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Women in Legislative Politics : a Comparative Study of Canada, Norway and Sweden

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Women in Legislative Politics : a Comparative Study of Canada, Norway and Sweden Women in Legislative Politics : A Comparative Study of Canada, Norway and Sweden Michelle Johnston Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia December, 1996 Q Copyright by Michelle Johnston, 1996 1SI Nationai Library Eiwrorneque nanonaie of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, nie Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 OuawaON KlAOlr14 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive pennettant à la National Libraq of Canada to BLbliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la foxme de microfiche/filrn, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts eom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Table of Contents iv List of Tables v Abstract vi Abbreviations vii . Acknowledgments Vlll Chapter 1- Introduction 1 Chapter 2- A Feminist Critique of Liberal Democratic Theory 9 Chapter 3- The Impact of Second-Wave Feminisrn on Women's Politicai Representation in the Canadian, Norwegian, and Swedish Parliaments. 35 Chapter 4- Wornen's Recniitment and Selection into Political Parties in Canada, Norway and Sweden. 66 Chapter 5- Can Women Legislators Promote Women's Concerns Through Parliamentary Govemment? 124 Chapter 6- ConcIuding Rernarks 190 Appendix 1 Appendix II References 2 18 List of Tables Table 1.1- Percentage of elected women in Canada, Norway and Sweden 21 1 Table 1.2- Wornen's participation in Canadian local constituencies at the 21 1 federai ~evec Table .3- Backgrounds of fernale candidates and fernale MPs 1988 federai election 2 12 Table .4-Number of elected women and men in the Canadian House of Commons, 2 13 1980- 1993 Table -5- Partisan Distribution of seats in the Swedish Riksdag, and Norwegian 214 Storting, 1993 Table I .6-Number of Men and Women eiected to the Swedish Riksdag, 2 14 1991-1993 Table 1-7-Percentage of Women elected to the Norwegian Storting, 1993 Table 2.1- Femaie MPs appointed to P.C. and Liberal Cabinets 2 16 Table 2.2-Female MPs appointed to the Sociai Democratic Cabinet 217 Table 2.3-Female MPs appointed to the Labour Cabinet, 1996 2 17 This thesis studies the role of women in legislative politics in Canada, Norway, and Sweden. Because Norway and Sweden have more femaie MPs than their Canadian counterparts, this thesis examines why this is the case. It also studies whether or not an increase in female legislators in these Scandinavian countries has had an impact on increasing discussion on women's issues. The first section of the thesis examines the electorai systems in Norway, Sweden and Canada. This section will explain why Norwegian and Swedish female MPs have enjoyed higher levels of representation than women have in Canada. The thesis also studies whether there are barriers facing Scandinavian and Canadian on introducing women's issues into the public arena. Finally, assessments will be made about whether an increase in female LegisIators will improve public debate on women's issues, or if other changes are also needed. List of Abbreviations NAC: National Action Cornmittee on the Status of Women NWLC: National Women's Liberal Commission NPC WF: National Progressive Conservative Women's Federation POW: Participation of Women Cornmittee RCERPF: Royal Commission on ELectoral Reform and Party Financing vii 1 would like to extend my gratitude to those people who helped me write this thesis. First and foremost, 1 wouid like to thank my family: Mary, Cyril, Steven, Tanya and Richard. If it had not been for theü support and encouragement, this thesis would not have been realized. Special thanks also go out to my thesis readers: Robert Finbow, Louise Carbert, and Peter Aucoin. Through their assistance, 1 was able to have a better understanding of this issue. Finally, 1 would like to thank the participants who took part in this study. They provided me with insightful information on why it is important that the diverse concems of women are represented at the legislative leveI. traduction Why have issues such as reproductive rights, day care, or domestic violence never played a dominant role in Canadian politics? Why have many women's issues not been incorporated into any of the major parties' agendas? Why has the Canadian government not adequately addressed how economic policies such as social service cut-backs have a negative impact on women's lives? ~reviously,feminist academics have not inquired enough into these concerns. Instead many £eminist political scientists have mainly studied why women are disadvantaged £rom participating in Canadian politics at the legislative level (Brodie, 1985; Brodie and Vickers, 1981; Erickson, 1991) . Another common argument has been that womenJs concerns have been marginalized through mainstream politics, because women politicians are underrepresented in the political arena (RCSW, 1970; Friedan, 1983). Recently, feminist theorists have argued that female legislators must also represent women's concerns once they are elected. They have examined the nature of the party system, and the differences between fernale legislators across party lines in order to assess whether female legislators have difficulty representing women's concerns (Arscott and Trimble, 1997; Maille, 1997; Young, 1997; Vickers, 1997). Whv- this analvsis is jrn~ortant and how this thesis will s problern. Because women comprise half of the population, it is clearly essential that their concerns be represented at the legislative level. No doubt, Canadian female legislators have had difficulty representing womenfs concerns, because they are are far frorn achieving gender equity in the House of Cornmons. Bowever, this thesis will investigate further into this question. What impact do female legislators have on influencing public debate once they comprise a large percentage of the legislature? Will an increase in the number of female MPs translate into an equal influence over the issues that are discussed at the legislative level? This thesis will examine these questions by looking at this area from a comparative angle. Canada will be compared with Norway and Sweden which have a high number of female legislators in their parliaments. Questions will be raised regarding why Norway and Sweden have more female MPs than in Canada. It will also examine if there are obstacles to female legislatorls influence on introducing womenls concerns through legislative and party structures. When looking at these questions; a variety of secondary sources will be studied. The research of Canadian academics who took part in the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing offer informative explanations for why Canadian women are underrepresented at the legislative level . This thesis will also cover the writings of Canadian and Scandinavian academics who have studied these questions. These secondary resources will also further Our understanding about whether or not Canadian, Norwegian, and Swedish women have endured obstacles at the electoral and legislative level. Several interviews with female legislators, academics, and feminists from Canada and Scandinavia were also conducted for this study. Through face to face and phone interviews, participants provided insightful information on whether women experience barriers at the electoral and legislative level in Canada, Norway and Sweden. As we shall see, their perspective on the role of female legislators in these countries will shed further light on this issue. Outljne of thesis cbters In order to answer these questions, this thesis has been organized into four sections. It will first explore these questions from a theoretical perspective which will set up the argument of subsequent chapters. Chapter 2 studies the original theories on liberal democracies which have had an impact on Canadian and Scandinavian politics. By assessing and evaluating these original theories, arguments will be made that women were viewed as being ill- suited for politics. Following this analysis, the chapter will argue why early and contemporary liberal feminists have Seen critical of these original theorists. They argue that once women participate in public institutions such as political parties on the same basis as men, they will be emancipat ed . Liberal feminism has been a useful device which has helped many women overcome the obstacles of party politics. Despite these strengths, the chapter will also explain why many feminist theorists now argue that liberal feminist theory is inadequate. Because of these problems, this 5 chapter argues that even though liberal feminism has many strengths, new theories are needed on women's political participation which can explain how female MPs can better represent women. In Chapter 3, this thesis then compares the history of the women' s movement in Canada, Norway, and Sweden. It will first argue that even though women in these countries fought and won voting rights, this did not translate into an equal impact on introducing women's issues through public debate. The chapter will then outline the issues which spear-headed a revival of the feminist movement in these three states. Following this general analysis, it will compare the nature and impact of Canadian, Norwegian, and Swedish feminist groups on encouraging more women to run £or public office. The chapter will argue that Norwegian and Swedish women's gxoups were more influential than their Canadian counterpart at helping women achieve higher levels of representation. Chapter 4 compares the electoral systems in Canada, Norway and Sweden. It will first outline how well woman have fared in each of these electoral systems.
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