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because of appendixes 3 and 4: the a length of 15 equinoctial hours for solar altitudes of the table in the longest day of the year and this appendix 3 are calculated for the value corresponds to a latitude of latitude of Cordova (38;30º); the 40;41º (if we use an obliquity of the interpretation of this table in the ecliptic of 24º) and of 41;17º (for an translation (Fasc. 3, p. 186) is full of obliquity of 23;33º). This value does errors and absurd values, mainly not correspond to Cordova but because the translator is not aware rather to Toledo and this is why I of the existence of a Western abjad suggested that al Mur×d÷ was living system in which several letters have in Toledo during the period in different values from those in which the city became the most Eastern abjad . This table had important scientific centre in al already been edited twice, by King Andalus (see Las Ciencias de los (1978) and by Casulleras (1996). On Antiguos en al-Andalus , Madrid, the other hand Cordova is explicitly 1992, pp. 249 257). This is a mere mentioned in appendix 4. It seems hypothesis but it seems to me more that the authors of this publication acceptable than placing the author do not realize that the four append in Cordova. ixes have nothing in common with As a conclusion, I would say that the machines described in chapters this publication is an important 1 30 and that at least two of them advance in the study of an derive from earlier sources: append extremely interesting scientific ix 1 is attributed to Ibn al ¼aff×r and work because it provides us with an appendix 2 to al Batt×n÷ in the text; excellent facsimile of the manu appendix 1 is identical to the script, an edition and a translation description in the Kit×b f÷ l-hay’a by which make the text more Q×sim b. MuÐarrif al QaÐÐ×n as accessible. It is not, however, a established by Casulleras (1993). To finished product and an accurate this one should add that Casulleras interpretation of the machinery has established that the maximum described in the 29 extant chapters rising and setting amplitudes of the is still needed. I only hope that the sun mentioned in the text is 30º, work done by the authors will which corresponds to a latitude of encourage other scholars to finish 37;6º and could be that of Cordova. the task. It seems clear that machine 31 and the four appendixes derive from Julio Samsó Cordovan sources. In the rest of the book (machines 1 30) the situation is entirely Charles Burnett, Arabic into different: in machines 14, 17, 18, Latin in the Middle Ages. The and 27 we find explicit references to Translators and their Intellectual Reviews 239
and Social Context. Ashgate papers (I, V, VI, VII, VIII) the Variorum, Farnham, Surrey, translated sources come from al 2009. VIII + 412 pp. Andalus; paper III deals with Adelard of Bath, who used Charles Burnett is today’s leading Andalusian sources in spite of the expert in the history of medieval fact that he never came to the scientific and philosophical Iberian Peninsula, although his translations from Arabic into Latin probable passage through Antioch (an updated list of his works can be raises the possibility of the found at http://warburg.sas.ac.uk/ introduction of sources available institute/cburnett.htm#top#top). His there. This idea is reinforced in editions, in collaboration with M. paper IV on the existence of a Yano, and K. Yamamoto, of Arabic connection between Antioch and astrological works (Abý Maþshar Pisa, which explains the arrival in and al Qab÷½÷), together with the Europe of Eastern books that were corresponding Latin translations and unknown in al Andalus. Paper II is bilingual glossaries of technical concerned with the analysis of a few terms, have become a model to be Arabic Latin translations related to imitated and the only way through natural philosophy, the origin of which a serious study of the which is not clear, made in southern medieval translation phenomenon Italy in the 11 th c. Finally paper IX can be undertaken. This is why the is, again, concerned with Antioch present volume will receive a warm through the figure of Theodor, who welcome from the community of became the philosopher of Emperor scholars interested in the subject. Frederick II. Arabic into Latin in the Middle The opening paper (“King Ages is a collection of nine long Ptolemy and Alchandreus the papers previously published Philosopher”) deals with the between 1990 and 2002, followed European diffusion of the Latin by a detailed Addenda et Corri- texts of the “early collection” on the genda and indexes of manuscripts astrolabe and other astronomical and names. The order in which the instruments, based on Arabic articles are printed follows the sources of some kind, which seems chronology of the topics dealt with, to have been compiled in Catalonia beginning towards the end of the towards the end of the 10th c. In tenth century and ending in the first 1931 Millàs Vallicrosa proposed half of the thirteenth. The series of that Gerbert of Aurillac (ca. 950 nine papers closely follow the great 1003), the future Pope Sylvester II, steps in the history of the was the main transmitter of the translations from Arabic into Latin corpus. Burnett tends, instead, to and, thus, represent an analysis of emphasize the importance of the crucial problems at each one of the monasteries near Orléans (St. different stages. In five of these Benoît of Fleury and St. Mesmin of 240 Reviews
Micy), as well as of the cathedral of cibis, Hippocrates’s Airs, Waters Chartres, in the transmission of and Places and pseudo Galen’s De these texts. The collection probably spermate ) which are Grecizing reached Fleury very early, when translations of Arabic texts, similar Abbo was the abbot of the monas to those of Constantine the African, tery (988 1004) and Constantine of although they do not appear in the Fleury was studying there. It was lists of translations made by the later transmitted to Micy, probably latter author. As a conclusion he by Constantine himself, who was states that, in the 11th c., there were dean of St. Mesmin (988 996) and translations from Arabic into Latin abbot of the same monastery (1011 related to natural science which 1020). Constantine had connections must have begun before the arrival with Gerbert of Aurillac and asked of Constantine in Salerno, coming Ascelin of Augsburg for an from Qayraw×n, ca. 1077. In the explanation of the construction of appendix (pp. 81 109) Burnett edits the astrolabe. The result was and translates De elementis, De Ascelin’s Compositio astrolabii metallis and De cibis. which Burnett edits, translates and The story continues in the British comments in an appendix (pp. 343 Isles as well as in several places in 358). Ascelin was, probably, the the Mediterranean in the first half of master of Bern de Prün who later the 12 th c. with a most illuminating became abbot of the monastery of analysis of the mysterious figure of Reichenau (ca. 978 1048) and the Adelard of Bath. (III “Adelard of teacher of Hermann Contractus Bath and the Arabs”), one of the (1013 1054), the author of a treatise most important translators of the on the construction of the astrolabe period and one of the very few who as well as of other texts related to never went to the Iberian Peninsula, the early collection. As a in spite of the fact that his scientific consequence, Burnett establishes a translations show clearly that he is possible chain of transmission from using Andalusian materials. He Fleury to Micy, as well as, later, to probably learnt Arabic in Syracuse Reichenau. To this he adds that two and Burnett suggests a stay in manuscripts of the collection seem Antioch (IV, pp. 2 4; V, pp. 228 to have been copied in Chartres, the 229 and Addenda, p. 4). There are exemplar of which derives from works of his written in elegant Latin Fleury via Micy and not based in Arabic sources ( De With the second paper (“Physics cura accipitrum, De eodem et before the Physics ”) Burnett moves diverso, Quaestiones naturales, an to southern Italy in the 11th century introduction to the abacus): they are through the study of the contents of dedicated to important persons, such two 12th century British manu as William, Bishop of Syracuse, in scripts which contain a series of the case of De eodem et diverso, and texts ( De elementis, De metallis, De they are intended for the education Reviews 241
of young noblemen and the might have been a mere Latinization members of bishops’ households. In of a previous translation made by one case (De opere astrolapsus ) we Petrus Alfonsi into some kind of have a work sharing the char common language. This would acteristics of the previous group, therefore be an early example of the dedicated to Henry, the king’s four hand translations which be nephew and the future King Henry came common slightly later. II, which is based on previous The fourth paper (“Antioch as a sources belonging to “the early link between Arabic and Latin collection” ( De utilitatibus astro- culture”) develops a new idea also labii, Geometria incerti auctoris ), studied in another paper published which had clearly reached the by Burnett in J.P. Hogendijk and British Isles by then. A third group A.I. Sabra (eds.), The Enterprise of of works is the most interesting for Science in Islam: New Perspectives , our purposes, because it contains a Cambridge, Ma., 2003, pp. 23 51: series of translations of Arabic the existence of a channel of mathematical and astronomical transmission of science between works: Euclid’s Elements , al Antioch and Pisa in the first half of Khw×rizm÷’s Z÷j , Abý Maþshar’s the twelfth century. I have already short introduction to astrology, a mentioned (paper III) Burnett’s series of astrological maxims hypothesis about Adelard of Bath’s attributed to Ptolemy, and the Liber possible stay in Antioch where he prestigiorum , an incomplete trans might have found the Arabic lation of Th×bit b. Qurra’s book on original of the Liber prestigiorum . the elaboration of talismans. These In this city, Adelard was a near works are clearly intended for contemporary of Stephen of Pisa Adelard’s students and they are who translated þAl÷ b. þAbb×s al written in a careless Latin and lack Majýs÷’s al-Kit×b al-Malak÷ (Re- dedications. The Arabic sources galis Dispositio ) and wrote the used are Andalusian in most of the Liber Mamonis , a summary of cases (al Khw×rizm÷’s z÷j , in the Ptolemaic astronomy, in which he version revised by Maslama al used an Arabic Latin translation of Majr÷Ð÷ is a clear example) and the first four books of the Almagest Adelard probably obtained them made in Antioch by a mysterious from Petrus Alfonsi, an Aragonese þAbd al Mas÷¬ of Winchester and Jew converted to Christianity in extant in a Dresden manuscript. 1106, who was working in Britain Both the Liber Mamonis and the in the first half of the 12th c. and Dresden Almagest use a Latin was the author of a clumsy alphanumerical notation and Hindu adaptation of al Khw×rizm÷’s z÷j to Arabic numerals in their oriental the Christian solar calendar. Most form (see Appendix II, pp. 61 66). interestingly, Burnett suggests that These Eastern numerals were also this group of Adelard’s translations used by Abraham b. þEzra who 242 Reviews
seems to be another important link which a complete translation was in this chain of transmission: he not made by John ( De imaginibus only compiled the Tabule Pisane , magicis , see the edition and based on a lost z÷j by þAbd al translation of the preface in V, pp. Ra¬m×n al ¼ýf÷ which, apparently, 252 255): according to Burnett, this never reached the Iberian Peninsula, means that he came from outside the but he also mentions in his Iberian Peninsula and that he Fundamenta Tabularum a series of probably stayed in Seville: this Eastern Arabic astronomical sources contradicts the fact that several entirely unknown in al Andalus. manuscripts call him “episcopus” Appendix I contains critical editions and that the archbishop Rodrigo and translations of several prefaces Jiménez de Rada mentions a certain of Stephen’s works. John, bishop of Seville, who fled With papers V (“Magister Johan from Seville in 1148 when the nes Hispalensis et Limiensis” and Almohads subjugated the city. John QusÐ× ibn Lýq×’s De differentia of Seville stayed in Limia (Portugal) spiritus et animae ”) and VI (“John where he served Queen Tarasia/ of Seville and John of Spain. A mise Teresa (r. 1112 1128) to whom he au point ”) Burnett brings us back to dedicated his short version of the the Iberian Peninsula and poses the Secret of Secrets (edition and problem of the identification of one translation of the preface in V, pp. or several translators called John of 255 258) . Probably before 1143 he Seville [and Limia], John of Spain dedicated his translation of QusÐ× b. and John David of Toledo. Since the Lýq×’s De differentia spiritus et publication, in 1954, of a famous animae to archbishop Raymond of paper by Marie Thérèse d’Alverny, Toledo (1125 1152) . Although there it has been clear that John of Seville is no evidence that he ever stayed in is not the Jewish translator called Toledo, it is clear that this work was Avendauth, but we still have the known in the city and used by problem of establishing whether Dominicus Gundissalinus and Johannes Hispalensis et Limiensis is Avendauth in their translation of Ibn also the person called Johannes S÷n×’s De anima and (outside Hispalensis, without any reference Toledo) by Hermann of Carinthia in to Limia (Portugal). In paper V De essentiis (see V, pp. 259 267). (published in 1995), Burnett does Other works that bear the not adopt a clear position, but in subscription “et Limiensis” or paper VI (2001) he favours this indicate that they were translated identification. Johannes Hispalensis “in Limia” are al Fargh×n÷’s Liber [et Limiensis] travelled into “His in scientia astrorum (dated in 1135), panae partes” in search of Th×bit b. M×sh×’all×h De rebus eclipsium and Qurra’s book on magical images, þUmar b. Farrukh×n’s Liber partially translated by Adelard of universus . Bath in his Liber prestigiorum, of Reviews 243
All the aforementioned inform activity later (ca. 1145 1160) to the ation seems to locate the activity of compilation of original works. He the translator called Johannes could, in that case, be identified Hispalensis [et Limiensis] ca. 1120 with the Johannes Astronomicus 1135. He never mentions a mentioned (without dates) in the collaborator, which implies that he obituary of the Cathedral of Toledo. was fluent in Arabic, and only on The adjective Hispanus (most one occasion is he called “magis unusual for somebody who lived in ter”. As regards Johannes Hispa Spain) could be the result of lensis, without any reference to copyists’ errors given the fact that Limia, Burnett establishes that he some twenty manuscripts of al translated two important astrolo Qab÷½÷’s Introductorius replace gical works (al Qab÷½÷’s Liber Hispalensis by Hispaniensis . He introductorius and Abý Maþshar’s could also be identified with the De magnis coniunctionibus ) as well John David of Toledo to whom both as other less significant ones Plato of Tivoli (fl. 1132 1146) and (M×sh×’all×h’s De interrogatio- Rudolph of Bruges, a disciple of nibus , Abý Maþshar’s Liber experi- Hermann of Carinthia, dedicated mentorum and Flores astrologiae books on the use of the astrolabe. and a text on the construction of the There is, however, another astrolabe). possibility raised by the obvious Johannes Hispanus seems to be a connections between Johannes different case and Burnett does not Hispanus and Dominicus Gundis reach any clear conclusion regard salinus: he could have been the ing his identification with Johannes Johannes who replaced Gundissa Hispalensis [et Limiensis]. First of linus as archdeacon of Cuéllar in all he is frequently called “magis 1193 and died in 1215. In that case, ter” and, at least on one occasion, he for chronological reasons, he could worked together with Dominicus not be the same Johannes Hispa Gundissalinus (fl. 1162 1181) with lensis et Limiensis. whom most of his extant works Paper VII (“The Coherence of have a certain connection. His the Arabic Latin Translation catalogue is composed by seven Program in Toledo in the Twelfth works, some of which are original: Century”) takes us to Toledo which they include the Liber Algorismi, De becomes the main centre of differentiis tabularum and, possibly, translation from ca. 1150, although the Liber Mahamelet. They seem to we have the earlier (ca. 1130) have been written ca. 1145 1160 dedication of John of Seville’s and it is possible, therefore, to translation of De differentia to consider that the two Johns are the Archbishop Raymond. Burnett same person who worked as a underlines the connections of translator in an early stage or his life several translators (Gerard of (ca. 1120 1135) dedicating his main Cremona, Gundissalinus, Mark of 244 Reviews
Toledo and Michael Scott) with the translated is probably the result of Cathedral of which they became his following al F×r×b÷’s Classi- canons or where they had other fication of the Sciences (translated kinds of jobs. This was probably the by Gerard) and that it comprises a way in which the archbishops selection of works related to three of exerted their patronage of trans the seven liberal arts (Dialectics, lations. In fact such a connection Geometry, Astronomy) to which he with the church seems to be a adds Natural Philosophy and constant in the history of Spanish Medicine. One of the apparent translations from the late 10 th c. anomalies of the list is that it lacks onwards, when we see Lupitus references to Astrology, in spite of Barchinonensis/ Seniofredus as the fact that it contains translations archdeacon of the Cathedral of of works on other kinds of Barcelona; during the first half of divination. This can be justified by the 12 th c. Hugh of Sanctalla worked the existence of an important corpus for Michael, bishop of Tarazona, of astrological translations made by and I have always wondered John of Seville and by the fact that, whether the other translators according to Richard Lemay and working in the Ebro valley (Her Burnett himself, Gerard probably mann of Carinthia, Robert of revised John’s translations of Abý Ketton) also had some kind of Maþshar’s Great Introduction and connection with the same bishop. In Great Conjunctions. It is also inte Toledo, the relation to the Cathedral resting to see, mainly in relation to remained until the second half of the the transmission of Aristotle, that 13 th c. in which we have the be Gerard is particularly concerned ginning of royal patronage with with Greek works and their Arabic Alfonso X. commentaries, which suggest a Burnett analyses the Toledan different point of view from that of program of translations in relation Dominicus Gundissalinus who to the works of Gerard of Cremona, translates the works of Ibn S÷n× and clearly documented in the seems to be attracted by the mixture Commemoratio librorum , which of Aristotelian and Neoplatonic contains a list of 71 works translated elements in Arabic Philosophy. by Gerard and compiled by his With papers VIII (“Michael Scott socii ; in Appendix I (pp. 273 287) and the transmission of scientific Burnett gives a critical edition and culture”) and IX (“Master Theodor, annotated translation of this list, Frederick II’s philosopher”) we together with the Vita and the again move to a different location, Eulogium . It seems clear that this in the 13 th c.: that of the Sicily of program was determined by the Frederick II Hohenstaufen (1194 requirements of the new European 1250) in which we find two universities and Burnett shows that important characters who represent Gerard’s choice of the works to be two different kinds of input. On the Reviews 245
one side we have the figure of represents the introduction in Sicily Michael Scott, who represents the of new Eastern Arabic scientific connection between Toledo and materials. The Syriac bishop Barhe Sicily. He probably arrived in braeus gives information on his life Toledo ca. 1200 and became the in his Mukhta½ar ta’r÷kh al-duwal : successor to Gundissalinus, Gerard Theodor was the disciple of Kam×l of Cremona and John of Seville, al D÷n ibn Yýnus in Mosul and, completing his translation of al later, studied Medicine in Baghdad. BiÐrýj÷’s De motibus caelorum in He lived in Armenia and, at least 1217 and Aristotle’s De animalibus from 1238 onwards he was in Sicily in 1220. We know that, in 1215, he in the service of Frederick II. accompanied Archbishop Rodrigo Burnett remarks that Sicily was a Jiménez de Rada to Rome for the 4 th centre in which works of Aristotle, Lateran Council but he probably Ibn S÷n× and Ibn Rushd were being returned to Toledo. In 1220 he translated from Arabic into Latin moved definitiveely to Italy where and Hebrew. Theodor had an active he stayed in Rome, Bologna and part in this program and translated Pisa and, finally, became the the Moamin , a book on falconry, astrologer of Frederick II in and, probably, another book on the Palermo. In this second stage of his same subject entitled Ghatrif , as life he wrote original works: the well as the Proemium of Ibn Liber quatuor distinctionum and the Rushd’s long commentary on Liber particularis (probably written Aristotle’s Physics . In two append in Palermo). Both books present ixes (pp. 255 285) Burnett repro many parallels with the works of duces passages related to Theodor Bartholomew of Parma which raises in edited Latin and Arabic sources the question of the intervention of and edits and translates his letters to this latter author in the final Pier della Vigna, a letter of regimen recension of these works. In any for Frederick II, and the short and case it is clear that the sources used long prologues to the Moamin. by Michael Scott for the compi lation of his original books are Julio Samsó Toledan translations. In an appendix (pp. 121 126) Burnett edits a series of quotations from the third Julio Samsó, Astronomy and distinctio of the Liber quatuor Astrology in al-Andalus and the distinctionum with identification of Maghrib. Variorum Collected its sources. Studies Series CS887. Aldershot In the last paper (IX) of the book &c.: Variorum, 2007. XIV + 366 Burnett studies the figure of pp. Theodor, the Emperor’s philoso pher, identified with Theodor of This collection of papers by Julio Antioch, a Jacobite Christian, who Samsó is a sequel to the volume