Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement

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Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement Direct Democracy and Women’s Political Engagement Jeong Hyun Kim Louisiana State University Abstract: What are the conditions that promote gender equality in political participation? In this article, I propose that the presence of direct democracy expands gender equality in political participation by signaling the system’s openness to women’s voice, confirming their political competency, and highlighting their stake in political decisions. To test this argument, I leverage a quasi-experiment in Sweden in the aftermath of the introduction of universal suffrage, where the type of municipal political institutions was determined by a population threshold. My findings lend strong support to the effect of direct democracy on the political inclusion of women. I find that the gender gap in electoral participation was smaller in municipalities using direct democracy than in similarly sized municipalities that only had representative institutions. Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this arti- cle are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: https:/doi.org/10.7910/AGIMGY. cross the world, women’s engagement in poli- the political environment affects gendered patterns tics tends to lag behind that of men. Although of political behavior. Recently, the historical political A the gender gap in turnout has disappeared in economy literature has drawn attention to the role of many countries (Inglehart and Norris 2000; Quaranta institutional context by investigating how proportional and Dotti Sani 2018; Smets and Van Ham 2013), re- representation (Skorge 2018a) and heightened party search demonstrates that women still participate less fre- competition (Corder and Wolbrecht 2016) have increased quently in other forms of political activities, such as mak- women’s turnout relative to men’s in the early twentieth ing campaign contributions, joining a political organi- century. zation, or persuading others to vote (Burrell 2004; De- This article illuminates an alternative institutional sposato and Norrander 2009; Fraile and Gomez 2017; mechanism that narrows the gender gap in participation: Inglehart and Norris 2003). Women’s lower propensity direct democracy. In broader terms, direct democracy to engage in politics raises normative concerns, and refers to political processes that allow ordinary citizens it has important policy consequences. Given that men to directly decide on laws rather than select representa- and women tend to hold divergent political preferences tives to make decisions on their behalf (Matsusaka 2005). (Alvarez and McCaffery 2003; Gottlieb, Grossman, and The most widespread forms of direct democracy include Robinson 2016), lower levels of political participation citizen initiatives, in which citizens vote on fellow citi- among women can produce policies that are systemati- zens’ policy proposals, and referendums, in which citi- cally biased against women’s preferences, which in turn zens vote on a law already approved by the legislature. can reinforce gender inequalities in social and economic Direct democracy also covers town meetings, in which domains. citizens gather on a regular basis for making public de- While scholars have examined the effect of cultural cisions. In several advanced democracies, most famously (Inglehart and Norris 2000) and economic factors in the United States and Switzerland, direct democratic (Morgan-Collins and Teele 2017) on women’s political procedures have become an integral part of the policy- participation, there has been less discussion on how making process across different levels of government. Jeong Hyun Kim is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70802 ([email protected]). I would like to thank the Editor of AJPS and three anonymous reviewers, as well as Deniz Aksoy, Michael Bechtel, Dan Butler, Melody Crowder-Meyer, Olle Folke, Matt Gabel, Johanna Rickne, Leslie Schwindt-Bayer, Margit Tavits, Dawn Teele,and Danielle Thomsen for their valuable comments on earlier versions of this article. I also thank Karin Leijon for her crucial help with identifying Swedish documents. I acknowledge the Carrie Chapman Catt Prize for support for this research. American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 00, No. 00, xxxx 2019, Pp. 1–17 C 2019, Midwest Political Science Association DOI: 10.1111/ajps.12420 1 2 JEONG HYUN KIM In this article, I propose that the presence of di- suggest that providing participatory opportunities at the rect democracy signals the openness of the system to masslevelhasimportantimpactsonwomen’spoliti- women’s political activism and confirms that women are cal orientations. This insight highlights the need to ex- equally competent to make important contributions to plore the role of broader institutional contexts in shaping political decision making. It also enables women to more women’s political behavior. closely observe how their political actions translate into Second, this article advances our understanding of changes in their lives, thereby increasing their sense of developments of women’s political engagement by ana- having political influence. These effects will in turn in- lyzing historical data from the early decades of women’s crease women’s political participation at a higher rate electoral participation. It builds on an emerging interest than men’s. in the research on women and politics in utilizing histor- Although recent work suggests that women and men ical data to test previously untestable arguments about now turn out at a similar rate (Quaranta and Dotti Sani women’s political behavior. Specifically, these studies 2018), women’s turnout was substantially lower than that have addressed how women’s economic status (Morgan- ofmenwhentheyfirstgainedvotingrights(Duverger Collins and Teele 2017), levels of electoral competition 1955; Tingsten 1937). I investigate how the presence of di- (Corder and Wolbrecht 2016), or electoral rules (Sko- rect democracy affected the gendered patterns of electoral rge 2018a) shaped women’s voting behavior in the early participation in the earlier years of women’s enfranchise- twentieth century. ment. Specifically, I test the effect of direct democracy on My article makes a distinct contribution to this the gender gap in turnout through leveraging a natural literature by examining how the availability of direct experiment in Sweden in the early twentieth century. Be- policy influence affected newly enfranchised women’s tween 1919 and 1953, a population threshold determined participation in elections. Furthermore, both my theory whether direct democratic institutions governed Swedish and findings suggest that women’s participation in direct localities or whether elected representatives governed democratic procedures has durable implications for their it through a local council. This plausibly exogenous subsequent political behavior. This finding is consistent variation in local political institutions coincided with the with the scholarly evidence on the relationship between introduction of universal suffrage in the country, provid- women’s earlier involvement in political activities and ing a rare opportunity to identify the effect of local direct their political activism in the future (Carpenter and democratic institutions on women’s political inclusion, Moore 2014; Skorge 2018b). while controlling for their past behavioral patterns. Re- Finally, this article provides a new theoretical per- sults from regression discontinuity (RD) analyses confirm spective on the relationship between direct democracy that the presence of direct democracy has strong effects and marginalized groups. Some empirical studies have on the political inclusion of women. Extending this base- shownthatdirectdemocraticprocedurestendtopro- line analysis and using rich information from minutes of duce outcomes that are systematically biased against the municipal meetings, I examine whether women’s involve- interests of socially marginalized groups, such as racial ment in direct democratic meetings is associated with and ethnic minorities (Gamble 1997; Hainmueller and their participation in subsequent parliamentary elections. Hangartner 2015; Hajnal 2009). My study indicates This article makes three important contributions. that opportunities and experience under direct democ- First, it extends the literature on political institutions racy may create some positive behavioral implications and women’s political inclusion. Most studies on this for marginalized groups. It further suggests that direct topic have focused on how electoral institutions, espe- democracy helps citizens, who have been politically ex- cially those expected to increase women’s representation, cluded and socially marginalized develop a sense of po- bring women closer to politics. Notably, many scholars litical efficacy, leading them to become more engaged in haveexaminedhowtheadoptionofgenderquotasinelec- politics. This attitudinal change, in turn, may provide tions affects women’s presence in elected positions (Krook them with greater political influence in the long run. 2009; Schwindt-Bayer 2009; Tripp and Kang 2008), access to political leadership (O’Brien and Rickne 2016), and political engagement (Barnes and Burchard 2013; Kittil- son and Schwindt-Bayer 2010). My findings complement Previous Literature on the Gender this research by showing that institutions that are not Gap in Political Engagement
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