded and disease soldiers in the town, many of whom died of their injuries and ailments over the coming weeks (Hays 2005: 99). From these records we can see that while the original inhabitants suffered from diseased with many dying, the total death toll for the city over the course of the Thirty Years’ War was completely disproportionate to the size of its population due to the arrival of sick and injured refugees and soldiers.
Nearby towns faced similar issues, for example, the town of Goppingen was occupied by the Imperial army after the first Battle of Nördlingen. Over the three months of occupation in 1634 there were 600 deaths from pestilence. Finally the small town of Gmünd was facing thirty to forty deaths daily in 1636 (Hays 2005: 99). In all three examples, the number of the dead facing the towns was far higher than under normal conditions and were often the result of disease. In such situations mass graves were the most common form of burial for the dead for similar reasons as the conflict mass graves discussed above.
It can certainly be argued from the evidence that has been assembled here that armies were the perfect diffusers of diseases during the Thirty Years’ War and the early modern period for that matter (Hays 2005: 100). This largely lay in the fact that most armies of the period consisted of poorly disciplined mercenaries who often had poor personal hygiene, and were forced to live in close proximety to other men, creating an ideal environment for diseases to manifest and spread
61
(Hays 2005: 100). Hygiene aside, while the army was on the move, commanders regularly seized opportunities to boost the morale of their men through licensing them the right to loot, pillage and rape in settlements, passing on any diseases on to the local population (Hays 2005: 100).
One of the most common diseases that flourished under these conditions was typhus, which is commonly passed from one human to another by lice. The louse ingests the microorganism, the bacterium Rickettsia Prowazekii, that causes the disease in the infected person and when it moves onto another person they can become infected through the inhalation of louse faeces or louse faeces entering the circulatory system through the skin (Hays 2005: 100). During this period epidemic typhus was often referred to as ‘camp fever’, ‘jail fever’ and ‘war fever’. These names suggest poor standards of living, overcrowding and poor hygiene, all three of which were revealed among the dead in many of the case studies featured during this study (Anderson & Anderson 2000: 144).
How was it was understood at the time?
There is value in taking the time to understand how diseases were understood during this period. Firstly, the historical records suggest that more often than not, there was no clear differentiation between diseases that would later come to be classified as separate diseases (Hays 2005: 101). The term pestilence was commonly used to describe a range of symptoms and as a cause of death. Similarly, fevers were rarely distinguished as being different, but were thought to stem from the same cause and to differ only in their severity (Hays 2005: 101).
.It was also common to indiscriminately refer to diseases as “war plague” or
“soldiers’ disease” as these diseases were Figure 27: Plague Doctor
62 often associated with the arrival of an army (Hays 2005: 101). These terms often described the symptoms of typhus, typhoid fever or influenza, but it would take until the early 20th century for these diseases to be accurately identified and connected to lice as a form of transmission (Hays 2005: 101).
Alternatively, plague was sometimes clearly identified as a separate disease and in such circumstances public health measures such as quarantine and sanitary cordons were often enforced to prevent the spread of disease (Hay 2005: 101). As a result Plague Doctors, as shown in figure 27, became a common sight across Europe during this period and visually stood out due to their striking beak like masks. These were often filled with aromatic items and were designed to protect the wearer from putrid air, which was believed to cause Plague. These plague doctors were often considered second-rate doctors, too unsuccessful to open up a practice and therefore relied on moving between different plague infected towns (Pierre et al 2007: 680).
In times of peace the announcement of a plague was often followed by the burning of the possessions of the plague ridden or dead to prevent the spread of the disease (Hay 2005: 101). However, the events of the war often disrupted any attempts to enforce such public health measures. All too often armies would not recognise or respect such quarantines and sanitary cordons, leading to a rapid break down of health the spread of disease (Hay 2005: 101). It is clear from the historical records that political and social institutions in charge of public health often crumbled before marauding armies, exacerbating the situation (Hays 2005: 101). Therefore, one of the real tragedies of the Thirty Years’ War, may be that more died from disease than fighting, and that under normal conditions, even in the 17th century, more could have been done to contain the spread and severity of epidemics.……………………………………………………………
Why are there so few mass graves despite the high death toll in Thirty Years’ War?
Although ta number of case studies have been presented in this thesis, these only represent a small fraction of the 5 million + people who died as a result of the war (Schürger 2013: 8). Therefore it is worth considering why more mass graves have not been discovered from this period? The first explanation may be that many of the battles from in the war took place near fortifications or settlements, thus eliminating the logistical task of retrieving bodies for burial at traditional cemeteries (Frisk 2015: 81). This makes it much more difficult to investigate the dead from a particular battle as it is seldom possible to excavate within functioning cemeteries. . Furthermore, even if such investigations were possible it would be difficult to locate casualties from a battle connected as their burials are unlikely to have received a headstone, and or their remains may have
63 been moved around the cemetery over time due to reorganisations or to create more space within the cemetery. The second explanation is that many of those who died did not die at the battle itself, but succumbed only later to their wounds in nearby hospitals. Here they are more likely to have received a regular Christian burial and so this also makes it makes it much harder to link graves to a specific battle (Gorge and Stahl 2011: 14).
It is also worth mentioning here that there were many who were successfully treated after a battle and died later due to a disease, or even through participation in another battle. This last point is evident from the case studies of this investigation, where a number of the skeletons showed traces of healed injuries. Knowledge of healed wounds has also been enhanced thanks to the efforts of Dr. Bakey, a neurosurgeon, who translated a 1669 account of the Thirty Years’ War by the doctor Joannis Scultetus, from Latin into English (Miller 1974: 391). These translations revealed that Scultetus had a high success rate when it came to treating cranial injuries; he claimed that only 1 in 9 died during surgery, which an extraordinarily high success rate given the tools and resources at his disposal. As this 17th century text was intended to be widely read, it is entirely possible, however, that Scultetus had skewed or fabricated his success rates in order to receive recognition from his peers.
Another explanation as to why there are so few known graves in relation to the total death toll from the war can be illustrated through an example from the Sack of Madgeburg. This example is similar to the case study for Hanau, where civilians became the targets of an army’s aggression. The city of Madgeburg was attacked by the Imperial army under General Tilly and Papenheim on 20 May, 1631. The richer inhabitants of the city were able to pay for their freedom, and the only survivors from the city are those who sought shelter in the Roman Catholic cathedral as the soldiers murdered, looted and raped their way around the city. When the army entered the city, the city had a population around 35,000, when they left, there were only approximately 5,000 inhabitants left alive.(REF) The number of the dead was so high that it was decided to throw the bodies into the river rather than spend the time burying the dead (Wilson 2009/2010: 470). It is said that even General Tilly was shocked by the pure brutality of his soldiers, whereas the reigning Pope Urban VIII is said to have been overjoyed by the news of the extermination of the ‘heretics nest’ that was Magdeburg. This example is useful to illustrate the alternative ways in which bodies were disposed of during the war and can help explain why no mass graves have been discovered in Madgeburg, despite the high death toll.
While interesting, the example above describes a very unchristian way of disposing of the dead. However, if we consider the frequency of disease among the population, as revealed in this thesis,
64 and the sheer number of the dead, the rapid and seemingly secular disposal of the dead becomes far more understandable. It becomes even more comprehendible when the sheer amount of time and effort required to dig a mass grave is taken into consideration.
The historical sources of the Battle of Frankfurt an der Oder, 13 April 1631, reveal just such a situation. The battle was fought between the Swedish and the Imperial armies over the strategically important and heavily fortified Oder crossing at Frankfurt an der Oder, Brandenburg, Germany (Brzezinski and Turner 2001: 12). The two day battle resulted in a decisive Swedish victory with the Imperial defenders losing 3,000 men, while the Swedish army lost only 800 men (Parker and Adams 1997: 203). The Scottish General, John Leslie, who was under Swedish service was appointed governor of the town and was left with the task of repairing the fortifications and burying the dead (Mackillop and Murdoch 2003: 64). The latter task involved the labour of dozens of soldiers under his command to strip the bodies for reusable materials (gunpowder, rifles and musket balls, money), then to dig the large pits that were intended to fit at least 100 individuals. Despite the available labour, it took six days for all of the pits to be dug and the dead to be collected and buried (Parker and Adams 1997: 203). Through some quick calculations, this would suggest that each mass grave of a 100 people would take approximately two and half hours to dig and fill the grave. However, if the same team was digging and filling all of the graves, the process is likely to taken due to fatigue.
This example does make it easier to understand why c. 30,000 dead civilians were thrown into a river as the calculations suggest that it would have taken 312 days a single small team to dig the graves. Although the period of 312 days dispose of the dead may seem high, even if the number of days is halved to take account of a larger number of grave diggers, this would still have allowed ample time for many unburied corpses to fester and spread and potentially harbour and spread diseases.
Human remains from the dead of the Thirty Years War may also be found in chapels and crypts in church, but not in the way one might think. Kaplica Czaszek is a relatively small church in Lower Silesia, Poland (formerly part of Germany). Between 1776 and 1794, priest Vaclav Tomasek and grave digger, J. Langer, collected approximately 24,000 human skeletons from the surrounding area to decorate the church as shown in Figure 28. The remains are known to have connected to numerous conflicts, the Thirty Years’ War and the Seven Years’ War for example, as well as those who died from cholera or other frequently occurring epidemics (Thuras n.d para 2). These decorations may reflect the extent of brutality and death in central Europe during this period, not only due to the sheer number of human remains available to complete such a project, but also that it was allowed and survived as a reminder of the horrific events of war to future generations.
65
Figure 28: Interior of the church Kaplica Czaszek
How can we use the information that has been collated in this thesis to advance archaeological understandings of the Thirty Years’ War?
Although it would be difficult to identify with any certainty remains that were connected to the Thirty Years’ War from a site such as Kaplica Czaszek, C14 and strontium dating could illuminate the health and diet of some of the individuals. Although, due to their long exposure, it is unlikely that any reliable genetic samples could be obtained, this is not to say that there are not exceptions however.
The investigation at both Lützen and Wittstock highlighted the value of employing suitable forms of technology, were possible. The investigations at Lützen and Wittstock took a landscape perspective, and benefitted from the use of geophysical prospection techniques. It is therefore important to discuss how the knowledge gained through these seminal investigations could be applied to enhance future prospections on Thirty Years’ War battlefields.
The second half of the 20th century has seen the development of a number of technologies that have added extra depth and detail to archaeological prospection. Some technologies, however, such as
66 metal detectors, have often been given a rather a negative stereotype by archaeologists. This is largely due to damage that is inflicted upon archaeological deposits by detectorists who survey sites for personal gain and the possibility of recovering artefacts that may be sold on the black market.
Although metal detectors are clearly a valuable tool and can assist with prospection on former battlefield sites, some conflict archaeologists are so fervently against their use that they refuse to use them, even in a controlled archaeological setting. This has led Connor and Scott (cited in Scott & Mcfeaters 2011: 106) to publish the paper Metal Detector Use in Archaeology in the journal Historical Archaeology to illustrate the benefits metal detectors offered archaeologists and how they could be used for good (Connor and Scott 1998).
The case studies in this thesis have shown that, the success of detecting a grave or an archaeological feature through the use of the various geophysical prospecting techniques, such as metal detecting, Ground Penetrating Rader (GPR) and Electromagnetic (EM) techniques, depend on a number of factor, including the preservation of the grave or site, as well as a number of geographical and or geomorphological factors (Sarris and Papadopoulos 2013: 9). Despite possible limitations, it is often recommended to integrate a number of prospection techniques, and if resources allow there is plenty of room for archaeologists to experiment with different techniques.
Geophysical prospection techniques are not only helpful during an active archaeological investigation of a historic site, but can help to pinpoint pockets of activity by identifying clusters of finds or features, saving valuable time and money by narrowing down the research areas. An example of this is the prospection of the battlefield at Rozvadov in the Czech Republic, between 2010 and 2013 (Blažková et al 2013). This battle took place shortly after the Bohemian Revolt, when General Mansfeld, having failed to break through north-west Bohemia in May 1621, entrenched his 13,000 strong army at Waidhaus on the Nurenberg-Pilsen road (Wilson 2009: 332). Opposing General Mansfeld was General Tilly, who positioned his 18,000 men of the Imperial army at Rozvadov. The following four months saw the generals exchange a fruitless series of assaults upon each other’s positions. Despite his numerical superiority, Tilly held a weak position and his army largely consisted of poorly trained and equipped militiamen (Wilson 2009: 333). With no end in sight, General Tilly planned with General Maximilian and his army to the north, to trap Mansfeld. Upon discovering this plan, however, General Mansfeld set about making a break west under the cover of darkness to Neumarkt, escaping the clutches of Tilly and Maximillian, much to their embarrassment. (Wilson 2009: 333).
67
The battlefield at Rozvadov lay in the inaccessible Cold War border zone after the Second World War from 1948 until the 1989s. This actually benefited the preservation of archaeological deposits as the area was protected from intensive agricultural activity or damage by redevelopment. Once the borders were opened, however, in 1990, amateur historical researchers began to survey the area but at the same time, but the battlefield became vulnerable to looting by metal detectorists. The problem grew so large that between 2006 and 2008, the Faculty of Humanities of the Charles University in Prague began the systematic documentation and digital survey of several preserved field fortifications before their destruction. These features are marked in red in Figure 29 and 30 (Matoušek 2011; 2013).
Figure 29: A modern map of the Rozvadov
Figure 29, shows a modern map of the battlefield, measuring 14 km². The map demonstrates that a great deal of the site is now forested and that it is only a short distance away from the modern settlement with a number of roads running through the area of the former battlefield. By making use of local knowledge, of the landscape, and where historic field fortifications can still be found, it is possible to locate the two army camps and the combat zone and to connect this modern map to an illustration of the historic battle as shown in figure 30.
68
Figure 30: Historic illustration of the battlefield of Rozvadov
Figure 31: A graph displaying the relationship between bullet diameter and quantity
In figure 31, we can see a graph that categorises the lead balls found, by a small team of metal detectorists between 2010 and 2013, based on their diameters. The graph demonstrates that musket balls were by far the most common weapon used on the battlefield, but pistol calibres were
69 also common. When the position of each lead ball was mapped it became possible to identify concentrations within the battlefield. This is shown in figure 32, and here we can see 4 concentrations, although the cluster at Site no. 3 is not particularly large. The size of the field fortifications, marked red, on the hilltop nearby may explain why there is a cluster. For example a small detachment was sent to assault it, but the assault was either too small or too brief to leave many musket balls within the proximity of the field fortifications.
This map is useful as the concentrations of bullets highlight where the major combat zones were on the battlefield. It also helps us to reconstruct the events of the battle and to verify the historical accounts of the battle, such as the notes made by a senior Bavarian official titled ‘Eroberung der Oberphalz’ (cited in Wilson 2009: 333). This type of map is useful as it helps us to narrow down our searches for graves in any future excavation or survey. I have highlighted in yellow the area that I believe would most likely contain any possible mass graves. I base this on the case studies used previously which illustrated that graves were often dug near boundaries such as roads and fortifications, and in close proximity to the combat zones. The area that I have circled features both boundaries, in the form of a road and fortifications, and two dense combat zones. Of course my hypothesis of where any possible graves could be on this battlefield can only be proved or disproven by future archaeological investigation of the battlefield.
Figure 32: A map of the Rozvadov battlefield, mapping the musket balls that were found
70
Future Directions
Shipwrecks
This thesis has intentional focused upon terrestrial burials. Looking ahead, the study of mass graves from the Thirty Years’ War could be extended to include the numerous shipwrecks, where a number of the crew are known to be lost (Cederlund and Hocker 2006). One example could be the Swedish Warship Vasa, which sank on its maiden voyage in 1628 (Cederlund and Hocker 2006). While this example is not a casualty of war, but a maritime disaster, the approximately 1,500 human bones recovered from the wreck could hold some valuable information (Cederlund and Hocker 2006: 152). Skeletons were recovered from all over the vessel, including skeleton F on the starboard side of the steerage and skeleton H being found on the lower gun deck, suggesting that the ship sunk rapidly and therefore not providing sufficient time for the crew to evacuate (Cederlund and Hocker 2006: 322, 401-402).
While it may not be possible to make a direct comparison of their graves, it is certainly possible to compare the health and hygiene of the ship’s crew to the soldiers found in the case studies mentioned previously. It would also make for a good comparison of the age range of the individuals working on a ship compared to foot soldiers. However it is often very expensive to investigate shipwrecks and there is always the possibility for the dispute between countries over the ownership of the ship depending on where it sank, which could delay the investigation for a significant amount of time.
Conclusions:
As this thesis has demonstrated, the integration of sub-topics can reveal a number of interesting insights regarding burial practices during times of war, diet, health and cause of death for both soldiers and the wider population during the Thirty Years’ War. The case studies, spanning three different countries and encompassing both soldiers and civilians has convincingly demonstrated that on the whole, hygiene and health was poor among all those living in central Europe during this period. This led to vitamin deficiencies and stunted growth from malnutrition, parasitical infestations and diseases, namely syphilis, which can all be identified on the bones of the deceased. This investigation makes clear that death did not discriminate, with men and women, young and old all facing death in the form of disease or violence on a regular basis. The case studies reveal the full brutality of the Thirty Year’s War through the forensic analysis on the bones. Many of the individuals that featured in the case studies died from gunshot wounds, from both musket rifles and pistols. While many more died from melee combat, displaying both laceration and blunt force trauma
71 wounds, this encompassed a vast array of weapons from swords, knives, and clubs to halberds and morning stars. Furthermore, with the integration of forensic experts, it became possible to reconstruct battle sequences. This may not change our general perceptions of a specific battle, but it certainly adds depth to our knowledge, revealing the ferocity and intensity experienced by the common soldier. All of this information completed my third objective, with the above demonstrating how these graves could enhance our knowledge of the Thirty Year’s War.
Secondly, this study has achieved the second objective, revealing the development of archaeological approaches used during the excavation of mass graves over time. The evidence largely supports the notion that archaeological techniques have improved over time as greater quantities of evidence are collected and recorded. This is likely to be the result of several factors, namely the growing professionalization of archaeology, developments in both national and EU legislation towards archaeological heritage and finally the development and access of new technologies to archaeologists which help us to study either in greater detail and accuracy or open up new avenues of research.
Lastly, the primary objective of this thesis was to identify possible correlations between burial practices and different phases of the Thirty Years' War. As the study progressed, it soon became clear that burial practices during the Thirty Years’ War were affected by several or more factors which made it difficult to identify any possible correlations. A few correlations did begin to emerge when the case studies were compared in the discussion. Firstly, the dead were often stripped of primary loot, weapons, ammunition and gunpowder for example, but not always for secondary loot, personal items such as jewellery and money. The looting of secondary loot largely depended on the decisiveness of a battle, with decisive battles affording the victors the most time to obtain the less obvious secondary loot. Another possible correlation is between graves and boundaries on the battlefield. Where the location of the grave was identified in relation to the battlefield, it appeared as though graves were almost also located on or near a boundary such as a road or fortifications. However this correlation is far from certain and therefore I have proposed a potential investigation to test this hypothesis towards the end of the discussion on the battlefield of Rozvadov in the Czech Republic. This thesis has also identified the potential for investigating ship wrecks to improve our knowledge on the health, hygiene, demographics and cause of death for those fighting at sea and how this can be compared to those fighting on land and the wider population.
To conclude, I believe this thesis convincingly demonstrates the need for scholars to look beyond the traditional elements of study of historic battlefields and to look beyond issues of strategy and tactics and to focus instead upon the wider social, political, economic and technological developments that
72 occur during major wars war. This approach is certainly gaining momentum as what were formerly small sub-topics, such as studies that explored encampments, field fortifications, logistic support processes and graves connected to conflict, continue to grow in number. As I have argued, when these sub-topics are integrated, they can provide a far greater understanding of the full dynamics of warfare and its impacts upon landscapes and societies.
73
Bibliography:
Atkinson, C. (2005, December 14). The Thirty Years War. Retrieved February 12, 2015, from http://www.pipeline.com/~cwa/TYWHome.htm
Andersson, J., & Andersson, S. (2000). A century of typhus, lice and Rickettsia. Research in Microbiology, 151(2), 143-150.
Ansorge, J. (2010): Ein Massengrab aus der Zeit des Nordischen Krieges auf dem ehemaligen Frankenhornwerk in Stralsund. – Archäologische Berichte aus Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Bd. 17 (2010), 122-135.
Auch ein Zwölfjähriger starb in der Schlacht. (2008, April 9). Retrieved December 11, 2014, from http://www.augsburger-allgemeine.de/bayern/Auch-ein-Zwoelfjaehriger-starb-in-der-Schlacht- id3592586.html
Blažková, K., Hrnčiřík, P., Matoušek, V., & Šámal, Z. (2013, September 8). Metal Detector Prospection of Two Battlefields from the Beginning of the Thirty Years' War: Rakovník 1620 and Rozvadov 1621. Retrieved May 10, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/4426992/Metal_Detector_Prospection_of_Two_Battlefields_from_the_ Beginning_of_the_Thirty_Years_War_Rakovnik_1620_and_Rozvadov_1621
Boehme, J., & Wollgast, F. (2012). 1636 – ihre letzte Schlacht » Massengrab von Wittstock. Retrieved January 8, 2015, from http://www.1636.de/category/schlacht-bei-wittstock/massengrab-von- wittstock/
Brzezinski, Richard; Turner, Graham (2001). Lützen 1632: climax of the thirty years war. Volume 68 of Osprey campaign series. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1-85532-552-7.
Carl Olof Cederlund and Fred Hocker (edited) 2006 Vasa I The Archaeology of a Swedish Warship 1628. Statens Maritima Museer, Stockholm
Clark, C. (2006). Iron kingdom: The rise and downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. London: Penguin Books.
Connor, M., & Scott, D. (1998). Metal Detector Use in Archaeology: An Introduction. Historical Archaeology, 32(4), 76-85.
Eastman, C. (2004). The Indian Version of Custer's Last Battle (P. Cozzens, Ed.). Eyewitnesses to the Indian Wars, 1865-1890, 4, 299-209.
74
Eccleston, K; Collins, L; Higgins, SP (March 2008). "Primary syphilis". International journal of STD & AIDS 19 (3): 145–51. doi:10.1258/ijsa.2007.007258. PMID 18397550
Eickhoff, S. (2012). 1636 - ihre letzte Schlacht Leben im Dreißigjährigen Krieg ; [Archäologisches Landesmuseum Brandenburg im Paulikloster, Brandenburg a. d. Havel, 31. März bis 9. September 2012 ; Archäologische Staatssammlung München, Oktober 2012 - März 2013 ; Militärhistorisches Museum Dresden in Kooperation mit dem Landesamt für Archäologie Sachsen, April - August 2013]. Stuttgart: Theiss
Eickhoff, S., & Höhn, F. (2013). Das Massengrab der Schlacht von Wittstock. Militärgeschichte, 2, 4-9. ISSN 0940-4163
European Community. 1992. Title IX, Article 128. pp. 7. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities.
Freeman, P. W., Pollard, T. (eds.) (2001). Fields of Conflict: Progress and Prospect in Battlefield Archaeology, BAR International Series 958, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Frisk, M. (2015). Concerning Mass Graves. Retrieved March 14, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/10706535/Concerning_Mass_Graves
Gorge, M. (Lecturer), Stahl, A.. (Lecturer) (2011, November 21. Written sources about the treatment of the dead on battlefields in southern Saxony-Anhalt. Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from, Brandenburg an der Havel.
Grosjean, A. (2003). An Unofficial Alliance: Scotland and Sweden 1569-1654. Brill Academic.
Havel, J. 1980: Hromadný hrob bělohorských bojovníků. Ein Massengrab der Kriegervom Weissen Berg (Bílá Hora), Archaeologica Pragensia 1, 227-231.
Hays, J. N. (2005). Epidemics and Pandemics: their Impacts on Human History. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio.
Hirst, K. (n.d.). Destination Little Bighorn Battlefield. Retrieved June 8, 2015, from http://archaeology.about.com/cs/military/bb/littlebighorn.htm
Homann, A. (2013). Battlefield Archaeology of Central Europe – With a Focus on Early Modern Battlefields (N. Mehler, Ed.). Historical Archaeology in Central Europe, (10), 203-230.
75
Janská, E. 1966: Hromadný hrob bělohorských bojovníků.The collective Grave of White Mountain Fighters. Staletá Praha II, Praha: Orbis, 107-110, 306-307.
Jæger, J. (2013, March 1). Mass grave or communal burial? A discussion of terminology. Retrieved February 3, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/1276944/Mass_grave_or_communal_burial_A_discussion_of_terminol ogy
Jungklaus, B. (Lecturer)(2011, November 21. A mass grave from the Thirty Years' War on Friedländer Tor Neubrandenburg. Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from , Brandenburg an der Havel.
Jungklaus, B. (Lecturer), Choice, J. (Lecturer), Günter King, H. (Lecturer) (2011, November 21. The results of the anthropological and traumatological analysis of the skeletal material from the Wittstock mass grave. Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from, Brandenburg an der Havel.
Konze, M. (Lecturer), Samaritan, R. (Lecturer) (2011, November 21). Spilled - the Stralsund mercenaries grave of 1628 . Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from , Brandenburg an der Havel.
Lederer, D. (2004). Fear of the Thirty Years War. In M. Laffan & M. Weiss (Eds.), Facing Fear: The History of an Emotion in Global Perspective (pp. 10-30). New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Lockhart, Paul Douglas (2007). Denmark, 1513–1660: the rise and decline of a Renaissance monarchy. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-927121-6. Retrieved 7 August 2009.
Mackillop, Andrew; Murdoch, Steve (2003). Military governors and imperial frontiers c. 1600-1800: A study of Scotland and empires. BRILL. ISBN 90-04-12970-7. Retrieved 27 August 2009.
Matoušek, V. (in press). Třebel: Obraz krajiny s bitvou. Charles University.
Matoušek, V. 2011: Zpráva o 1. sezoně systematického archeologického výzkumu bojiště z roku 1621 u Rozvadova, Sborník Muzea Českého lesa v Tachově 32/11, 3-13.
Matoušek, V. 2013: Předběžná zpráva o 2. a 3. sezoně archeologického výzkumu bojiště u Rozvadovaz roku 1621, Sborník Muzea Českého lesa v Tachově 33, 3-14.
76
Miller, P. (1974). The Treatment of Head Injuries in the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648): Joannis Scultetus and His Age. American Antiquity, 39(2), 391-392. Retrieved March 9, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/279600
Miller, D. (2003). Armies of the German Peasants' War 1524–1526. Oxford: Osprey Publishing.
Misterek, K. (Lecturer), Lutz, A. (Lecturer) (2011, November 21). "Put together piece by piece" - the analysis of a human skeletal remains buried pit Containing long after the Battle of Alerheim (1645), Bavaria. Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from , Brandenburg an der Havel.
Misterek, K. (2012). Ein Massengrab aus der Schlacht von Alerheim am 3. August 1645. in: Bericht der Bayerischen Bodendenkmalpflege 53, 361-391.
Misterek, K. (Director) (2013, September 5). A Mass Grave from the Battle of Alerheim (1645). Archaeological Perspectives on the Thirty Years' War. Lecture conducted from Pilsen, Czech Republic.
Mullooly, C., Higgins, S. P. (August 2010). "Secondary syphilis: the classical triad of skin rash, mucosal ulceration and lymphadenopathy". International journal of STD & AIDS 21 (8): 537–45. doi:10.1258/ijsa.2010.010243. PMID 20975084
Nicklisch, N. (Lecturer), Meyer, C. (Lecturer), Alt, K. W. (Lecturer) (2011, November 21. A city under siege - skeletal evidence of deficiency diseases in Hanau 1635/36. Battlefield and mass grave - spectra interdisciplinary evaluation of locations of violence. Lecture conducted from , Brandenburg an der Havel.
Parker, G., Adams, S. (1997). The Thirty Years' War (2 ed.). Routledge, London. ISBN 0-415-12883-8.
Pollard, T. (2009, October 15). Historic graves under supermarket. Retrieved January 19, 2015, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/highlands_and_islands/8306563.stm
Plum, M. (2011). Archäologische Zeugnisse des Dreißigjährigen Krieges in Bayern: – Die Erstürmung von Höchstadt an der Aisch 1633 und die Schlacht bei Nördlingen 1634 –. Retrieved February 12, 2015, from https://www.academia.edu/1235094/Archäologische_Zeugnisse_des_Dreißigjährigen_Krieges_in_B ayern_Die_Erstürmung_von_Höchstadt_an_der_Aisch_1633_und_die_Schlacht_bei_Nördlingen_16 34_
77
Sarris, A., & Papadopoulos, N. (2013). Looking for Graves: Geophysical Prospection of Cemeteries. Proceedings of the 17th International Conference on Cultural Heritage and New Technologies 2012 (CHNT 17, 2012). Retrieved April 11, 2015, from http://www.chnt.at/wp- content/uploads/eBook_CHNT17_Sarris_Papadopoulos.pdf
Schürger, A., Friederich, S., Alt, K., & Nicklisch, N. (2013, August 1). Lützen - A place of remembrance. Archäologie in Deutschland, 8-13
Scott, D., & Mcfeaters, A. (2011). The Archaeology of Historic Battlefields: A History and Theoretical Development in Conflict Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Research, 19(1), 103-132. Retrieved March 9, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41053271
Shiels, D. (2008, July 1). A Mighty Rage: Carrickmines Castle and the events of March 26th/27th 1642. Retrieved February 3, 2015, from: https://www.academia.edu/3374423/A_Mighty_Rage_Carrickmines_Castle_and_the_events_of_Ma rch_26th_27th_1642
THE GRIMM HISTORY OF GERMAN FAIRY TALES. (1998, March 1). Retrieved June 9, 2015, from http://www.munichfound.com/archives/id/21/article/379/
Theibault, J. (1993). The Rhetoric of Death and Destruction in the Thirty Years War. Journal of Social History, 27(2), 271-290. Retrieved March 9, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3788303
Thuras, D. (n.d.). Kaplica Czaszek: The Chapel of Skulls. Retrieved May 12, 2015, from http://www.atlasobscura.com/places/kaplica-czazek-chapel-skulls
Tulder M. Van, Malmivaara A, Koes B (May 2007). "Repetitive strain injury" (PDF). Lancet 369 (9575): 1815–22. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(07)60820-4. PMID 17531890
Vidal, P., Tibayrenc, M., Gonzalez, J.P. (2007). "Chapter 40: Infectious disease and arts". In Tibayrenc, Michel. Encyclopedia of Infectious Diseases: Modern Methodologies. John Wiley & Sons. p. 680. ISBN 9780470114193.
Wallbank, W. T., Taylor, A. M, Bailkey, M. N., Jewsbury, G. F., Lewis, C. J., Hackett, N. J., Borland B. M. (eds.) (1992).The Development of the European State System: 1300–1650. Civilization Past & Present, 2, 15-50. ISBN 0-673-38869-7
Wedgewood, C. V. (1961). The Thirty Years’ War. Penguin.
Wilson, P. (2008). ‘On the role of religion in the Thirty Years War’, IHR, 30, 473-514.
78
Wilson, P. (2009). Europe's tragedy: A history of the Thirty Years War. London: Allen Lane.
Wright, R. (2010). Where are the Bodies? In the Ground. The Public Historian, 32(1), 96-107. Retrieved March 8, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org.proxy.uba.uva.nl:2048/stable/10.1525/tph.2010.32.1.96
79